Vicente Fox
Vicente Fox Quesada (born July 2, 1942) is a Mexican businessman and politician who served as the 62nd president of Mexico from December 1, 2000, to November 30, 2006.[1] Representing the center-right National Action Party (PAN), Fox's election ended the Institutional Revolutionary Party's (PRI) 71-year monopoly on the presidency, marking Mexico's transition to competitive democracy.[1][2] Fox began his professional career in 1964 with Coca-Cola de México as a route supervisor, advancing rapidly to become the company's president in Mexico from 1975 to 1979.[1][3] After leaving the company, he managed family agribusiness interests before entering politics with the PAN, serving as governor of Guanajuato from 1995 to 2000, where he prioritized administrative modernization and transparency.[1] His 2000 presidential campaign emphasized anti-corruption measures, economic liberalization, and democratic renewal, securing victory with 43 percent of the vote in an alliance with the Green Ecological Party.[1] During his presidency, Fox maintained macroeconomic stability, controlling inflation and interest rates while achieving Latin America's lowest unemployment rate.[2] He strengthened bilateral ties with the United States and pursued market-oriented policies, though major structural reforms in energy, labor, and taxation largely stalled due to a divided Congress dominated by PRI opposition.[1] His administration faced criticism for limited progress on eradicating entrenched corruption and addressing human rights issues, including indigenous autonomy and public security, with observers noting bold rhetoric often outpacing substantive change.[4] Post-presidency, Fox has advocated for democratic governance through the Vicente Fox Center for Studies and Leadership, while critiquing populist tendencies in Mexican politics.[1]Early Life and Education
Family Background and Upbringing
Vicente Fox Quesada was born on July 2, 1942, in Mexico City, as the second of nine children born to José Luis Fox Pont and Mercedes Quesada Etxaide.[3][5] His father, a businessman and landowner born in Irapuato, Guanajuato, managed family agricultural interests and was of German descent.[6] His mother, a Basque native born in San Sebastián, Spain, had immigrated to Mexico in her early years.[5][7] The Fox family owned substantial rural properties, including a 1,100-acre (445-hectare) ranch centered on livestock and crop production, which provided a stable, affluent environment reflective of Mexico's landowning class in the mid-20th century.[8] Following his birth in the capital, Fox relocated with his family during childhood to Rancho San Cristóbal in the municipality of San Francisco del Rincón, Guanajuato, where he was raised amid ranch operations and traditional agrarian life.[9] This setting instilled early exposure to business principles through family enterprises, though specific personal anecdotes from his youth remain limited in primary accounts.[3]Formal Education and Early Influences
Vicente Fox was born on July 2, 1942, in Mexico City, as the second of nine children born to José Luis Fox, a farmer of German-Mexican descent, and Mercedes Quesada, a Basque immigrant.[8][3] He spent his childhood on the family's 1,100-acre (445-hectare) ranch in Guanajuato state, specifically at Rancho San Cristóbal near San Francisco del Rincón, where he interacted closely with the children of local peasants.[8][3] This rural upbringing exposed Fox to stark socioeconomic contrasts, as he observed poverty among his playmates while benefiting from his family's relative privilege; he later reflected that the primary difference between himself and his childhood friends was "the opportunities I had and they did not," fostering an early awareness of inequality as "one of the evils that unnecessarily afflicted our country: poverty."[3] The ranch environment also instilled values of loyalty among ordinary people and an optimism about Mexico's potential, shaping his later emphasis on grassroots connections and national development.[3][10] Fox's formal education focused on business administration at the Jesuit-run Universidad Iberoamericana in Mexico City, where his provincial ranch background led him to feel like an outsider, describing his appearance as akin to that of a "ranchhand" amid more cosmopolitan classmates.[3] He earned a bachelor's degree from the institution in 1964.[8] Following graduation, Fox completed a diploma in upper management, instructed by professors from Harvard Business School.[3]Business Career
Executive Roles at Coca-Cola
Vicente Fox began his professional career with The Coca-Cola Company in Mexico in 1964, starting as a route supervisor responsible for driving a delivery truck and distributing products to remote areas of the country.[11][3] Over the subsequent years, he progressed through sales and marketing roles, developing expertise in corporate strategy, financial management, and operational optimization.[12][13] By 1975, Fox had risen to the position of president and chief executive officer of Coca-Cola Mexico, a role he held until 1979.[14][13] In this capacity, he directed national operations, implementing aggressive marketing and distribution strategies that expanded market penetration and solidified Coca-Cola's dominance over competitors such as PepsiCo, making it Mexico's top-selling soft drink brand.[11][15] Toward the end of his tenure, Fox also oversaw broader regional responsibilities for Coca-Cola's Latin American division, contributing to growth across multiple markets before resigning in 1979 to manage his family's agricultural and ranching enterprises in Guanajuato.[16][17] His 15-year stint at the company exemplified rapid advancement from entry-level fieldwork to executive leadership, during which annual sales volumes in Mexico reportedly increased substantially under his direction.[18][13]Other Entrepreneurial Ventures
Following his tenure as president of Coca-Cola Mexico from 1975 to 1979, Vicente Fox returned to Guanajuato to direct the family-owned Grupo Fox, a conglomerate engaged in agriculture, livestock, and agro-industrial activities.[3][9] The enterprise, rooted in the Fox family's ranching heritage on a 1,100-acre property, focused on export-oriented operations that generated employment in the region.[8][19] Grupo Fox's agricultural division pioneered exports of frozen broccoli and cauliflower to the United States, leveraging the family's farming expertise to tap international markets.[20] Concurrently, the group diversified into manufacturing, producing footwear and cowboy boots for shipment to Europe, which supported local job creation and contributed to Guanajuato's emergence as Mexico's fifth-largest economy during Fox's involvement.[9][19] Fox's oversight of these ventures emphasized efficiency and export growth, aligning with his prior corporate experience while sustaining the family's multi-generational business in livestock and related agro-industries until his full entry into politics in the late 1980s.[3][9] These activities underscored his entrepreneurial focus on rural development and international trade, predating his political career.[20]Entry into Politics
Affiliation with the National Action Party (PAN)
Vicente Fox entered Mexican politics in the late 1980s by affiliating with the National Action Party (PAN), a conservative opposition party founded in 1939 to challenge the Institutional Revolutionary Party's (PRI) long-standing dominance through advocacy for democratic reforms, free-market policies, and traditional values influenced by Catholic social teaching.[21] Motivated by Mexico's economic crises during the decade, including high inflation and debt under PRI rule, Fox sought an alternative to the one-party system, viewing PAN as a vehicle for principled change.[22] He joined PAN around 1988, encouraged by party leader Manuel Clouthier, who ran as its presidential candidate that year against PRI's Carlos Salinas de Gortari.[3] Upon joining, Fox rapidly assumed a prominent role, securing the PAN nomination for federal deputy in Guanajuato's Third District. He was elected to the Chamber of Deputies for the 1988–1991 term, representing a region with strong agricultural interests aligned with his business background.[1] In Congress, Fox focused on critiquing PRI electoral manipulations and pushing for transparent governance, contributing to PAN's strategy of building credibility through persistent opposition amid widespread fraud allegations in the 1988 presidential vote, where Clouthier claimed victory was stolen.[3] This early parliamentary service marked PAN's growing foothold in northern and central states like Guanajuato, where Fox helped organize local party structures and mobilize business communities against PRI cronyism. Fox's PAN affiliation deepened through subsequent campaigns, including his 1991 bid for Guanajuato governorship, which ended in defeat amid documented irregularities that PAN contested as PRI-orchestrated fraud, galvanizing the party's national anti-corruption narrative.[22] He remained a key figure in PAN's evolution from marginal opposition to viable contender, emphasizing rule-of-law reforms and economic liberalization over PRI's statist model. His loyalty to PAN persisted until 2013, when the party expelled him for publicly supporting PRI candidate Enrique Peña Nieto in the presidential race, citing strategic electoral calculations over ideological purity.[22]Tenure as Governor of Guanajuato (1995–2000)
Vicente Fox was elected governor of Guanajuato in the extraordinary election on May 28, 1995, securing more than 60% of the vote compared to approximately 30% for the PRI candidate, marking the first PAN victory in the state's history.[23][24] His administration emphasized transparency, economic development, and administrative modernization, drawing on his business background to position Guanajuato as a competitive industrial hub. Fox implemented policies to attract foreign direct investment through tax incentives and the development of industrial parks, which helped diversify the local economy beyond traditional agriculture and textiles.[25] A key focus was workforce preparation, with Fox expanding technical education programs to enhance skills in manufacturing and emerging sectors, making Guanajuato's labor force more attractive to international firms.[25] Under his leadership, the state consolidated its position as Mexico's fifth-largest economy by 1999, surpassing some more populous states in specific productive sectors through sustained investment and export-oriented growth.[10] He also pioneered financial accountability among Mexican governors by publicly disclosing state budgets and expenditures in a clear and timely manner, fostering trust and reducing opportunities for corruption.[22] Fox's government reforms incorporated information technology to streamline operations, aiming for a "government that works better and costs less" via digitized processes and efficiency audits.[26] Infrastructure initiatives, including industrial park construction, supported maquiladora expansion and automotive-related clusters initiated during his term.[27] These efforts contributed to Guanajuato's reputation for pro-business governance, though critics noted reliance on foreign capital risked over-dependence on volatile export markets. Fox resigned on August 7, 1999, to pursue the PAN presidential nomination, leaving a legacy of economic dynamism that bolstered his national profile.[10]Presidential Campaign and Election
2000 Campaign Platform and Strategies
Vicente Fox's 2000 presidential campaign, under the banner of the National Action Party (PAN), centered on the slogan "Ya es tiempo" ("It is time"), signaling the need for a break from the Institutional Revolutionary Party's (PRI) 71-year dominance and a shift toward genuine democratic governance.[28] The platform emphasized liberal-democratic reforms, including strengthening the rule of law, combating corruption and impunity, and fostering economic growth to reduce poverty.[21] Fox pledged to overhaul Mexico's institutions to make the country richer, safer, better educated, and less corrupt, with specific commitments to investigate past scandals via a truth commission and protect citizens' rights.[29][30] Key policy promises included advancing market-oriented economic measures while addressing social inequities, such as job creation and educational improvements, though the campaign prioritized broad themes of change over granular policy details.[31] PAN positioned itself as a progressive alternative to PRI authoritarianism, appealing to voters disillusioned with electoral fraud and corporatist control.[21] Strategically, Fox's team leveraged his business acumen from Coca-Cola to run a professional, polling-driven operation, employing firms like GAUS SC to gauge public openness to an opposition victory and identify swing demographics.[32] This data informed adaptive tactics, such as tailoring speeches—for instance, on February 21 and April 5, 2000—and focusing on image management to project Fox as a charismatic agent of transformation rather than a policy wonk.[32] Large-scale rallies, including one drawing 30,000 attendees at Mexico City's Angel de la Independencia on June 11, 2000, amplified visibility and momentum, while public appearances at venues like Iberoamerican University reinforced his approachable, rancher persona in cowboy boots.[32] These efforts countered PRI's traditional structures by targeting undecided voters and building coalitions beyond PAN's base, culminating in Fox's victory on July 2, 2000.[32]Election Results and Transition to Power
The 2000 Mexican presidential election occurred on July 2, with approximately 37.6 million voters participating out of 58.8 million registered, yielding a turnout of 64%.[33] Vicente Fox, representing the Alliance for Change coalition led by the National Action Party (PAN), received 15,988,740 votes, or 42.5% of the valid ballots, narrowly defeating Francisco Labastida of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) with 13,576,385 votes (36.1%) and Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas of the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) with 6,256,841 votes (16.6%).[34] These figures reflected a fragmented vote, as no candidate achieved an absolute majority, but Fox's margin exceeded the required plurality under Mexican electoral law.[33] The Federal Electoral Institute (IFE), an autonomous body established by 1990s reforms, oversaw the process and certified Fox's victory on July 5, 2000, after rapid preliminary counts and minimal irregularities reported by international observers including the Carter Center, which deemed the election credible and competitive.[35][36] PRI candidate Labastida conceded the following day, July 3, while outgoing PRI President Ernesto Zedillo publicly acknowledged the results on election night, praising the peaceful vote as a milestone in Mexico's democratization.[37] The transition period from July to December proceeded without major institutional friction, bolstered by Zedillo's commitment to electoral integrity despite his party's loss after 71 years in power. Fox's team coordinated with the outgoing administration on continuity in governance, including security and economic matters, while preparing policy blueprints. He was sworn in as president on December 1, 2000, during a joint session of Congress, delivering an inaugural address emphasizing reconciliation, rule of law, and power-sharing across parties.[38] This handover symbolized the first non-PRI presidency since the post-revolutionary era, though Fox's PAN secured only a congressional plurality—223 of 500 lower-house seats—necessitating alliances for legislative action.[39]Presidency (2000–2006)
Economic Policies and Market Reforms
Upon assuming the presidency in December 2000, Vicente Fox prioritized macroeconomic stability and incremental market-oriented reforms, continuing the neoliberal framework established in prior administrations while seeking to enhance competitiveness and attract foreign investment. His government maintained fiscal discipline, achieving primary surpluses in several years, and controlled inflation, which averaged around 4-5% annually during his term. Interest rates were stabilized, contributing to the lowest unemployment rate in Latin America by the mid-2000s. These policies fostered an environment for modest economic expansion, with real GDP growth averaging 2.4% per year from 2000 to 2006, though the first three years saw subdued rates of about 0.7% amid global slowdowns and domestic adjustment.[40][2] Fox emphasized deepening economic integration with the United States under the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), promoting banking sector reforms to resolve lingering issues from the 1994 peso crisis, including the cleanup of non-performing loans through institutions like Fobaproa-IPAB. Foreign direct investment inflows rose initially, reaching peaks of over $20 billion in 2001, supported by improved investor confidence following Mexico's attainment of investment-grade credit ratings. However, structural bottlenecks persisted, with low productivity growth and reliance on maquiladora exports limiting broader dynamism. Poverty rates declined modestly from about 46% in 2000 to around 42% by 2006, attributed by Fox to sustained growth and targeted social spending rather than expansive redistribution.[22][41] Major reform ambitions, however, largely faltered due to Fox's lack of a congressional majority, resulting in legislative gridlock with opposition from the PRI and PRD. Tax reform proposals in 2001 and 2003 aimed to broaden the base, combat evasion, and raise revenue from the low 13-14% of GDP level without increasing rates, but were rejected by the Chamber of Deputies in December 2003 as insufficiently progressive or overly burdensome on formal sectors. Similarly, initiatives to partially open the state-dominated energy sector—particularly Pemex—to private investment in refining and exploration were blocked, preserving monopolistic structures despite arguments for efficiency gains. Labor and judicial reforms, intended to enhance flexibility and contract enforcement, also stalled, constraining market liberalization.[42][43][44] Critics, including opposition lawmakers, highlighted these failures as evidence of unfulfilled campaign promises for transformative change, while Fox attributed stagnation to partisan obstruction rather than policy flaws. Empirical outcomes reflected stability over acceleration: public debt remained manageable at under 50% of GDP, but inequality metrics like the Gini coefficient hovered around 0.47, and per capita income growth lagged regional peers. The administration's orthodox approach avoided crises but underscored the limits of executive-led reform without political consensus.[45][46]Security, Anti-Corruption, and Rule of Law Initiatives
During his presidency, Vicente Fox prioritized modernizing Mexico's security apparatus by establishing the Federal Investigative Agency (AFI) in 2001, which replaced the notoriously corrupt Federal Judicial Police and was modeled after the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation to enhance investigative capabilities against organized crime and drug trafficking.[47][48] The AFI aimed to centralize federal investigations, but it faced ongoing challenges from infiltration by criminal elements, with over 100 agents implicated in corruption by 2007.[49] Fox's administration also pursued counter-narcotics operations, including arrests of major traffickers and cooperation with U.S. authorities, yet homicide rates linked to drug cartels rose significantly, from approximately 10,000 annually in 2000 to over 12,000 by 2006, reflecting the disruptive effects of the post-PRI transition on prior informal controls over cartels.[47][50] Anti-corruption initiatives under Fox included institutional reforms such as purging corrupt officials and promoting transparency in public administration, with the administration designating corruption reduction as a core priority and demanding accountability from federal agencies.[51][50] Despite these efforts, systemic issues persisted, particularly in police forces where cartel influence deepened, as evidenced by continued scandals and the failure to eradicate impunity rooted in the PRI era.[52] Fox's campaign pledge to dismantle entrenched graft yielded limited empirical progress, with Mexico's ranking on global corruption indices remaining stagnant; for instance, Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index scored Mexico at 3.6 out of 10 in 2000 and 3.3 in 2006, indicating no substantial improvement.[52] In advancing rule of law, Fox proposed sweeping judicial reforms in 2004, advocating for adversarial proceedings, public oral trials, presumption of innocence, and alternatives to pretrial detention to replace the inefficient inquisitorial system, but these faced resistance in a divided Congress lacking a PAN majority, stalling approval by the end of his term.[51][53] The initiatives sought to bolster judicial independence and access to justice, yet implementation was fragmented, contributing to persistent human rights concerns like arbitrary detentions and torture allegations documented in over 80% of federal cases by independent monitors.[4] Overall, while Fox's reforms introduced structural changes, their causal impact was constrained by political stalemates and institutional inertia, failing to fundamentally alter impunity rates, which hovered around 98% for serious crimes during his tenure.[4][54]Foreign Policy and International Relations
Vicente Fox's foreign policy emphasized deepening economic and diplomatic ties with the United States, leveraging the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) framework to promote regional integration.[55] His administration proposed expanding NAFTA into a common market that would facilitate freer movement of goods, services, capital, and labor over time, aiming to address economic disparities and migration drivers.[55] [56] This included the Guanajuato Proposal in February 2001, which outlined a partnership for prosperity between Mexico and the U.S., focusing on trade facilitation and border infrastructure.[57] A cornerstone of Fox's U.S. policy was comprehensive migration reform, with proposals for guest worker programs and pathways to legal status for millions of undocumented Mexican migrants, framed as essential for managing cross-border flows consistent with economic realities.[58] [59] Fox prioritized bilateral negotiations to regularize migration, committing to protect Mexican communities abroad and reduce border risks, though these efforts built on pre-existing binational working groups.[58] During his presidency, Mexico's exports to the U.S. nearly doubled, underscoring the economic interdependence central to his approach.[60] The September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks redirected U.S.-Mexico relations toward security cooperation, curtailing ambitious migration plans in favor of enhanced border controls and counterterrorism efforts.[61] Mexico aligned with the U.S. in the global war on terror, increasing collaboration on intelligence sharing, law enforcement, and perimeter defense to extend security measures southward.[61] [62] This shift manifested in joint initiatives like the Border Partnership Agreement of March 2002, emphasizing integrated infrastructure and law enforcement coordination amid heightened U.S. border security priorities.[63] Tensions arose over the 2003 Iraq War, where Fox opposed unilateral U.S. action, advocating multilateralism through the United Nations and expressing regret at the resort to force despite initial support for disarming Iraq.[64] [65] Mexico, holding a non-permanent UN Security Council seat from 2002 to 2003, abstained from endorsing military intervention, prioritizing peaceful resolutions and aligning with domestic public opposition to the conflict.[66] [67] Fox predicted no lasting fallout in bilateral ties, but the episode highlighted limits to alignment on security matters beyond terrorism.[64] To counterbalance U.S. dominance, Fox pursued diversification, strengthening ties with Europe via the existing EU-Mexico Free Trade Agreement and expanding engagement with Asia, including the negotiation of a free trade deal with Japan that entered into force in 2005.[68] His administration broadened diplomatic outreach, with early post-election visits signaling openness to global criticism and multilateral forums, though North American priorities remained paramount.[69] [70]Domestic Social Policies and Challenges
Fox's administration prioritized conditional cash transfer programs to combat poverty, notably expanding the existing Progresa initiative into Oportunidades in 2002, which provided financial incentives to poor families contingent on children's school attendance, health check-ups, and nutritional compliance.[71] By 2005, Oportunidades reached approximately 5 million families, or 24% of Mexican households, contributing to a decline in the national poverty rate from 43.7% in 2000 to 35.6% in 2006 through sustained economic growth and targeted spending increases of 8% in real terms on social programs.[41][72] In health policy, Fox collaborated with Health Secretary Julio Frenk to launch Seguro Popular in 2003, a universal health insurance scheme aimed at covering the uninsured population through state-funded subsidies and risk-pooling mechanisms, eventually extending coverage to over 50 million people by providing access to essential services without direct out-of-pocket costs.[73][74] Educational efforts included constitutional reforms in 2002 mandating three years of preschool and integrating scholarships via Oportunidades to boost enrollment and retention, particularly in rural areas, though overall literacy and completion rates saw modest gains amid persistent resource disparities.[75] On indigenous rights, Fox sought reconciliation with the Zapatista movement by submitting the COCOPA indigenous rights bill to Congress in December 2000, which proposed constitutional recognition of communal land autonomy and cultural jurisdictions based on the 1996 San Andrés Accords; he also closed four military bases in Chiapas and released over 50 Zapatista-linked prisoners early in his term.[76][77] However, the bill was significantly diluted during legislative debates, passing in a weakened form in 2001 that omitted key demands for indigenous autonomy, prompting Zapatista leaders to reject it and stage a march to Mexico City, highlighting stalled progress on marginalization affecting 10-12% of the population.[78] Social challenges persisted despite these initiatives, including entrenched inequality—Mexico's Gini coefficient hovered around 0.47-0.50 throughout the presidency—with rural-urban divides exacerbating access to services and fueling discontent.[79] Human rights advancements were limited, as documented by observers noting inadequate accountability for abuses like arbitrary detentions and torture, particularly in southern states, amid broader failures to reform judicial and policing institutions.[4] Congressional gridlock from a divided legislature hampered deeper reforms, while rising organized crime and corruption eroded public trust, with Fox's 2001 anti-crime crusade yielding insufficient reductions in violence despite increased federal policing efforts.[80][81]Key Controversies and Political Stalemates
Fox's presidency encountered persistent legislative stalemates owing to the National Action Party's (PAN) minority status in Congress, where the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) held sway and obstructed major reforms. Key proposals, including comprehensive tax reform to broaden the tax base and reduce reliance on oil revenues, failed decisively in December 2003 after PRI and PRD lawmakers rejected it amid accusations of fiscal austerity harming the poor.[82] Similarly, efforts to modernize labor laws for greater flexibility and open Pemex to private investment stalled repeatedly, as opposition parties leveraged their veto power to demand concessions or exploit public fears of privatization.[83][84] In a September 2003 address, Fox conceded that structural changes had not materialized as promised, blaming congressional partisanship for the impasse despite his administration's negotiation attempts. Critics within PAN argued Fox was overly conciliatory toward the PRI, which retained influence from its prior dominance, while Fox contended that demagoguery against reforms perpetuated economic inefficiencies, such as Mexico's lag behind competitors like China and India due to unaddressed antitrust and regulatory hurdles.[85][86][87] Social controversies intensified toward the end of his term, particularly in handling protests. The administration's response to the Zapatista movement involved initial gestures like releasing prisoners and highway access to Chiapas, but Congress's approval of a weakened indigenous rights bill in 2001—stripped of key autonomy provisions from the San Andrés Accords—prompted the EZLN to abandon federal dialogue, highlighting federal-local tensions and incomplete fulfillment of 1990s peace commitments.[4] In May 2006, state police operations in San Salvador Atenco against farmers resisting airport land seizures resulted in two deaths, over 200 arrests, and documented cases of sexual assault and torture by officers, with Fox's federal government defending the action as necessary to restore order but facing probes for excessive force.[88] Concurrently, the Oaxaca teachers' strike, escalating into the Popular Assembly of the Oaxacan Peoples (APPO) uprising against Governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz, saw prolonged violence and over 20 deaths; Fox's delayed deployment of 6,000 federal police in June 2006 was condemned by human rights groups for both inaction enabling local repression and the intervention's own alleged abuses.[4] These incidents underscored criticisms of Fox's human rights record, where ambitious rhetoric yielded limited institutional advances, such as a non-binding special prosecutor's office for past abuses that investigated few cases effectively.[4]Public Perception During Presidency
Approval Ratings and Polling Data
Vicente Fox assumed the presidency on December 1, 2000, with approval ratings near 79%, as measured by a Reforma poll shortly after taking office.[89] This high initial support reflected optimism following the end of PRI dominance and Fox's campaign promises of democratic reform and economic growth. By March 2001, approximately 75% of Mexicans approved of his performance, according to data from the Center for Economic Research and Teaching (CIDE).[90] Economic challenges, including a recession, contributed to a decline in popularity. In January 2002, Fox's approval ratings dropped below 50% for the first time since his inauguration, per Reforma polling.[89] Despite this dip, ratings stabilized thereafter, fluctuating between 50% and 60% for much of his term, as reported by Parametría surveys.[91] At the close of his first semester in office, approval stood at 63%, according to Consulta Mitofsky.[92] Key events influenced fluctuations: approval rose to peaks around May-June 2003 amid Fox's stance on the Iraq War and climbed again in early 2006 during election campaigning and expanded social programs.[91] Low points occurred between May 2004 and June 2005, linked to the political controversy over the attempted ouster of opposition leader Andrés Manuel López Obrador.[91] By November 8-11, 2006, near the end of his term, a Parametría poll recorded 51% approval, with a sample of 1,000 respondents and a margin of error of ±3.1%.[91] The following table summarizes select polling data points:| Period | Approval Rating | Source |
|---|---|---|
| December 2000 | 79% | Reforma[89] |
| March 2001 | ~75% | CIDE[90] |
| End of First Semester 2001 | 63% | Consulta Mitofsky[92] |
| January 2002 | <50% | Reforma[89] |
| November 2006 | 51% | Parametría[91] |