Absalom Jones
Absalom Jones (1746–1818) was an American clergyman and abolitionist who co-founded the Free African Society, established the African Episcopal Church of St. Thomas as the first independent black Episcopal parish in the United States, and became the first person of African descent ordained as a priest in the Episcopal Church.[1][2][3] Born into slavery in Sussex County, Delaware, Jones was initially owned by a planter named Abraham Wynkoop before being sold at age sixteen to a Philadelphia merchant, where he worked as a clerk and attended Quaker night school to further his self-taught literacy from reading the Bible.[1][3] In 1770, he purchased the freedom of his wife Mary, securing his own manumission in 1784 after years of saving and petitioning.[2][3] As a lay preacher at St. George's Methodist Episcopal Church, Jones experienced racial discrimination when black members, including himself, were segregated during services in 1792, prompting the formation of the Free African Society in 1787 for mutual aid and eventually leading to independent worship.[1][2][3] Jones organized The African Church in 1791, which affiliated with the Episcopal Diocese of Pennsylvania in 1794 as the African Episcopal Church of St. Thomas, dedicated that July with Jones as lay reader; the congregation grew to over five hundred members in its first year.[1][2] Ordained a deacon in 1795 and a priest on September 21, 1802, by Bishop William White, he served as rector, denouncing slavery in sermons and petitioning legislatures for abolition in 1799 and Congress in 1800.[1][3] Jones also co-founded the Society for the Suppression of Vice and Immorality in 1809 and supported the black community during the 1793 yellow fever epidemic, embodying persistent faith amid institutional barriers until his death in Philadelphia on February 13, 1818.[2][1]
Early Life and Path to Freedom
Birth and Enslavement in Delaware
Absalom Jones was born into slavery in Sussex County, Delaware, around 1746.[2][4] His birth occurred on a plantation known as Cedar Town in Cedar Creek Hundred, where his parents were also held in bondage, though their names remain undocumented in historical records.[4] As an enslaved child, Jones experienced the harsh realities of plantation labor in colonial Delaware, a region where slavery was entrenched in the agricultural economy dominated by tobacco and grain production.[5] Specific details of his early tasks or living conditions are scarce, but the institution of slavery in mid-18th-century Sussex County typically involved field work, domestic service, and family separations, reflecting broader patterns of hereditary bondage under English common law adapted to American colonies.[6] Jones remained enslaved in Delaware until approximately age 16, when he, his mother Mary, and his siblings were sold as a unit to Benjamin Wynkoop, a Philadelphia storekeeper and merchant.[4] This transaction marked the end of his direct enslavement in Delaware, transitioning his bondage to urban Pennsylvania, where opportunities for self-improvement amid slavery began to emerge.[2]Self-Education and Relocation to Philadelphia
Born into slavery in Sussex County, Delaware, on a plantation known as "Cedar Town" in 1746, Absalom Jones demonstrated early intellectual curiosity by teaching himself to read during his teenage years.[5][4] He acquired books, including the New Testament, by saving small amounts of money given to him by visitors to his enslaver's home, using these materials to develop literacy skills independently despite the constraints of enslavement.[2][3] In 1762, at approximately age sixteen, Jones experienced family separation when his mother, five brothers, and a sister were sold away, while he was transferred with his enslaver, a merchant named Joseph Wynkoop, to Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.[2][5] There, Wynkoop employed him initially in menial tasks such as lighting fires, sweeping floors, and running errands, before advancing him to roles as a clerk and bookkeeper in his tobacco and grocery business.[2] This relocation exposed Jones to urban opportunities for further self-improvement and community engagement in a larger free Black population, setting the stage for his later manumission.[4]Acquisition of Freedom and Family Life
In 1770, at age 24, Jones married Mary Thomas, a fellow enslaved person owned by Sarah King, with permission from their respective masters; both attended St. Peter's Episcopal Church in Philadelphia.[7][8] By 1778, through diligent savings from his work as a clerk and assistance from friends and his wife's family connections, Jones purchased Mary Thomas's freedom for approximately 40 pounds, ensuring that any subsequent children would inherit free status under Pennsylvania's maternal inheritance laws for enslaved persons.[9][8][10] Jones continued accumulating funds from his employment under Robert Wynkoop, who permitted evening education at a Quaker school and allowed wage retention beyond basic upkeep; Wynkoop initially resisted manumission but relented in 1784, granting Jones his freedom after years of negotiation and payment equivalent to his assessed value.[3][7][11] The couple raised several children born free after Mary's manumission, establishing a stable household in Philadelphia's free Black community; Jones supported the family through clerking, eventually acquiring property and diversifying into undertakings and tobacconist work post-freedom.[8][12][13]Religious Involvement and Community Organization
Association with St. George's Methodist Church
Absalom Jones, having purchased his freedom in 1784, became an active member of St. George's Methodist Episcopal Church in Philadelphia, where he served as a lay preacher for the black congregation.[14] Alongside Richard Allen, Jones received one of the first preaching licenses granted to African Americans by the Methodist Episcopal Church that same year, enabling them to lead services and evangelize effectively among Philadelphia's black population.[15] Their efforts attracted numerous black worshippers to St. George's, with Jones functioning as a class leader responsible for spiritual guidance and discipline within the segregated black section of the church.[16][2] In 1787, amid concerns over inadequate support for black members' mutual aid and burial needs, Jones co-founded the Free African Society with Allen and other free blacks, initially operating within the Methodist framework at St. George's to supplement church resources.[13] The society emphasized self-reliance and Christian benevolence, reflecting Jones's organizational skills, though it highlighted underlying tensions in the church's treatment of black attendees, who were often relegated to the balcony or upper galleries despite Methodist founder John Wesley's doctrinal opposition to slavery and racial hierarchy.[17] These tensions culminated in November 1792, when white trustees interrupted Jones, Allen, and other black worshippers kneeling in prayer on the main floor, physically pulling them to the segregated upper level in an overt enforcement of racial segregation.[16] This incident, occurring during a period of Methodist growth but persistent informal discrimination, prompted a mass walkout of black members from St. George's, underscoring the gap between the denomination's egalitarian rhetoric and practical realities for African American congregants under white oversight.[15] Jones's leadership in the aftermath shifted focus toward independent black religious structures, though his association with St. George's had laid foundational experience in preaching and community building.[2]Co-Founding the Free African Society with Richard Allen
Absalom Jones and Richard Allen co-founded the Free African Society on April 12, 1787, in Philadelphia, establishing it as a nondenominational mutual aid organization for the free Black community.[18] The two men, both formerly enslaved and now prominent community figures, had met the prior year through Allen's preaching at St. George's Methodist Church, where they discussed strategies to address the socioeconomic vulnerabilities of free Blacks in the post-Revolutionary period.[19] Their collaboration drew on Jones's Episcopal background and Allen's Methodist leanings to create a nonsectarian framework prioritizing self-help over denominational divides.[19] The society's preamble articulated its purpose as stemming from Jones and Allen's "love to the people of their complexion," whom they viewed with sorrow due to widespread irreligion and lack of civility, aiming to promote moral reform, thrift, temperance, and industry among members.[20] Membership required orderly conduct, prohibiting drunkenness, gambling, or disorder, with expulsion possible after warnings for violations or non-payment of dues.[20] Initial dues were set at one shilling per month, increasing to three shillings and nine pence weekly after the first year to fund aid for the sick, unemployed, widows, and orphans, including support for children's education and apprenticeships.[20][18] Early meetings convened at Allen's home before shifting to the Quaker African School House, reflecting the society's openness to diverse religious influences while focusing on practical relief such as burial funds and emergency assistance.[19] This structure enabled the Free African Society to build community resilience and leadership, serving as a precursor to independent Black religious institutions without initially emphasizing formal worship.[18]Crisis Response During the 1793 Yellow Fever Epidemic
Mobilization of Black Volunteers for Nursing and Burial
In August 1793, as the yellow fever epidemic ravaged Philadelphia—claiming over 5,000 lives by November amid a population of approximately 50,000—city officials, including Mayor Matthew Clarkson and physician Benjamin Rush, appealed for volunteers to nurse the afflicted and bury the dead, erroneously asserting that Black residents possessed natural immunity to the disease.[21][22] Absalom Jones and Richard Allen, leaders of the Free African Society, responded by mobilizing free Black Philadelphians for these hazardous duties, organizing efforts that included transporting the sick, providing bedside care, cleaning streets, and interring corpses when white flight left an acute labor shortage.[23][24] Volunteers under Jones and Allen's coordination adhered to Rush's treatment protocols, which emphasized bloodletting; within weeks, teams were performing this procedure on hundreds of patients daily, alongside feeding, medicating, and comforting the ill in their homes and makeshift facilities.[22] For burials, Black workers handled the disposal of numerous unclaimed bodies, including several hundred poor individuals and strangers without compensation, while also recording a stark rise in Black mortality: 305 interments of Black Philadelphians in 1793 compared to 67 the previous year, refuting claims of immunity and highlighting the volunteers' own sacrifices.[21][25] These efforts persisted despite widespread fear, with Jones and Allen personally participating in nursing and grave-digging to sustain the response.[23] The mobilization demonstrated communal solidarity but drew later criticism for alleged overcharging or neglect, prompting Jones and Allen to publish A Narrative of the Proceedings of the Black People, During the Late Awful Calamity in Philadelphia, in the Year 1793 on January 7, 1794, which detailed their accounts, burial ledgers, and refutations based on firsthand records to affirm the volunteers' diligence and altruism.[21][26]Defense Against Accusations in the Published Narrative
In response to Matthew Carey's A Short Account of the Malignant Fever, Lately Prevalent in Philadelphia (1793), which accused black nurses of widespread extortion, neglect of patients, and plundering the deceased, Absalom Jones and Richard Allen issued A Narrative of the Proceedings of the Black People, During the Late Awful Calamity in Philadelphia, in the Year 1793 on January 7, 1794.[27][21] Carey's pamphlet, which sold thousands of copies, portrayed black volunteers as opportunistic amid the crisis that killed approximately 5,000 residents, including 305 blacks—disproportionately high given their smaller population share and contradicting the era's false assumption of black immunity.[28][27] Jones and Allen refuted extortion claims by documenting that black caregivers initially served without charge, only later accepting payments driven by acute shortages—nurses' wages rose from £6 per week to £2–£4 daily as demand surged and workers were enticed away—yet their total receipts of £233 10s. 4d. fell short of £411 in expenses, yielding a net loss of £177 9s. 8d..[27][21] They admitted isolated overcharging but emphasized selfless acts, such as performing over 800 bleedings gratis and individuals like Sampson and Mary Scott providing round-the-clock care without remuneration.[27] On neglect, the narrative conceded that fatigue from unrelieved shifts—often solo nursing of delirious patients for days—led to some lapses, but countered with evidence of diligent service, including the burial of hundreds of bodies under hazardous conditions when white laborers refused.[27][21] Plundering allegations were addressed by acknowledging a handful of black perpetrators (estimated at five out of many employed) while highlighting equivalent white misconduct, such as a white woman documented stealing silver buckles from a corpse, which Carey omitted.[27] The pamphlet debunked immunity myths by citing black mortality data—305 deaths in 1793 versus 67 the prior year—proving equal susceptibility and underscoring volunteers' risks, as "our lives were endangered in more cases than one."[27][21] Jones and Allen critiqued Carey's partiality, noting his flight from the city and suggestion that his pamphlet's profits exceeded those of "a dozen of the greatest extortioners among the black nurses," while including Philadelphia Mayor Matthew Clarkson's testimonial affirming black volunteers' overall reliability.[27][21] Carey's subsequent editions softened some charges, reflecting the narrative's impact.[28]Formation of Independent Black Congregations
Pursuit of Episcopal Affiliation Over Methodist Independence
Following the racial segregation incident at St. George's Methodist Episcopal Church in 1787, where Absalom Jones and other Black worshippers were directed to the balcony during prayer, members of the Free African Society debated their denominational future.[29] While Richard Allen advocated remaining aligned with Methodism—eventually leading to independent Methodist structures due to ongoing rejection—Jones supported pursuing affiliation with the Episcopal Church, emphasizing its potential for structured inclusion without the immediate hostilities experienced under Methodist leadership.[30] This preference stemmed from the Episcopal Church's willingness, under Bishop William White, to consider ordaining Black leaders and recognizing a separate congregation, as evidenced by White's openness to doctrinal alignment without full integration demands.[31] On November 12, 1791, a majority of Free African Society members voted to adopt the Episcopal Church's doctrine, discipline, and worship forms, reflecting disillusionment with Methodist discrimination and a desire for the liturgical order of the Book of Common Prayer, which Jones valued for its scriptural reverence and communal discipline over Methodism's more emotive, class-based meetings.[30] Jones, as a primary organizer, formalized this pursuit by drafting and submitting a petition to Bishop White in 1792, resolving that the society "find it most expedient to unite with a religious society whose faith, discipline and worship agree with those of the Episcopal Church."[31] This move prioritized affiliation within an established hierarchy—offering pathways to ordination and institutional legitimacy—over full independence, which risked isolation without ecclesiastical support, contrasting Allen's trajectory toward founding the autonomous African Methodist Episcopal Church in 1816.[32] The decision underscored Jones' strategic realism: Episcopal affiliation provided verifiable ecclesiastical standing, as White admitted the group on August 17, 1794, enabling Jones' deacon ordination the following year, whereas Methodist independence demanded navigating persistent white oversight without guaranteed sacraments or authority.[30] This path avoided the perils of unendorsed autonomy, such as vulnerability to legal challenges or loss of broader Christian recognition, while leveraging the Episcopal structure's relative openness in post-Revolutionary Philadelphia.[33]Establishment of St. Thomas' African Episcopal Church
Following the organizational efforts of the Free African Society, Absalom Jones led the formation of an independent Black congregation aligned with Episcopal polity and liturgy. In 1792, Society members voted to establish the First African Church, submitting articles of faith and a petition to Bishop William White of the Episcopal Diocese of Pennsylvania for affiliation, emphasizing self-governance while adhering to Anglican doctrine.[30][34] This initiative reflected Jones's preference for the structured worship and sacramental emphasis of Episcopalianism over Methodist emotionalism, diverging from Richard Allen's path toward Methodist independence.[30] Construction of a dedicated church building proceeded at the corner of Fifth and Adelphi Streets in Philadelphia, funded through Society contributions and lot sales. The structure opened for worship on July 17, 1794, as St. Thomas' African Episcopal Church, named after the apostle Thomas, with Jones serving as lay reader and spiritual overseer. Initial membership numbered approximately 250, drawn primarily from the Free African Society's ranks, and rapidly expanded to over 500 communicants within the first year, underscoring the demand for racially autonomous worship spaces amid persistent segregation in white congregations.[35][30] Formal admission to the Episcopal Diocese occurred in October 1794, after diocesan approval of the congregation's constitution and Jones's commitment to ordination requirements. The church was incorporated under Pennsylvania law shortly thereafter, securing legal autonomy for property and governance. This establishment marked the first Black Episcopal parish in the United States, enabling Jones to conduct services using the Book of Common Prayer while fostering community mutual aid and moral discipline.[34][36]Denominational Split and Richard Allen's Founding of the AME
Following the discriminatory incident at St. George's Methodist Church in November 1792, where Absalom Jones was physically removed from prayer by a white trustee, members of the Free African Society convened to address ongoing segregation and seek independent worship.[37] The society, originally non-denominational and focused on mutual aid, debated formal affiliation: a majority voted to align with the Episcopal Church, citing its liturgical structure and governance as preferable for establishing an independent black congregation.[17] Jones, emphasizing this preference, led the faction toward Episcopal ordination and incorporated the African Episcopal Church of St. Thomas on July 17, 1794.[32] Richard Allen, dissenting from the Episcopal choice due to his commitment to Methodist doctrine, evangelical preaching style, and class meeting system, withdrew to pursue a Methodist path.[38] He purchased and converted a blacksmith shop into Bethel Church, opening it for services on July 29, 1794, initially under Methodist oversight but with growing autonomy amid disputes over black leadership.[39] Allen was ordained a deacon by the Methodist Episcopal Church in 1799, allowing him to preach formally, though tensions persisted over white conferences' control of black pulpits and finances.[40] These differences marked an amicable yet definitive denominational split, reflecting broader tensions between liturgical formality favored by Jones and experiential revivalism preferred by Allen, while both prioritized racial self-determination.[32] Allen's Bethel congregation expanded, affiliating with other independent black Methodist groups facing similar oversight issues. In 1816, after a legal victory affirming Bethel's independence from the white Philadelphia Conference, Allen convened delegates from five black congregations in Philadelphia on April 9–11 to organize the African Methodist Episcopal Church.[41] Elected its first bishop on April 11, 1816, Allen established a connectional structure with episcopal oversight, circuit riders, and annual conferences, enabling national growth to over 7,000 members by his death in 1831.[42] This founding formalized black Methodism's separation, contrasting Jones's Episcopal integration while advancing parallel institutional independence.[40]Ordination and Episcopal Ministry
Deaconate in 1795 and Priesthood in 1802
In 1795, Bishop William White of the Episcopal Diocese of Pennsylvania ordained Absalom Jones as a deacon, making him one of the first African Americans admitted to holy orders in the Episcopal Church.[2][36] This ordination followed the 1794 decision by the congregation of St. Thomas' African Episcopal Church to affiliate with the Episcopal Church rather than pursue full independence under Methodist auspices, with Jones having been elected as lay reader and undergoing examination on Episcopal doctrines and liturgy as required by White.[1][43] As deacon, Jones led services, preached, and administered sacraments at St. Thomas', demonstrating the congregation's viability and his own qualifications amid prevailing racial skepticism within the denomination.[2] Jones served in the diaconate for seven years, during which he continued to build St. Thomas' as a stable Episcopal parish while advocating for moral discipline and anti-slavery principles among its members.[1] On September 21, 1802, Bishop White ordained him as a priest at St. Thomas' Church in Philadelphia, marking Jones as the first African American priest in the Episcopal Church and affirming the denomination's tentative acceptance of Black leadership under proven pastoral success.[3][1][36] The progression from deacon to priest adhered to Episcopal canons requiring demonstrated service, reflecting White's cautious approach to integrating Black clergy amid broader societal and ecclesiastical resistance to racial equality.[43] This ordination solidified Jones's role as rector of St. Thomas', enabling full priestly functions such as celebrating the Eucharist independently.[2]Leadership and Preaching at St. Thomas'
Absalom Jones assumed pastoral leadership of the African Episcopal Church of St. Thomas following its dedication on July 17, 1794, guiding the congregation as lay reader prior to his formal ordination.[1] After his ordination as deacon in 1795 and priest in 1802—making him the first African American ordained to the priesthood in the Episcopal Church—Jones served as rector, overseeing worship, community outreach, and administrative duties for Philadelphia's first independent Black Episcopal parish.[3] Under his direction, St. Thomas' emphasized self-reliance, education, and moral upliftment among free Blacks, fostering a stable institution amid racial discrimination.[2] Jones's preaching at St. Thomas' centered on themes of divine providence, moral responsibility, and emancipation from bondage, drawing from biblical narratives to inspire resilience and ethical conduct.[44] His sermons often addressed contemporary injustices, urging congregants to pursue literacy and economic independence as pathways to dignity, reflecting his own self-taught literacy achieved through purchased books.[2] A notable example is his January 1, 1808, Thanksgiving sermon, delivered in the church sanctuary to commemorate the U.S. congressional act prohibiting the importation of slaves, effective that date; in it, Jones extolled God's role in abolition while calling for ongoing vigilance against domestic slavery.[45][46] As rector, Jones navigated tensions with the Episcopal hierarchy, maintaining doctrinal fidelity while advocating for Black autonomy, which solidified St. Thomas' as a beacon of faithful persistence against exclusionary practices.[7] His leadership extended to promoting vaccination during health crises and supporting mutual aid, ensuring the church's role as a communal anchor for over 500 members by the early 1800s.[47] Through consistent preaching and governance, Jones exemplified integrated faith and activism, leaving a legacy of principled ecclesiastical service.[33]