AfD
Alternative for Germany (German: Alternative für Deutschland, abbreviated AfD) is a right-wing populist political party in Germany founded on 6 February 2013 by economists including Bernd Lucke to oppose eurozone bailouts and advocate ordoliberal economic reforms alongside Euroscepticism.[1][2] The party gained prominence after shifting focus under leaders like Frauke Petry to criticize unrestricted immigration, the cultural impacts of Islam in Europe, and expansive EU powers, positioning itself as an alternative to the established parties on issues of national sovereignty and border control.[2][3] Co-chaired since 2022 by economist Alice Weidel and entrepreneur Tino Chrupalla, AfD achieved its first major electoral breakthrough in the 2017 federal election with 12.6% of the vote, entering the Bundestag as the third-largest party and the first new entrant since German reunification.[4] Its support surged amid public concerns over the 2015 migrant influx and subsequent policy failures, leading to state-level victories such as first place in Thuringia in 2024—the first by a party classified as right-wing since World War II—and a national high of 20.8% in the February 2025 federal election, securing second place behind the CDU/CSU and reshaping the political landscape by doubling its prior vote share.[5][6][7] While mainstream institutions have labeled AfD and its wings as suspected right-wing extremist by bodies like the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (BfV), subordinate to the Federal Ministry of the Interior,[8] the party attributes such designations to efforts to marginalize dissent on empirical issues like unsustainable migration levels and economic burdens from green energy mandates, maintaining broad voter appeal evidenced by consistent polling above 15-20% in recent years.[9][5] AfD opposes what it terms "woke" ideologies, favoring traditional family structures, reduced welfare for non-citizens, and policies like remigration to prioritize German citizens, though internal factions and public statements have sparked debates over consistency between its parliamentary moderation and regional radicalism.[3][10]History
Founding and early euroscepticism (2013–2015)
The Alternative for Germany (AfD) was established on 6 February 2013 in Berlin by a group of economists, journalists, and former conservatives, including Bernd Lucke as the initial leader, Konrad Adam as co-founder and press spokesman, and Alexander Gauland as a key organizer, primarily as a reaction to the Eurozone crisis, European Central Bank bailouts of indebted southern European states, and perceived violations of fiscal discipline under Chancellor Angela Merkel's policies.[11][12] The founders, drawing from ordoliberal traditions emphasizing sound money and rule-based economics, positioned the party as an economically liberal alternative to the established parties' support for euro rescues, which they argued imposed undue burdens on German taxpayers without addressing underlying structural flaws in the monetary union.[13] The party's founding manifesto called for the "orderly dissolution" of the euro and a return to competitively strong national currencies for Germany—a stance effectively advocating a German exit from the eurozone (Dexit)—while rejecting further bailouts, transfer unions, or fiscal equalization within the EU that deviated from strict liability principles.[14] This platform critiqued Merkel's incremental approach to the crisis as politically expedient but economically reckless, favoring instead market-driven reforms and opposition to the ECB's expansive monetary policies.[11] In its debut federal election on 22 September 2013, the AfD garnered 4.7% of the second votes nationwide, narrowly missing the 5% threshold for Bundestag seats but signaling initial appeal among voters frustrated with mainstream consensus on European integration.[15] Momentum built in the May 2014 European Parliament election, where the party achieved 7.0% of the vote, securing seven MEPs and establishing itself as a voice for euroscepticism in Brussels.[16] Breakthroughs followed in eastern state elections that year: 9.7% in Saxony (August), 10.6% in Thuringia (September), and 9.7% in Brandenburg (September), earning parliamentary representation for the first time and highlighting stronger resonance in regions skeptical of EU-driven economic transfers.[17] Early membership, numbering around 16,000 by mid-2014, predominantly comprised academics, professionals, and conservative defectors from the CDU/CSU, drawn by the party's focus on fiscal conservatism and rejection of what they saw as the Christian Democrats' abandonment of ordoliberal roots in favor of euro preservation at any cost. This base reflected disillusionment with the grand coalition's handling of the debt crisis, positioning the AfD as a moderate, policy-driven protest against EU overreach rather than broader ideological radicalism.[18]Pivot to immigration and radicalization (2015–2017)
The 2015 European migrant crisis, which saw over 1 million asylum seekers enter Germany primarily from Syria, Afghanistan, and Iraq, catalyzed the AfD's transformation from a primarily eurosceptic platform to one emphasizing opposition to mass immigration. Chancellor Angela Merkel's August 31, 2015, statement "Wir schaffen das," endorsing an open-border approach to manage the influx, drew sharp AfD condemnation as fiscally reckless and culturally threatening, aligning with the party's growing critique of multiculturalism.[19][20] This policy, coupled with public concerns over integration, propelled AfD membership from 100,000 in early 2015 to over 200,000 by year's end, as the party capitalized on voter dissatisfaction with established parties.[21] The mass sexual assaults in Cologne and other cities on New Year's Eve 2015–2016, involving around 1,200 reported attacks mostly by migrants from North Africa and the Arab world, intensified the AfD's focus on crime linked to asylum seekers and failures in Merkel's welcoming policy.[22][23] AfD leaders, including Frauke Petry, highlighted these events as evidence of incompatible cultural values, boosting the party's poll numbers from under 5% in mid-2015 to double digits by early 2016. Internally, this fueled a purge of moderates: at the July 4–5, 2015, Bremen congress, founder Bernd Lucke was defeated for leadership by Petry, who advocated broader nationalist appeals, prompting Lucke's July 8 resignation over the party's "xenophobic" drift toward immigration restrictionism.[24][25] Nationalist figures like Björn Höcke, leader of the AfD's Thuringian branch and co-founder of the right-wing "Flügel" faction in 2015, rose prominently, drawing on "New Right" intellectual currents to promote völkisch ethno-nationalism—emphasizing German cultural homogeneity—and sharp Islam critiques, including calls to view Islam as incompatible with German identity.[26] Höcke's rhetoric, such as questioning Holocaust memorials' prominence, attracted sympathizers from movements like PEGIDA, whose anti-Islam protests since 2014 overlapped with AfD events, leading to cross-support and PEGIDA voters bolstering AfD ranks by 2016–2017.[27] At the April 30–May 1, 2016, Stuttgart congress, the party formalized its anti-Islam platform, advocating bans on minarets, burqas, and full veils while sidelining or expelling moderates amid internal clashes, including a July 2016 rift over antisemitism allegations that ultimately strengthened the nationalist wing.[21][28] This pivot yielded electoral validation in the September 24, 2017, federal election, where the AfD captured 12.6% of the second votes—over 5.8 million—and 94 seats, securing third place behind the CDU/CSU and SPD, marking its Bundestag debut and reflecting the migrant crisis's enduring polarization.[29] The result stemmed directly from the party's immigration-focused campaign, which resonated in eastern states where support exceeded 20%, underscoring the radicalization's appeal amid perceived mainstream denial of crisis-related risks.[30]Federal breakthrough and state gains (2017–2021)
In the federal election held on 24 September 2017, the AfD secured 12.6% of the second votes, translating to 94 seats in the Bundestag and establishing it as the third-largest parliamentary group for the first time since the party's founding.[31][32] This outcome reflected widespread dissatisfaction with Chancellor Angela Merkel's handling of the 2015 migrant influx, propelling the AfD into the role of principal opposition to the CDU/CSU-SPD grand coalition.[33] As the largest opposition faction, AfD parliamentarians formed a shadow cabinet to parallel government structures and mounted vigorous critiques of migration policies, repeatedly proposing amendments for enhanced border security, asylum restrictions, and deportations while voting against coalition-backed integration measures.[34] Their interventions highlighted fiscal burdens and security risks associated with ongoing inflows, influencing public discourse even as mainstream parties upheld a cordon sanitaire excluding AfD from coalitions. State-level elections reinforced AfD's momentum, with the party entering the Lower Saxony Landtag in October 2017 at 6.2% and achieving 10.2% in Bavaria's October 2018 contest, thereby gaining representation across all 16 federal states for the first time.[35] In eastern Germany, where economic disparities and cultural grievances amplified appeal, AfD dominated polls, capturing 27.5% in Saxony's September 2019 election to become the second-strongest force behind the CDU.[36][37] The party's eurosceptic stance yielded 10.4% in the May 2019 European Parliament election, earning 11 seats amid internal tensions between advocates for EU renegotiation and those favoring a potential "Dexit."[38] AfD MEPs joined the Identity and Democracy group, prioritizing national sovereignty over deeper integration.[39] AfD's opposition to COVID-19 restrictions, framing them as overreach infringing on civil liberties, sustained and localized support gains in rural eastern constituencies skeptical of Berlin's centralized response.[34][40] This positioning helped preserve eastern strongholds, where the party polled over 20% in states like Saxony and Thuringia.[41] Nationally, the September 2021 federal election saw AfD at 10.3%, a slight decline but sufficient to retain opposition status, with disproportionate eastern backing underscoring persistent regional divides in voter priorities on immigration and governance.[42][41]Post-2021 consolidation and 2025 developments
Following the 2021 federal election, where the Alternative for Germany (AfD) secured 10.3% of the vote, the party consolidated its position through gains in eastern state elections amid public discontent over rising energy costs, inflation peaking at 8.7% in 2022, and skepticism toward Germany's unconditional support for Ukraine, including sanctions that exacerbated energy price surges of up to 35% post-2022 invasion.[43][44] AfD campaigned on reinstating nuclear power, easing sanctions to lower energy bills, and prioritizing domestic economic relief over foreign aid, resonating in regions hit hardest by deindustrialization and welfare strains from migration.[45] In state elections from 2021 to 2024, AfD achieved breakthroughs in eastern Germany, including 16% in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern (2021), and topping polls in Thuringia with 32.8% on September 1, 2024—the first time a party classified as right-wing extremist won a state vote since World War II—while securing 30.6% in Saxony the same day, narrowly behind the CDU.[46][47] These results were driven by voter concerns over migration-related costs, with non-citizens comprising nearly half of welfare recipients (47.3%) and welfare expenditures rising to €46.9 billion in 2024, up €4 billion year-over-year, alongside BKA data showing non-Germans (about 14% of the population) accounting for 41.3% of suspects in 2023 crimes.[48][49][50] In 2025, AfD faced intensified scrutiny when the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (BfV) designated the party as a "confirmed right-wing extremist" organization on May 2, enabling expanded surveillance; AfD contested this as politically motivated, filing lawsuits and arguing it aimed to suppress democratic opposition amid the party's polling surge to second place nationally (around 20.8% in February federal results, climbing to 27% by mid-October per INSA surveys).[51][52][53] Local-level advances included AfD's Wilko Möller reaching the October 12 run-off for mayor of Frankfurt an der Oder, leading the first round on September 21 but ultimately losing to independent Axel Strasser, marking a near-miss for AfD's first major city mayoralty.[54] CDU leader and Chancellor Friedrich Merz reaffirmed on October 20 that his party would maintain the "firewall" against AfD coalitions, despite the latter's rising support fueled by persistent migration pressures, including BKA-reported overrepresentation of non-citizens in violent crimes (e.g., 34.4% of solved cases excluding immigration offenses in 2023).[55][56] This stance, while upholding establishment norms, has isolated AfD from governance despite its empirical appeal on issues like welfare burdens exceeding €20 billion annually for non-citizen unemployment benefits alone.[57]Political Positions
Economic and fiscal policies
The Alternative for Germany (AfD) maintains economic policies emphasizing fiscal conservatism, drawing from ordoliberal principles of market competition and sound money, while critiquing expansive welfare states and interventionist measures. The party advocates strict adherence to Germany's constitutional debt brake, which caps structural deficits at 0.35% of GDP, opposing reforms that would loosen these limits to prevent unchecked borrowing and maintain long-term budgetary stability.[58][59] AfD leaders, including co-chair Alice Weidel, have criticized attempts to amend the rule, arguing it safeguards against inflationary spending seen in past stimuli that yielded minimal GDP growth relative to costs.[60] On energy policy, AfD calls for reviving nuclear power and abandoning the Energiewende, the government's transition to renewables, which it deems economically ruinous due to subsidies exceeding €160 billion in recent years without proportional benefits in energy security or emissions reductions, as highlighted in federal audits revealing opaque cost tracking and overestimations of renewable viability.[61][62] The party rejects the EU Green Deal, positing it accelerates deindustrialization by imposing burdensome regulations that raise energy costs and erode competitiveness, particularly for manufacturing sectors reliant on affordable power.[63] AfD proposes tax reductions targeted at small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), including lower income and corporate rates to bolster investment and job creation, contrasting with broader welfare expansions that it claims stifle entrepreneurship.[64] It opposes hikes to the statutory minimum wage, arguing such increases—opposed in past rises to €12 per hour—distort labor markets, reduce employment flexibility, and disproportionately burden low-productivity sectors without commensurate productivity gains.[65] Deregulation forms a core plank, with calls to slash bureaucratic hurdles in permitting and compliance to enhance economic dynamism, echoing early party platforms favoring reduced state interference in favor of private initiative.[66] Regarding EU fiscal integration, AfD highlights Germany's status as the largest net contributor, with net payments of approximately €17.4 billion in 2023 and €18 billion projected for 2024, advocating reduced transfers to recipient states on grounds that they subsidize inefficiencies without reciprocal reforms, potentially exacerbating domestic fiscal strains.[67][68] These positions position AfD against left-leaning parties' deficit-financed programs, which empirical analyses link to subdued growth amid rising public debt ratios.[69]Immigration, asylum, and national identity
The Alternative for Germany (AfD) advocates for stringent border controls, including the construction of physical barriers and the immediate rejection of asylum claims at the frontier, which aligns with Article 16a(2) of the German Basic Law precluding invocation of asylum rights by those entering from safe third countries, including all of Germany's neighboring states designated as such, positioning mass uncontrolled immigration as a threat to public safety and social cohesion.[70][71] The party proposes annual caps on asylum grants, expanded lists of safe countries of origin to expedite returns, and the abolition of family reunification for refugees, arguing these measures would prevent overburdening of Germany's welfare system and infrastructure.[72] AfD leaders, such as co-chair Alice Weidel, have endorsed "remigration" policies entailing the systematic deportation of rejected asylum seekers, criminal migrants, and those deemed unintegrated, framing this as a pragmatic reversal of failed multiculturalism rather than ethnic targeting.[73] AfD's critique of the 2015 migrant influx centers on Chancellor Angela Merkel's open-border decision, which facilitated approximately 1.1 million arrivals that year alone, predominantly from Syria, Afghanistan, and Iraq, straining administrative capacities and triggering a political realignment toward nativism.[74] Party analysis links this surge to elevated crime rates, citing Federal Criminal Police Office (BKA) data showing a 79% rise in offenses committed by refugees from 2014 to 2015, including disproportionate involvement in violent crimes and sexual assaults relative to population share.[75] Empirical studies corroborate lagged effects, with refugee inflows associated with increased property and violent crimes one year post-arrival, attributed to socioeconomic factors like youth demographics and employment barriers rather than inherent traits.[76] On welfare impacts, AfD highlights how non-citizens, comprising about 12% of Germany's population, account for nearly half (47.4%) of Bürgergeld recipients, with expenditures reaching €22.2 billion in 2023, underscoring fiscal unsustainability and incentives for economic migration over genuine persecution cases.[49] The party points to "parallel societies" in urban areas like Berlin's Neukölln district, where high concentrations of migrants from culturally distant backgrounds foster enclaves with limited German language proficiency and adherence to host norms, evidenced by persistent segregation in schooling and employment data.[48] Central to AfD's national identity framework is the concept of Leitkultur (leading culture), which mandates assimilation into core German values such as secularism, rule of law, and Judeo-Christian heritage, explicitly deeming political Islam incompatible due to doctrinal conflicts with gender equality and individual freedoms.[77] AfD rejects multiculturalism as diluting national cohesion, advocating instead for selective immigration favoring skilled, culturally proximate applicants who demonstrate commitment to Leitkultur, drawing on historical models of successful integration like post-WWII ethnic German resettlers.[78] In response to accusations of xenophobia from mainstream outlets and academics—often critiqued by AfD as institutionally biased toward open-border ideologies—the party maintains its platform rests on verifiable integration failures, prioritizing causal evidence of policy outcomes over ideological narratives.[79]European Union and foreign policy
The Alternative for Germany (AfD) has evolved from initial euroscepticism focused on opposing the eurozone's structure to advocating fundamental reforms or dissolution of the European Union to restore national sovereignty. In its 2017 basic program, the party called for transforming the EU into a loose economic confederation of sovereign nation-states, emphasizing shared economic interests over political integration.[80] By late 2024, AfD's draft election manifesto proposed a "Dexit" referendum modeled on Brexit, seeking Germany's exit from the EU and eurozone unless radical treaty changes devolved powers like foreign policy, border control, and fiscal authority back to member states.[81] The party conditions any euro retention on such reforms, arguing that the current EU's supranationalism undermines democratic accountability and German interests, though critics from centrist parties contend this risks economic isolation without viable alternatives.[82] On Russia and Ukraine, AfD maintains a policy of diplomatic engagement and opposition to escalation, criticizing Western sanctions for harming German energy security and industry. The party has consistently supported repairing and reactivating the Nord Stream pipelines, viewing their sabotage in September 2022 as a pretext for decoupling from affordable Russian gas supplies.[83] In February 2025, AfD leaders reiterated calls for immediate lifting of economic sanctions against Russia to restore trade, arguing they exacerbate inflation and deindustrialization in Germany without compelling Moscow to withdraw from Ukraine.[84] AfD opposes indefinite military aid to Kyiv, favoring negotiated peace over NATO proxy conflict, a stance party figures frame as realist avoidance of nuclear risks and neoconservative overreach; left-leaning and mainstream outlets, however, accuse it of pro-Putin alignment that echoes Kremlin narratives.[85][86] Regarding NATO and broader alliances, AfD affirms Germany's alliance membership but advocates reducing troop commitments abroad to prioritize domestic defense, opposing what it terms wasteful interventions. The party critiques NATO expansion as provocative toward Russia and resists full decoupling from China, favoring pragmatic trade ties over ideological containment to protect German exports and supply chains.[87] This reflects AfD's broader rejection of globalist multilateralism in favor of bilateral realism, though establishment analyses portray it as isolationist affinity for authoritarian models.[88]Social, cultural, and environmental stances
The Alternative for Germany (AfD) advocates for the traditional nuclear family as the foundational unit of society, emphasizing policies that prioritize child-rearing within marriage and oppose state interventions that undermine parental authority. In its 2021 election program, the party pledges to strengthen families through tax incentives for married couples and increased support for homemakers, while criticizing government initiatives that favor non-traditional models or "ideological family experiments."[89] The AfD has consistently rejected expansions of gender ideology in education, arguing against the introduction of topics like sexual orientation and gender fluidity in school curricula, which it views as indoctrination rather than neutral instruction. Party statements, such as those from Beatrix von Storch, denounce federal queer policies as promoting acceptance of lifestyles at odds with biological norms and traditional values.[90] On reproductive issues, the AfD opposes further liberalization of abortion laws, maintaining that life begins at conception and advocating for protections beyond the current 12-week limit in cases of medical necessity. It has criticized coalition governments for easing restrictions, positioning itself against what it describes as a devaluation of family-oriented demographics amid declining birth rates, with proposals to integrate family policy more closely with efforts to boost native population growth.[91] Culturally, the AfD promotes the preservation of German Leitkultur—a dominant national culture rooted in Christian-Western heritage, language, and customs—explicitly rejecting multiculturalism as a failed policy that erodes social cohesion. The party argues that integration requires assimilation into core German values, not parallel societies, and has campaigned against initiatives perceived as diluting national identity through excessive diversity promotion.[92] Regarding free speech, the AfD defends broader expression rights, criticizing Germany's strict hate speech laws (such as NetzDG) for enabling censorship and selective enforcement that disproportionately targets conservative viewpoints while shielding insults against Germans. It has proposed reforms to balance protections against incitement with safeguards for political dissent, highlighting cases where party members faced prosecution for statements deemed offensive by authorities.[93] In environmental policy, the AfD expresses skepticism toward dominant narratives of anthropogenic climate change, acknowledging natural variability while questioning the extent of human causation as overstated in IPCC assessments that include acknowledged uncertainties in modeling long-term projections. The party prioritizes cost-benefit analyses, arguing that aggressive net-zero targets, such as those aligned with the 1.5°C Paris goal, could impose GDP losses of 2-3% or more through deindustrialization and energy price hikes, favoring adaptation strategies and technological innovation over emission cuts that harm competitiveness.[94] It calls for scrapping the "Energiewende" renewable push, retaining nuclear and coal capacities, and rejecting wind farm expansions as inefficient and landscape-destroying, a stance that has drawn accusations of denialism from mainstream outlets but aligns with critiques of green policies' disproportionate burden on lower-income households.[95] This approach has resonated in debates challenging orthodoxy, as evidenced by AfD gains in regions affected by energy costs, though critics from environmental NGOs label it obstructive to global efforts.[96]Organization and Leadership
Party structure and membership
The Alternative for Germany (AfD) is organized as a federal party with a national executive board (Bundesvorstand) overseeing strategy and coordination, alongside 16 autonomous state associations (Landesverbände) that manage regional operations, including tailored campaign efforts and candidate selection. This decentralized model allows state branches substantial independence in responding to local issues, reflecting Germany's federalist tradition while maintaining party unity through binding federal guidelines on core platforms.[97][98] Key decisions on policy platforms, program amendments, and federal leadership are determined at biennial or special federal party congresses (Bundesparteitage), where delegates elected by state and district levels vote democratically, often emphasizing grassroots input over top-down directives. The party's youth engagement previously centered on the Junge Alternative (JA), an affiliated organization for members under 35, which promoted ideological training and activism but was dissolved on March 31, 2025, following its classification as confirmed right-wing extremist by federal intelligence; a new youth structure, potentially named "Generation Deutschland," is under development to integrate younger members more directly into the party apparatus.[99][100][101] Membership reached approximately 40,000 by mid-2024, reflecting a 60% increase since January 2023 amid electoral gains, though the profile remains skewed male—mirroring broader voter sympathies where men express higher support—and regionally concentrated in eastern states like Saxony and Thuringia, where socioeconomic grievances fuel recruitment. Funding relies on membership dues (around half of private revenue), substantial private donations such as a €1.5 million contribution in January 2025, and state allocations proportional to vote shares, which have grown to over one-third of total income despite isolation from coalition partnerships.[102][103][104][105][106]Current and past leadership
The Alternative for Germany (AfD) elects two federal chairpersons at its party congresses, a dual-leadership model intended to balance representation between western and eastern Germany while reflecting the party's ideological breadth.[107] This structure emerged prominently after the party's 2015 pivot, with co-chairs selected for terms typically lasting two years, subject to re-election.[108] The party originated in 2013 under Bernd Lucke, an economics professor and moderate euroskeptic who criticized the eurozone's bailouts and served as its inaugural federal spokesman until resigning in July 2015 amid internal disputes over the party's growing focus on immigration.[33] Alexander Gauland, a co-founder and former Christian Democratic Union member, then assumed the federal chairmanship in September 2017 following Frauke Petry's resignation after the federal election; Gauland, a jurist and publisher, steered the party toward national conservatism, emphasizing cultural preservation and critique of multiculturalism during his tenure until 2019, after which he became honorary chairman.[109] Jörg Meuthen, an economist and former co-chair from 2015 onward in various capacities, complemented Gauland by advocating market-oriented reforms but departed in January 2022, citing ideological divergences.[110] Since June 2022, Alice Weidel and Tino Chrupalla have served as co-chairs, re-elected in June 2024 for another term extending into 2026; Weidel, an economist with a doctorate in economics and experience in finance, has emphasized fiscal conservatism, debt reduction, and deregulation to broaden appeal among business-oriented voters, counterbalancing more nationalist voices within the party.[111][108] Chrupalla, a house painter from Saxony representing eastern Germany, focuses on regional grievances such as economic decline and depopulation, helping consolidate AfD support in former East German states.[112] Their leadership has maintained continuity through the 2025 federal election and subsequent challenges, including intensified scrutiny from security agencies.[113][51]| Period | Federal Chairpersons | Key Contributions |
|---|---|---|
| 2013–2015 | Bernd Lucke | Founded party as anti-euro platform; emphasized academic critique of EU monetary policy.[33] |
| 2015–2017 | Frauke Petry (with co-chairs) | Led shift toward immigration restriction; navigated early electoral gains but resigned post-2017.[109] |
| 2017–2019 | Alexander Gauland | Consolidated national conservative stance; oversaw Bundestag entry in 2017.[109] |
| 2019–2022 | Jörg Meuthen (with Gauland until 2019) | Promoted economic liberalism; exited amid party radicalization debates.[110] |
| 2022–present | Alice Weidel and Tino Chrupalla | Balanced economic appeals with eastern mobilization; sustained growth despite external pressures.[108][113] |
Internal factions and disputes
The Alternative for Germany (AfD) has experienced significant internal divisions between its more moderate, market-liberal elements—rooted in the party's origins as an economically oriented Eurosceptic group—and its dominant nationalist, ethno-cultural wing, which emphasizes immigration restriction and national identity preservation.[114] [115] Early tensions culminated in the 2015 departure of co-founder Bernd Lucke and his supporters, who criticized the party's shift toward anti-immigration nationalism under leaders like Frauke Petry and Björn Höcke, effectively purging moderate voices and solidifying the nationalist faction's control.[116] A key embodiment of the nationalist wing was Der Flügel ("The Wing"), an ultra-nationalist faction founded by Höcke in Thuringia around 2015, which by 2020 comprised approximately 7,000 members or 20% of the AfD's base and promoted völkisch ideology challenging Germany's constitutional consensus on human dignity.[117] Classified as a confirmed right-wing extremist entity by the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution (BfV) in March 2020, Der Flügel faced dissolution that same month as a strategic move by party leadership to mitigate surveillance risks and improve electability, though its ideas continued to influence the party's eastern branches.[118] [119] Subsequent purges targeted perceived extremists to balance ideological purity with broader appeal, including the 2020 expulsion of Brandenburg leader Andreas Kalbitz over ties to neo-Nazi groups and, in late 2024, proceedings against members linked to militant networks, reflecting ongoing BfV scrutiny of radical subgroups.[120] [121] These actions, however, strained relations with the party's hardline base, as moderates sought to distance from extremism while nationalists resisted dilution of core tenets.[122] By 2025, the BfV's May designation of the entire AfD as a right-wing extremist organization intensified factional disputes, with lawsuits filed against the label and internal debates over "remigration" rhetoric—advocating mass deportations—that risked alienating swing voters in favor of mobilizing the core nationalist electorate.[123] [124] Party efforts to enforce unity, such as expulsions and faction dissolutions, initially weakened the AfD through membership losses but ultimately consolidated a more ideologically coherent base, enhancing its resilience in eastern states despite legal pressures.[125]Electoral Performance
Federal and European elections
The Alternative for Germany (AfD) first contested the federal election on 26 September 2013, garnering 4.7% of the second votes but failing to surpass the 5% electoral threshold, resulting in no seats in the Bundestag. In the 24 September 2017 election, the party achieved a breakthrough with 12.6% of the vote, securing 94 seats and establishing itself as the third-largest parliamentary group. The 26 September 2021 contest saw a marginal decline to 10.3%, yielding 83 seats amid intensified scrutiny and internal divisions. AfD's performance exhibited marked regional disparities, consistently outperforming national averages in eastern states such as Saxony and Thuringia, where vote shares frequently exceeded 20-25% due to localized socioeconomic and demographic factors.[126] The party's electoral strategy emphasized opposition to open-border migration policies and federal government handling of the 2015-2016 migrant influx, drawing protest votes from former supporters of the CDU/CSU and Die Linke.[7] In the snap federal election of 23 February 2025, triggered by the collapse of the Scholz coalition, AfD doubled its 2021 share to 20.8%, positioning it as the second-largest party behind the CDU/CSU and marking its strongest national result to date.[127][6][128]| Federal Election | Date | Vote Share (%) | Seats Won |
|---|---|---|---|
| 2013 | 22 September | 4.7 | 0 |
| 2017 | 24 September | 12.6 | 94 |
| 2021 | 26 September | 10.3 | 83 |
| 2025 | 23 February | 20.8 | ~131 (proportional estimate) |
| European Election | Date | Vote Share (%) | Seats Won |
|---|---|---|---|
| 2014 | 25 May | 7.0 | 7 |
| 2019 | 26 May | 10.8 | 11 |
| 2024 | 9 June | 15.9 | 15 |
State and local elections
In the 2024 Thuringian state election held on September 1, AfD secured 32.8% of the vote, marking the first time a party classified as right-wing extremist by German intelligence won a state-level contest since World War II.[132] In the simultaneous Saxon state election, AfD achieved 30.6%, finishing second behind the CDU, with gains driven by dissatisfaction in rural and deindustrialized areas of former East Germany.[133] These results highlighted AfD's dominance in eastern states, where support exceeded 30% amid protests against federal migration policies and economic stagnation.[46] AfD's local election performance showed eastern strength persisting into 2025, as evidenced by competitive mayoral bids. In Frankfurt (Oder), Brandenburg, AfD candidate Wilko Möller led the first round on September 21, 2025, but lost the October 12 runoff to independent Axel Strasser, preventing AfD's first major city mayoral win.[54] Council seats rose across eastern municipalities, reflecting voter turnout favoring AfD in smaller towns over urban centers.[134] Western breakthroughs emerged in the September 14, 2025, North Rhine-Westphalia local elections, where AfD tripled its vote share to 16.5%, securing gains in industrial Ruhr cities like Duisburg, where councilors doubled from prior levels.[135] This growth, from under 5% in 2020 to over 15%, indicated expanding appeal in traditionally left-leaning areas hit by job losses, though AfD failed in mayoral runoffs amid cordon sanitaire tactics.[136] Rural districts showed higher AfD support linked to agricultural grievances, contrasting urban resistance bolstered by established parties.[137]| Election | Date | AfD Vote Share | Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| Thuringia State | Sep 1, 2024 | 32.8% | First place; rural east dominance[138] |
| Saxony State | Sep 1, 2024 | 30.6% | Second place; gains from 2019 baseline[47] |
| NRW Local (overall) | Sep 14, 2025 | 16.5% | Tripled prior share; Duisburg councilors doubled[139] |