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Abe Masahiro

Abe Masahiro (阿部正弘, December 3, 1819 – August 6, 1857) was a Japanese daimyo of Fukuyama Domain and the chief senior councillor (rōjū) of the Tokugawa shogunate, serving from 1845 until his death.^[1]
As the head of the rōjū council, Abe assumed effective control over bakufu policy during a period of intensifying foreign pressure on Japan's isolationist sakoku system, advocating administrative reforms and consultation with outside daimyo to strengthen central authority against mounting internal and external challenges.^[2]
His most defining actions came in response to the 1853 arrival of U.S. Commodore Matthew Perry's expedition, where Abe broke precedent by polling opinions from numerous feudal lords on how to address the American demands, ultimately steering the shogunate toward limited engagement and the 1854 signing of the Convention of Kanagawa, which ended over two centuries of maritime seclusion.^[3]
These decisions, while pragmatic in recognizing Japan's military inferiority to Western powers, accelerated political instability within the bakufu, contributing to debates over foreign policy that foreshadowed the Meiji Restoration and the shogunate's eventual collapse.^[2]
Abe's tenure marked a shift toward realism in bakufu governance, prioritizing national defense enhancements and selective modernization over rigid isolationism, though his early death from illness at age 37 left unresolved the tensions his policies had unleashed.^[1]

Early Life and Background

Birth and Family

Abe Masahiro was born on December 3, 1819, in Edo (present-day Tokyo), into the Abe clan, a fudai daimyō family that served as hereditary vassals to the Tokugawa shogunate.^[4]^[5] The Abe lineage traced its origins to ancient nobility but gained prominence under the Tokugawa regime, with the Fukuyama branch established in 1710 when Abe Masakuni was appointed the first daimyō of Fukuyama Domain in Bingo Province (modern Hiroshima Prefecture).^[5]
He was the sixth son of Abe Masakiyo (1775–1826), the fifth daimyō of Fukuyama Domain, who governed a domain assessed at 170,000 koku.^[1]^[6] Masakiyo's early death in 1826 left Masahiro, then aged seven, without immediate succession, as his elder brother Abe Masayasu (1809–1870) assumed the daimyōship as the sixth lord.^[6]^[7] The premature deaths of several elder brothers positioned Masahiro as a potential heir, though he initially faced relocation to another domain to avoid overcrowding the succession line.^[1] Masayasu retired in 1836, allowing the 17-year-old Masahiro to inherit Fukuyama Domain as its seventh daimyō.^[1]
The Abe family's status as inner fudai lords afforded them influence in shogunal administration, with prior generations holding key posts such as governors of Osaka Castle.^[5] Masahiro's upbringing in the Edo residence reflected the sankin-kōtai system, requiring alternate residence in the capital, which immersed him in central political circles from youth.^[4] In 1844, he was transferred to the more prestigious Shirakawa Domain in Mutsu Province (100,000 koku), elevating his rank among daimyō and paving the way for his later advisory role.^[8]

Education and Initial Positions

Abe Masahiro, born in 1819 as the sixth son of Abe Masakiyo, the fifth daimyō of Fukuyama Domain, succeeded to the family headship in early 1837 following the retirement of his elder brother Abe Masayasu, who had initially inherited the domain after their father's death in 1826. This transition occurred when Masahiro was 18 years old by traditional Japanese age reckoning, marking his initial position as the seventh daimyō of the fudai domain assessed at 170,000 koku. The Abe clan, hereditary vassals tracing origins to Mikawa Province, held privileged status as konoye daimyō with direct access to the shōgun, providing a foundation for Masahiro's administrative trajectory.^[1] In 1838, at age 19, Masahiro entered bakufu service as sōshaban, or master of ceremonies, responsible for managing court protocols and audiences at Edo Castle, a role he retained until 1843. From 1841 to 1843, he concurrently held the post of jisha bugyō, overseeing temples, shrines, and religious properties across the realm, which at age 22 introduced him to broader governance responsibilities beyond domain affairs. These positions, typical entry points for high-ranking daimyō into central administration, honed skills in bureaucratic coordination and policy oversight amid the Tokugawa system's emphasis on hereditary loyalty and ritual precision.^[9]^[1] Specific details of Masahiro's education remain sparsely documented in historical records, consistent with the era's focus on practical apprenticeship over formalized schooling for elite samurai heirs. As a daimyō successor, his preparation likely emphasized Confucian classics, administrative precedents, and domain management under retainers, aligning with the clan's tradition of cultivating loyalty to the shogunate through internal tutelage rather than external academies. This background equipped him for rapid advancement, reflecting the Tokugawa merit-within-heredity system where family prestige facilitated early appointments.^[1]

Rise Within the Shogunate

Appointment as Senior Councilor

Abe Masahiro succeeded to the headship of the Fukuyama Domain in 1837 at the age of 18 following his father's death, entering shogunal service through hereditary clan privileges as one of the prominent kuge shōsei families eligible for high administrative posts. He initially held the position of sōshaban (master of ceremonies) starting in 1838, followed by appointment as jisha bugyō (commissioner for temples and shrines) from 1841 to 1843, roles that provided administrative experience in ceremonial and religious affairs under the Tokugawa bakufu.^[10] In 1843, Abe was elevated to the rōjū, the council of senior councilors responsible for advising the shōgun on policy and governance, at the notably young age of 25 by Western reckoning—or 24 in traditional Japanese age calculation—marking an accelerated ascent facilitated by his clan's longstanding influence and the bakufu's need for capable administrators amid internal fiscal strains from prior reforms. This appointment filled a vacancy amid shifting power dynamics, as the rōjū body typically comprised four to five members from elite hatamoto and daimyō lineages, with Abe's selection underscoring the Tokugawa system's reliance on hereditary competence over strict meritocratic selection.^[11]^[1]^[10] Abe's entry into the rōjū coincided with the waning influence of Mizuno Tadakuni, the dominant councilor whose Tempō Reforms (1841–1843) aimed at fiscal retrenchment through austerity and land surveys but ultimately faltered due to economic backlash and administrative overreach, leading to Mizuno's temporary sidelining. While Abe's initial role was as a junior rōjū, political maneuvering during 1843–1845 elevated him to rōjū shuza (head senior councilor) by 1845 upon Mizuno's full deposition, positioning Abe as the bakufu's de facto leader until 1855 and initiating a phase of consultative governance to address mounting external pressures.^[1]^[10]

Domestic Policies Prior to 1853

Abe Masahiro assumed the role of chief senior councilor (rōjū shuza) in September 1845, succeeding Mizuno Tadakuni amid the backlash against the Tempō Reforms' stringent austerity measures, which had included price controls, land reallocations, and sumptuary restrictions but ultimately exacerbated economic distress and peasant unrest without resolving fiscal deficits.^[12] Rather than pursuing further radical internal restructuring, Abe prioritized administrative stability and moderation, avoiding disruptive interventions in domains' economies or samurai stipends to prevent additional revolts like those during the Tempō era (1837–1847 famines).^[12] His domestic agenda emphasized bolstering internal security through defensive preparations, establishing the coastal defense officer (kaibō-goyōgakari) position in 1845 to oversee fortification projects and maritime vigilance under shogunal coordination.^[13] This initiative involved allocating resources for battery construction and cannon production, with the shogunate funding initial efforts estimated at over 700,000 ryō by 1850, drawing from domain contributions and central reserves.^[14] Abe relaxed shogunate restrictions on daimyo military autonomy, permitting outer lords (tozama) and hereditary vassals (fudai) to independently erect coastal batteries and train militias, fostering a distributed defense network spanning key ports like Nagasaki and Edo Bay while preserving the sakoku seclusion edicts.^[15] ^[14] These measures, informed by reports of Western naval advances, integrated domestic governance with precautionary realism but did not extend to broader fiscal overhauls or merit-based administrative reforms, maintaining Tokugawa hierarchies amid growing fiscal strains from defense expenditures exceeding 1 million ryō annually by the early 1850s.^[15]

Response to Western Incursions

Arrival of Commodore Perry

On July 8, 1853, United States Navy Commodore Matthew C. Perry arrived at Uraga Harbor in Edo Bay with a squadron of four ships, including the steam-powered frigates Susquehanna and Mississippi, marking the first penetration of Japanese waters by modern Western warships since the implementation of the sakoku seclusion policy over two centuries earlier.^[16]^[17] Perry's mission, authorized by President Millard Fillmore, aimed to deliver a letter demanding the opening of Japanese ports for trade, provision of coaling stations for American whaling and merchant vessels, and humane treatment of shipwrecked sailors, backed by the implicit threat of naval superiority.^[16]^[18] Japanese coastal defenses at Uraga, manned by samurai in small boats armed with traditional weapons, proved inadequate against the steamships' maneuverability and firepower, prompting local officials to urgently report the "black ships"—so named for their dark hulls and billowing smoke—to Edo.^[17]^[19] Efforts to redirect Perry to the distant port of Nagasaki, the designated entry point for limited foreign contact, failed as he insisted on direct access to the shogun's capital vicinity, landing 200-300 marines on July 14 to escort the letter's delivery amid tense standoffs.^[18]^[20] As chief senior councilor (rōjū) of the Tokugawa shogunate, Abe Masahiro received immediate dispatches detailing the intruders' demands and technological edge, recognizing the shogunate's coastal batteries and outdated artillery as insufficient for resistance without risking devastating bombardment of Edo.^[16]^[21] On July 11, Abe authorized acceptance of Fillmore's letter to avert immediate conflict, deeming the act of reception—without formal negotiation—a permissible exception to sakoku that preserved nominal isolation while buying time for deliberation.^[22]^[23] This pragmatic concession reflected Abe's assessment of Japan's military vulnerability, as the shogunate possessed no steam vessels or rifled guns comparable to Perry's fleet.^[17]^[19] Perry departed Uraga on July 17 after the letter exchange, promising return in the following year with greater force if unmet, an eventuality that exposed the shogunate's internal divisions and propelled Abe toward unprecedented consultations beyond traditional bureaucratic channels.^[16]^[18] The arrival underscored causal disparities in naval technology—steam propulsion enabling precise positioning against wind-dependent Japanese craft—and ignited debates on modernization, with Abe prioritizing de-escalation to safeguard the regime's authority.^[21]^[24]

Deliberations and Broad Consultations

Following Commodore Perry's departure from Uraga on July 17, 1853, Abe Masahiro, as senior rōjū, confronted acute indecision within the shogunate, exacerbated by Shogun Tokugawa Iesada's youth and illness. Departing from longstanding precedent, wherein foreign policy was deliberated solely among the inner rōjū council, Abe initiated unprecedented broad consultations by distributing translated copies of U.S. President Millard Fillmore's letter and Perry's demands to daimyo nationwide, soliciting their formal opinions (ikensho) on response strategies.^[25]^[9] This outreach, commencing in late July 1853, aimed to legitimize any forthcoming decision amid military asymmetry with Western powers and to distribute political responsibility across feudal lords, thereby mitigating potential backlash against the shogunate.^[26] Responses arrived from numerous daimyo—estimates indicate submissions from around 61 of the over 260 domains—revealing profound divisions that underscored Japan's internal vulnerabilities. A majority favored rejecting Perry's overtures through expulsion (jōi) or fortified coastal defenses, invoking preservation of sakoku isolationism and national sovereignty against perceived barbarian incursions, as articulated by figures like Tokugawa Nariaki of Mito.^[27] In contrast, a minority advocated pragmatic negotiation or limited port openings to avert conflict, citing Japan's outdated artillery and ships as inadequate for repulsion; Shimazu Nariakira of Satsuma, for instance, urged selective engagement to facilitate defensive modernization without full capitulation.^[28] These ikensho, while not yielding consensus, exposed the shogunate's eroded authority and the rising influence of outer domains (tozama daimyo), compelling Abe to navigate a spectrum from belligerent rejection to cautious accommodation. Abe interpreted the varied counsel as tacit endorsement for measured response rather than outright war, leveraging the process to justify temporary deference during Perry's promised return. However, the consultations amplified factionalism, fueling sonnō jōi (revere the emperor, expel the barbarians) sentiments among samurai elites and eroding centralized control, as daimyo leveraged their input to assert greater autonomy.^[29] This deliberative expansion, though innovative, ultimately highlighted the shogunate's incapacity for unified action, setting precedents for decentralized decision-making in the Bakumatsu era.^[26]

Negotiation of the Convention of Kanagawa

Abe Masahiro, as chief senior councilor of the Tokugawa shogunate, oversaw the direct negotiations with Commodore Matthew C. Perry following the latter's return to Edo Bay on February 11, 1854, with a reinforced squadron of nine vessels, including steamships demonstrating superior firepower. Recognizing Japan's technological and military disadvantages against Western gunboat diplomacy, Abe authorized limited concessions to forestall invasion while preserving core isolationist principles, a pragmatic choice informed by intelligence on American naval capabilities and the shogunate's outdated defenses.^[23]^[30] Talks began on March 8, 1854, at a hastily constructed treaty pavilion in the Kanagawa area near Yokohama, where Perry's envoys presented revised demands for port access, coaling rights, and safeguards for shipwrecked sailors. The Japanese delegation, appointed under Abe's directives, was headed by Hayashi Akira (also known as Hayashi Fukusai), the commissioner of foreign affairs (gaikoku bugyō), supported by interpreters and officials including Ido Hirochika, Iswa Masayoshi, and others tasked with relaying positions back to Edo for approval. Negotiations proceeded amid tense standoffs, with Perry refusing indirect communication through lower officials and leveraging fleet demonstrations to pressure for swift resolution, while Japanese counterparts sought to minimize openings and delay full commercialization.^[31]^[30] After three weeks of deliberations, the shogunate acceded to a restricted agreement, signing the Convention of Kanagawa on March 31, 1854, formalized by Perry and Hayashi Akira on behalf of their respective governments. The treaty's twelve articles provided for perpetual peace, provisional access to Shimoda and Hakodate ports for provisioning and repairs (but not general trade), reciprocal aid for distressed mariners, and eventual consular establishment, explicitly excluding extraterritoriality or tariffs at that stage. Abe's endorsement of these terms, ratified later by the U.S. Congress and Japanese authorities, averted immediate hostilities but exposed internal divisions, as the shogunate lacked unified daimyo backing for such foreign engagement.^[32]^[31]^[25]

Reform Initiatives

Efforts in Military Modernization

Following Commodore Perry's demonstration of advanced steam-powered warships and rifled artillery in Uraga Harbor on July 8, 1853, Abe Masahiro prioritized military modernization to address Japan's technological vulnerabilities against Western powers.^[4] Recognizing that isolation alone could not deter invasion, he directed the shogunate to enhance coastal defenses, including the rapid construction of earthwork batteries and fortifications around Edo Bay, such as those at Shinagawa and emerging artificial islands for cannon emplacements, with work accelerating from late 1853 into 1854.^[27] These measures aimed to replicate Western-style artillery positions while relying on domestically cast guns modeled after Dutch designs.^[27] Abe broadened input by soliciting opinions from over 60 daimyo in August 1853, many of whom urged adoption of foreign military techniques, leading to the appointment of Tokugawa Nariaki as defense commissioner in 1854 and the lifting of prior limits on domain armies to foster decentralized strengthening.^[27] In the same year, he endorsed the creation of a dedicated training institute in Edo—the initial Yōgakusho, evolving into the Bansho Shirabesho by 1856—which employed rangaku scholars to translate Western texts on ballistics, fortification engineering, and naval tactics, training select samurai retainers in these fields. Naval reforms advanced under Abe's oversight with the establishment of a training academy in Nagasaki in 1855, staffed by Dutch advisors to impart steam propulsion, gunnery, and ship-handling skills, complementing the shogunate's early acquisition of foreign vessels like the Dutch steamship purchased that year.^[27] He also facilitated resource reallocation, such as the 1854 imperial sanction to repurpose temple metals for cannon founding, signaling a willingness to integrate pragmatic Western innovations despite conservative opposition within the bakufu.^[27] These initiatives laid foundational precedents for later Meiji-era overhauls, though their scope remained limited by fiscal constraints and incomplete technological transfer.^[4]

Advocacy for Western Sciences and Meritocracy

Abe Masahiro, confronting the technological disparities exposed by Western incursions, actively promoted the study of rangaku (Dutch learning), encompassing Western sciences such as medicine, astronomy, and military engineering, to enhance Japan's capabilities. Recognizing that isolation had left the country vulnerable, he endorsed the translation and dissemination of foreign texts as essential for national defense and modernization. This advocacy intensified after 1853, as he viewed selective adoption of Western knowledge—gained primarily through Dutch intermediaries—as a pragmatic means to avoid subjugation without wholesale cultural abandonment.^[33] In 1856, under Abe's direction as chief senior councilor, the Tokugawa shogunate founded the Bansho Shirabesho (Institute for the Investigation of Barbarian Books), a dedicated bureau for translating Western works, educating scholars in foreign languages and sciences, and censoring imported materials. Proposed by naval expert Katsu Kaishu and approved amid bureaucratic deliberations, the institute employed rangaku specialists to compile reports on European advancements in gunnery, shipbuilding, and natural philosophy, directly informing shogunal policy. By institutionalizing these efforts, Abe aimed to build indigenous expertise, with the Bansho Shirabesho serving as a bridge between traditional scholarship and practical Western applications until its reorganization post-1860.^[2]^[34] Complementing his push for scientific learning, Abe advocated merit-based criteria in appointments, prioritizing competence in Western affairs over rigid hereditary or Confucian qualifications. His unprecedented 1853–1854 consultations solicited opinions from over 60 daimyo and hatamoto, transcending bakufu hierarchy to incorporate insights from capable outsiders, including reformist domains like Satsuma. This approach extended to elevating rangaku experts and lower-ranking samurai versed in foreign technologies into advisory roles, challenging the status-bound bureaucracy and fostering a nascent technocratic element within the shogunate. Such shifts, while limited by entrenched opposition, marked an early departure from birthright dominance toward ability-driven selection in critical domains.^[35]

Controversies and Opposition

Isolationist Critiques

Isolationists, particularly proponents of the sonnō jōi ("revere the emperor, expel the barbarians") doctrine, condemned Abe Masahiro's handling of foreign negotiations as a betrayal of Japan's sakoku seclusion policy, in place since the 1630s to safeguard national autonomy from external threats and cultural erosion. Figures like Tokugawa Nariaki, daimyō of Mito Domain, rejected accommodation with Western powers, insisting instead on fortifying coastal defenses with indigenous cannon foundries and rejecting treaties that implied military inferiority. Nariaki, whose views influenced lower samurai and anti-shogunal agitators, criticized any dialogue with "barbarians" as eroding martial spirit and inviting moral decay through exposure to Christianity and exploitative trade, positions Abe had solicited during his broad consultations but ultimately disregarded in favor of pragmatic concessions.^[1]^[26] These critiques framed Abe's signature on the Convention of Kanagawa on March 31, 1854, as capitulation under duress from Commodore Perry's gunboat diplomacy, yielding ports like Shimoda and Hakodate without reciprocal rights or tariff control, thus endangering economic self-sufficiency and sovereignty. Isolationist daimyō and court nobles argued that Japan's geographic isolation and historical resilience warranted defiance, not the "cowardly" yielding that Nariaki deemed would provoke further encroachments, potentially destabilizing the Tokugawa order by alienating traditionalist factions. Abe's decision to bypass strict imperial ratification exacerbated accusations of overreach, as Emperor Kōmei favored expulsion, viewing the treaty as a violation of sacred edicts against foreign intercourse. The resulting discontent fueled political paralysis, with isolationists decrying Abe's merit-based consultations—which included non-elite opinions—as diluting hierarchical authority and amplifying voices for resistance. By late 1855, amid daimyō petitions and shogunal infighting over the treaties' inequities, Abe resigned as chief rōjū on December 7, 1855, his tenure tarnished by perceptions of indecisiveness and failure to avert the "humiliation" of unequal diplomacy.^[33] This opposition presaged broader unrest, including the Ansei Purge, where successors suppressed jōi advocates to enforce compliance.

Impacts on Shogunal Authority

In response to Commodore Perry's arrival in Uraga on July 8, 1853, Abe Masahiro, as chief senior councilor, initiated an unprecedented policy of broad consultation by soliciting opinions from daimyo across Japan, including tozama (outer) and shinpan lords traditionally excluded from central policy deliberations.^[36]^[37] This departure from the shogunate's convention of relying solely on rōjū and fudai (hereditary) daimyo stemmed from Abe's assessment that the bakufu lacked the unilateral capacity to address the military and diplomatic crisis posed by Western powers, necessitating wider support to legitimize any response.^[37]^[38] The consultations yielded divided responses, with senior councilors favoring compromise, imperial court advisors opposing foreign engagement, and numerous daimyo advocating expulsion (jōi) through military resistance, resulting in policy paralysis and public exposure of internal fractures.^[36] This inclusion of non-fudai daimyo, such as Shimazu Nariakira of Satsuma and Date Munenari of Uwajima, not only provoked resentment among fudai loyalists but also decentralized authority, granting provincial lords a voice in national affairs and setting a precedent for han-level influence over bakufu decisions.^[37]^[39] These actions eroded the shogunate's centralized prestige, as the ensuing Convention of Kanagawa on March 31, 1854—negotiated amid unresolved debates—appeared as capitulation, fueling criticism that the Tokugawa regime was incompetent in defending national sovereignty.^[36] The policy's time-consuming nature deferred decisive action while amplifying opposition voices, contributing to Abe's resignation in November 1855 and accelerating the bakufu's decline by empowering domains like Satsuma and Chōshū to challenge shogunal hegemony, ultimately paving the way for the Meiji Restoration in 1868.^[36]^[37]

Death and Historical Assessment

Final Years and Demise

In 1855, amid rising internal divisions within the shogunate over foreign policy and administrative reforms, Abe resigned his position as chief senior councilor (rōjū shuza) to mitigate factional discord.^[10] Despite this step down, he retained his status as one of the four senior councilors (rōjū) and continued to exert influence on policy deliberations until his health deteriorated.^[8] Abe's final years were marked by physical exhaustion, evidenced by symptoms including chest pains, pallor, and significant weight loss, which reflected the intense pressures of his tenure amid Japan's turbulent transition.^[40] He died on August 6, 1857, in Edo at the age of 38.^[4] Following his death, leadership of the Fukuyama Domain passed to his younger brother, Abe Masanori.^[41]

Long-Term Legacy

Abe Masahiro's authorization of the Convention of Kanagawa on March 31, 1854, marked the formal termination of Japan's sakoku isolation policy, which had been in place since 1639, compelling the nation to confront Western technological and military superiority. This pragmatic concession to U.S. Commodore Matthew Perry's demands averted immediate armed conflict and potential colonization, as Abe argued that outright rejection would invite defeat similar to China's Opium Wars experience.^[42] His approach prioritized national survival over ideological purity, enabling Japan to gradually assimilate foreign knowledge without total subjugation, a strategy that contrasted with more resistant Asian states and facilitated later selective modernization.^[43] Domestically, Abe's unprecedented August 1853 consultation with over 60 daimyo—breaking bakufu tradition of centralized decision-making—exposed deep divisions on foreign policy, with southern domains advocating expulsion of foreigners while others urged accommodation. This broadening of discourse eroded the Tokugawa shogunate's monolithic authority, politicizing national affairs and sowing seeds of dissent that culminated in the 1868 Meiji Restoration, where imperial loyalists overthrew the weakened regime.^[38] Abe's parallel advocacy for rangaku (Western learning), military reforms including artillery adoption, and merit-based talent selection further undermined feudal rigidities, laying infrastructural precedents for the Meiji era's rapid industrialization and imperial army formation.^[44] Historians assess Abe as the Tokugawa bakufu's final effective statesman, whose reluctant yet realist policies bridged isolationism and global integration, though his indecisiveness drew contemporary isolationist ire and posthumous blame for unequal treaties' economic burdens. By 1894, Japan's victories in conflicts like the First Sino-Japanese War validated the long-term efficacy of his initiated openings, transforming a vulnerable archipelago into an imperial power capable of treaty revisions by 1911, underscoring how his crisis management preserved sovereignty amid existential pressures.^[45]

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Mar 7, 2017 · On March 31, 1854, the first treaty between Japan and the United States was signed. The Treaty was the result of an encounter between an elaborately planned ...Missing: date negotiators
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The Bakumatsu (Part 2): Divided Japan - Exploring History
Jun 21, 2016 · It started when Abe Masahiro involved the Daimyos and the Imperial Court in Kyoto during the time of the visit of Commodore Perry in 1853 and ' ...
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A TRANSITIONAL INSTITUTION IN BAKUMATSU JAPAN
THE BANSHO SHIRABESHO: A TRANSITIONAL INSTITUTION IN BAKUMATSU JAPAN. July 2006. Authors: James Mitchell Hommes · James Mitchell Hommes.Missing: date | Show results with:date
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The Meiji Restoration (Chapter 6) - The New Cambridge History of ...
Abe Masahiro, the shogunal senior councillor, requested advice on treaty demands from the daimyo, relying in particular on the daimyo of Satsuma and Mito.
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Japan - Decline of the Tokugawa - Country Studies
The chairman of the senior councillors, Abe Masahiro (1819-57), was responsible for dealing with the Americans. Having no precedent to manage this threat to ...
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### Summary of Abe Masahiro's Policy of Consultation with Daimyo
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[PDF] state sovereignty and security in hierarchical east asia: the politics of ...
consensus, the bakufu's chief councilor, Abe Masahiro, made an unprecedented foreign policy consultation to all the daimyō, requesting that they submit in ...
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https://brill.com/display/book/9781684171514/BP000007.pdf
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https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1515/9781503621060-012/html?lang=en
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Abe Masahiro - SamuraiWiki
May 5, 2020 · Abe Masahiro was the 7th Abe clan lord of Fukuyama domain, and Tairô, known for his role in ending the Tokugawa shogunate's policy of maritime ...
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From Sakoku to Kaikoku. The Transformation of Foreign-Policy ...
The only effective argument in support of a treaty, the one used by Abe Masahiro, was the observation that its rejection would invite war and defeat while ...
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Harold Bolitho - Harvard Gazette
Oct 27, 2011 · In his article “Abe Masahiro and the New Japan,” he made the case that Abe, the senior councilor of the Tokugawa government when Commodore ...
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[PDF] Shōka Sonjuku and the Meiji Restoration Jessica Madeira
Apr 2, 2018 · He was viewed as divine all the way up until the end of the Second World War and he therefore always possessed an incredible significance to the ...
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The Motivation of Political Leadership in the Meiji Restoration - jstor
It is ironical that Abe's action opened the way for the active participation of the non-fudai daimyo in national affairs and the eventual destruction of the ...