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Ordination

Ordination is the formal religious rite by which individuals are consecrated and set apart from the laity to assume roles within the clergy, granting them authority to perform specific ministerial or sacerdotal functions such as preaching, administering sacraments, or rendering religious judgments.^[1]^[2] In Christianity, it typically involves the laying on of hands by existing clergy, a practice rooted in New Testament examples where apostles and elders commissioned deacons and overseers, signifying the transmission of spiritual authority and responsibility for church leadership.^[1]^[3] This rite is considered essential in traditions like Roman Catholicism, where it imparts an indelible sacramental character, distinguishing it from mere recognition of gifts in many Protestant denominations.^[3] Analogous ceremonies exist in Judaism as semikhah, which certifies rabbinic expertise in halakhah and authorizes legal decision-making and communal leadership, historically involving physical imposition of hands but now primarily a diploma of proficiency.^[4]^[5] In Buddhism, ordination, known as upasampadā, initiates novices into the monastic sangha as fully ordained monks (bhikkhus) or nuns (bhikkhunis) through ritual recitation of precepts under senior monastics, emphasizing ethical commitment over hierarchical power.^[6] Defining characteristics include rigorous preparation, communal affirmation, and ritual elements symbolizing divine commissioning, though debates persist over prerequisites like gender eligibility and the necessity of unbroken lineages, as seen in Catholic assertions of apostolic succession versus broader ecclesiastical validations.^[3]

Overview

Definition and Etymology

Ordination constitutes a formal religious rite that consecrates an individual, setting them apart from the laity to assume specific clerical roles and authority for sacred functions, such as doctrinal instruction, sacramental administration, or ecclesiastical governance. This investiture grants pastoral or sacerdotal power, typically through structured ceremonies involving communal affirmation, vows, and ritual elements like the laying on of hands, ensuring the ordained's legitimacy within the faith's hierarchical framework.^[1]^[7] Etymologically, the term derives from the Latin ōrdinātiōn-, the noun form of ōrdināre ("to arrange, appoint, or ordain"), which stems from ōrdō ("order, row, rank, or class"). In classical Roman usage, ōrdō denoted a structured social category or sequence, as in senatorial or equestrian orders, implying systematic placement into a defined position; by late antiquity, this evolved in ecclesiastical contexts to signify appointment to holy orders or ranks, reflecting a divine or institutional arrangement. The word entered Old French as ordination around the 13th century, denoting arrangement or decree, before adopting its modern religious connotation of clerical commissioning by the 14th century.^[8]^[9]^[3] This rite fundamentally differs from secular commissioning, which operates via civil, military, or organizational protocols without invoking spiritual consecration or perpetual sacred status, as ordination requires validation by a religious body's recognized authorities to confer enduring ministerial authority. It thereby precludes equivalence with informal leadership, charismatic self-designation, or temporary delegations, prioritizing institutional oversight to preserve communal and doctrinal integrity against unauthorized claims.^[10]^[11]

Theological and Functional Purpose

Ordination theologically functions as a mechanism for divine delegation, wherein religious communities formally recognize and set apart individuals deemed called to exercise spiritual authority, thereby ensuring that sacred rites, teachings, and governance remain entrusted to those validated by communal discernment and tradition rather than self-appointment.^[11] This process underscores a first-principles rationale: without structured sanctioning, unqualified or self-proclaimed leaders could introduce doctrinal deviations or mishandle rituals, eroding the integrity of revealed truths or communal worship. In traditions emphasizing charisms or sacramental grace, ordination transmits specific spiritual endowments, such as the ability to administer forgiveness or interpret scripture authoritatively, linking the minister's role to a perceived continuity with foundational divine mandates.^[12]^[13] Functionally, ordination establishes accountability structures by subjecting candidates to examination of character, doctrine, and competence, fostering a hierarchy that promotes order and prevents anarchic leadership contests within the community.^[14] It preserves tradition against unchecked innovation by requiring adherence to established criteria, often involving the laying on of hands by existing authorities, which symbolizes the conferral of responsibility for upholding orthodoxy. This rite also enhances external legitimacy, signaling to adherents and outsiders alike that the ordained possess recognized standing to perform binding acts like vows, blessings, or judgments, thereby reinforcing communal cohesion through visible continuity.^[11]^[13] Empirically, formalized ordination correlates with sustained religious stability, as institutional differentiation between laity and clergy—effected through such rites—facilitates role clarity and reduces fragmentation in expanding communities, contrasting with less structured movements prone to rapid schisms from unvetted authority claims. Sociological analyses of religious organizations highlight how ordination's role in elevating and consecrating leaders contributes to long-term cohesion by embedding authority in verifiable processes rather than transient charisma.^[15]^[3]

Historical Development

Ancient and Scriptural Origins

The concept of ordination emerged from ancient Near Eastern traditions of consecrating kings and priests through rituals that symbolized divine endorsement and transmission of authority, often involving physical acts like anointing or imposition to bind the officeholder to sacred duties. In Mesopotamian and Egyptian contexts, these ceremonies elevated rulers as intermediaries between gods and people, with kings sometimes assuming priestly roles to legitimize governance and cultic practices.^[16] Such rites emphasized hierarchical continuity, typically restricted to males from elite lineages, to preserve ritual purity and doctrinal stability against the syncretism common in polytheistic systems.^[17] In Judaism, these influences were reshaped under Mosaic law to prioritize fidelity to Yahweh's revelation, with ordination-like commissioning ensuring male-led transmission of covenantal authority. Numbers 27:18-23 records God directing Moses to select Joshua—a man possessing the spirit—and lay hands on him before the priest Eleazar and assembly, publicly installing him as military and administrative successor while Moses retained consultative oversight.^[18] This act, performed circa 1406 BCE during the wilderness period, prototyped later installations by combining divine selection, physical imposition, and communal witness to avert leadership vacuums and uphold patriarchal succession inherent in Israel's tribal structure.^[19] Deuteronomy 17:8-13 further delineates authoritative transmission by mandating deference to Levitical priests and a designated judge at the central sanctuary for intractable judicial matters, such as homicide or ritual disputes, with non-compliance punishable by death to enforce interpretive uniformity.^[20] This framework, rooted in priestly (Aaronic) male exclusivity per Exodus 28–29, countered interpretive fluidity by vesting resolution power in divinely ordained lineages, thereby safeguarding Torah observance from local deviations or external corruptions.^[21] New Testament precedents build on these foundations, adapting the rite for ecclesial roles amid first-century Judaism. Acts 6:6 describes the apostles presenting seven male Hellenistic Jews—full of the Spirit and wisdom—to the multitude, then laying hands on them after prayer to appoint them for diaconal service, ensuring orderly distribution of aid while preserving apostolic oversight.^[22] Similarly, 1 Timothy 4:14 references the presbytery's laying on of hands imparting a spiritual gift to Timothy, circa 62–64 CE, as a deliberate conferral validating his prophetic and teaching ministry against false doctrines.^[23] These instances, exclusively involving males, mechanistically linked authority to prior holders, fostering causal chains of fidelity to Christ's commands over the improvisational tendencies of Greco-Roman cults.^[24]

Evolution in Major Traditions

In the medieval period, Catholic scholastic theologians, building on earlier patristic traditions, systematized the concept of holy orders into seven distinct degrees—porter, lector, exorcist, acolyte, subdeacon, deacon, and priest—emphasizing a hierarchical progression that conferred sacramental grace and indelible character upon the recipient.^[25] This formalization, evident in works from the 12th century onward, such as those synthesizing Dionysian hierarchies with Aristotelian categories, aimed to clarify ecclesiastical structure amid growing institutional complexity, though it represented an evolution rather than invention, as the major orders of bishop, priest, and deacon traced to apostolic times.^[26] In parallel, Eastern Orthodox traditions maintained a focus on the unbroken chain of apostolic succession through episcopal laying on of hands, viewing ordination as the transmission of divine authority without the Western scholastic enumeration of minor orders, prioritizing liturgical continuity over systematic categorization.^[27] The Protestant Reformation of the 16th century marked a decisive rupture, with reformers like Martin Luther rejecting ordination as a sacrament that imparts ontological change, instead framing it as a public recognition of an individual's divine calling, moral character, and doctrinal fidelity, often through congregational examination rather than hierarchical rite.^[28] Confessional documents, such as the Augsburg Confession (1530) and Westminster Confession of Faith (1646), omitted holy orders from the sacraments—limiting them to baptism and the Lord's Supper—arguing that Scripture provided no warrant for viewing ordination as a means of grace, thereby diluting the early church's emphasis on visible succession and fostering diverse practices like presbyterian eldership elections.^[29] This shift, driven by sola scriptura principles, prioritized functional ministry over sacramental ontology, leading to broader denominational divergences where ordination became more accessible but arguably less tethered to historical episcopal oversight. In the 20th and 21st centuries, ordination trends reflected contrasting trajectories: a marked decline in traditional Catholic priestly ordinations post-Vatican II (1962–1965), with global diocesan ordinations dropping from approximately 25,000 annually in the mid-1960s to around 5,000 by the 2010s, attributed in part to secularization, liturgical changes, and reduced emphasis on clerical vocation amid rising lay involvement.^[30] Conversely, some Protestant and evangelical groups expanded lay empowerment through licensed ministries and non-sacramental commissioning, as seen in shifts toward team-based leadership models that de-emphasize solo ordained clergy, while Orthodox and conservative Catholic circles reinforced traditionalism to preserve doctrinal integrity against modernist dilutions.^[31] These developments highlight causal tensions between empirical pressures like clergy shortages and fidelity to scriptural precedents, with data underscoring that deviations from unified rites have not stemmed vocational erosion in sacramental traditions.^[32]

In Judaism

Semikhah and Rabbinic Authority

Semikhah represents the classical mechanism for conferring rabbinic authority in Judaism, originating from the biblical transmission by Moses to Joshua and the elders, as described in Numbers 27:23 and elaborated in Mishnah Sanhedrin 1:3. The process entails an intensive oral examination assessing the candidate's proficiency in Torah, Talmud, halakhic codes, and practical decision-making, conducted by at least three ordained scholars who endorse the recipient via a formal certificate. This certification qualifies the rabbi to adjudicate disputes, issue binding piskei halakhah (legal decisions), and exercise communal leadership, emphasizing reliance on demonstrated expertise rather than mere academic title.^[5]^[4]^[33] The unbroken chain of semikhah persisted from Mosaic times through the Second Temple period and into the early rabbinic era, enabling the Sanhedrin and subsequent courts to enforce gezerot (decrees) and takkanot (enactments) with national authority. Roman suppression intensified after the Bar Kokhba revolt in 135 CE, prohibiting Jewish judicial assemblies, yet ordinations continued covertly until their definitive cessation between 360 and 425 CE, likely during the reign of Hillel II or under final imperial edicts curtailing Jewish autonomy. This interruption stemmed from sustained persecution and dispersal, severing the formal linkage required for classical semikhah, which demanded both ordainer and recipient be in the Land of Israel with verifiable descent from prior generations.^[4]^[34] Semikhah's core function safeguards halakhic integrity by restricting authoritative rulings to those vetted through scholarly endorsement, rejecting self-proclaimed expertise or innovation absent communal validation. Without it, rabbis lack the mandate to impose obligations beyond personal guidance, highlighting the peril of unauthorized claims that could fragment observance. In contemporary Orthodox Judaism, while full classical semikhah remains unreinstated—despite isolated revival efforts like Rabbi Jacob Berab's 1538 initiative in Safed, which gained limited adherents but failed to restore universal chain—yeshivot issue certifications of halakhic competence, preserving de facto authority via rigorous training and consensus among Torah sages rather than purported continuity of the ancient lineage. This adaptation underscores fidelity to transmitted tradition over novel reconstructions.^[33]^[35]

Historical Interruptions and Modern Revivals

The destruction of the Second Temple by the Romans in 70 CE disrupted the centralized Sanhedrin but did not immediately end semikhah, which continued through relocated academies in Yavneh and Galilee under rabbinic leaders like Yohanan ben Zakkai. Roman persecutions, including edicts restricting Jewish judicial autonomy, progressively eroded this practice, culminating in its cessation between 360 and 425 CE amid imperial bans under figures like Theodosius II that forbade the transmission of authority. This break, driven by political conquests and enforced exiles, shifted rabbinic legitimacy to decentralized scholarly networks, particularly Babylonian yeshivot and geonim, who relied on intellectual mastery rather than formal ordination chains, as physical continuity in the Land of Israel became untenable. A notable revival attempt occurred in 1538 when Rabbi Jacob Berab, chief rabbi of Safed in Ottoman Palestine, invoked Maimonides' ruling allowing renewal by majority consent of Eretz Israel scholars, ordaining four rabbis including Joseph Karo to restore judicial powers like capital trials. Fierce opposition from Rabbi Levi ibn Habib, who argued procedural flaws and lack of universal acceptance invalidated the act, led Berab's death in 1546 and the ordinations' revocation, underscoring halakhic disputes over consensus requirements. This failure perpetuated reliance on informal certifications, as geographic fragmentation and rabbinic divisions prevented consolidation. In the 21st century, Orthodox rabbis in Jerusalem launched a 2004 initiative to reestablish the Sanhedrin and semikhah via Maimonides' method, claiming to ordain members for binding authority; Rabbi Adin Steinsaltz joined as Nasi in 2005 but resigned by 2008 amid internal shifts. Lacking endorsement from major rabbinic bodies like the Chief Rabbinate, the effort dissolved without broader impact, as critics cited insufficient scholarly unanimity and practical irrelevance in a secular state. Persistent diaspora dispersion, alongside secularism diluting traditional cohesion in Israel and abroad, has reinforced decentralized yeshiva-based semikhah, prioritizing local expertise over revived centralization despite periodic messianic or restorative impulses.

In Christianity

Apostolic Succession and Sacramental Rites

Apostolic succession refers to the Christian doctrine asserting an unbroken transmission of spiritual authority from the apostles to subsequent bishops through the rite of ordination, preserving the church's teaching and sacramental efficacy. This concept underpins the validity of ordinations in traditions such as Catholicism and Eastern Orthodoxy, where bishops alone confer holy orders via the laying on of hands, ensuring continuity of apostolic mission.^[36]^[37] Biblical foundations for this transmission include Jesus' conferral of binding authority upon Peter in Matthew 16:18-19, interpreted by proponents as establishing a foundational office perpetuated through successors, and Paul's instruction to Timothy in 2 Timothy 1:6, where the "gift of God" is imparted "through the laying on of my hands," signifying a tangible handover of ministerial charism.^[38]^[39] These passages, while not explicitly delineating a perpetual episcopal lineage, form the scriptural rationale for empirical claims of historical continuity, evidenced in early church fathers' writings and ordination lists tracing back to apostolic sees. Critics, including many Protestant scholars, argue that such succession lacks direct scriptural mandate for an institutional hierarchy, viewing it instead as a post-apostolic development rather than a causal necessity for valid ministry.^[40] The ordination rite itself centers on the bishop's imposition of hands, accompanied by prayer, symbolizing and effecting the invocation of the Holy Spirit for the ordinand's role in sacraments like the Eucharist and absolution. In sacramental traditions, this act imprints an indelible spiritual character on the soul, ontologically configuring the recipient for priestly or episcopal functions without possibility of repetition, as articulated in Catholic teaching.^[41] Eastern Orthodox practice aligns similarly, emphasizing the mystery's permanence in restoring grace to lapsed clergy, though without the precise Latin terminology of "indelible mark."^[42] In contrast, Protestant views generally reject this ontological transformation, treating ordination as a symbolic rite of commissioning and public affirmation of calling, dependent on personal faith and congregational recognition rather than an irreversible sacramental change. This distinction highlights a core divide: sacramental traditions prioritize causal continuity through episcopal mediation for ecclesial validity, while Protestant approaches emphasize scriptural priesthood of all believers, rendering ordination functional but not metaphysically altering.^[40]^[43]

Catholic and Eastern Orthodox Practices

In the Catholic Church, the sacrament of holy orders confers the three degrees of bishop, priest, and deacon through the laying on of hands by a bishop, conferring indelible spiritual power for sacramental ministry. Historically, the Latin Rite distinguished seven clerical orders—four minor (porter, lector, exorcist, acolyte) preparatory to the three major (subdeacon, deacon, priest)—though post-1968 reforms under Pope Paul VI suppressed the subdiaconate and minor orders as sacramental, replacing them with instituted ministries of lector and acolyte for lay or seminarian service. Candidates undergo extensive seminary formation, typically six to eight years including philosophical and theological studies, philosophical discernment, and pastoral internships, culminating in promises of celibacy and obedience for diocesan priests in the Latin Rite, with celibacy mandatory to ensure undivided devotion to ecclesiastical service. Bishops, selected from celibate priests, receive episcopal consecration with chrism anointing. In 2025, 405 men were ordained to the priesthood in the United States, with ordinands averaging 34 years old and first discerning their vocation around age 16, often from practicing Catholic families; surveys indicate most recent ordinands identify as politically conservative or very conservative, reflecting a trend among younger clergy.^[44] ^[45] Post-Vatican II liturgical reforms, including relaxed disciplinary norms and emphasis on vernacular rites, correlated with a sharp decline in U.S. priestly vocations, from over 900 annual ordinations in the 1960s to around 400 by 2025, as documented in longitudinal CARA data attributing the drop to diminished traditional incentives like clerical prestige and stable family encouragement for early vocations.^[46] ^[47] In the Eastern Orthodox tradition, ordination, termed cheirotonia (laying on of hands), establishes the three hierarchical ranks of bishop, priest (presbyter), and deacon, performed publicly during the Divine Liturgy by a presiding bishop with concelebrating clergy, invoking the Holy Spirit's descent.^[48] Unlike Catholicism's minor orders, Orthodoxy focuses solely on these major ranks, with preparatory roles like reader or subdeacon appointed via prayer rather than sacramental imposition. Priests may marry before ordination but must remain celibate thereafter if widowed, while deacons' wives must consent to their husband's service; bishops are invariably monastic and celibate, elected from experienced archimandrites. Formation involves theological seminaries, often four to seven years, emphasizing patristic study, liturgical immersion, and ascetic discipline, with vows of obedience to the bishop and fidelity to Orthodox canons. Ordinations underscore apostolic succession and male-only eligibility, rooted in scriptural precedents, maintaining numerical stability through cultural retention of traditional practices amid broader secular declines.

Protestant and Evangelical Variations

Protestant ordination emerged from Reformation critiques of medieval sacramentalism, emphasizing instead the recognition of a divine call through congregational or presbyterial affirmation, doctrinal examination, and often the laying on of hands as a symbolic rite without conferring ontological change.^[49] This approach prioritizes the candidate's personal faith, scriptural knowledge, preaching proficiency, and moral character over hierarchical conferral of authority.^[50] Lutheran churches retain structured ordination processes involving seminary training, candidacy committees, and public rites with laying on of hands by ordained clergy, serving as a solemn confirmation of the church's call to Word and Sacrament ministry.^[51] The rite underscores continuity with apostolic practice but rejects any notion of an indelible priestly character, aligning with Martin Luther's view that ordination publicly validates instruction in God's Word and ecclesiastical selection.^[49] Anglican ordination preserves episcopal oversight, requiring candidates to be examined and ordained by bishops through laying on of hands, as prescribed in the ordinal and affirmed by the Thirty-Nine Articles of 1571, which mandate lawful calling for preaching and sacraments.^[52] Article XXIII specifies that no one may assume ministerial office without such authorization, while Article XXVI distinguishes ordination from other rites by upholding its validity when performed by properly ordained ministers.^[52] In Reformed and Presbyterian traditions, ordination follows rigorous presbytery examination of theology, sacraments, polity, and practical abilities, culminating in vows, prayer, and laying on of hands by the presbytery.^[53] This process, governed by bodies like classis or presbytery committees, ensures alignment with confessional standards such as the Westminster Confession, emphasizing the elder-led recognition of gifts for eldership or pastoral roles.^[54] Methodist ordination involves a multi-stage candidacy with annual conference approval, seminary education, and evaluation of spiritual disciplines, scriptural competence, and commitment to covenant ministry, followed by ordination vows and laying on of hands at conference sessions.^[55] The United Methodist Book of Discipline outlines qualifications including a discerned call and high moral standards, reflecting John Wesley's adaptation of Anglican practices to emphasize itinerant preaching and connectional accountability.^[55] Evangelical and Pentecostal variations often feature commissioning services led by denominational councils or local assemblies, prioritizing evidence of Holy Spirit empowerment, evangelistic fruitfulness, and ministerial endorsement over formal hierarchies.^[56] In Pentecostal contexts, ordination may follow ministerial training and examination by presbytery-like bodies, but stresses charismatic gifts and divine commissioning as primary validators of authority.^[57] Many conservative Protestant groups, including Southern Baptists, restrict ordination to men based on biblical interpretations of male headship, as articulated in the 2000 Baptist Faith and Message, which limits the pastoral office to qualified men.^[58] This complementarian stance persists in denominations upholding scriptural qualifications like 1 Timothy 3:1-7, contrasting with more egalitarian practices in mainline bodies.^[58] The diversity and relative flexibility in Protestant ordination correlate with denominational proliferation, as organizational adaptability facilitates schisms over doctrine or practice, contributing to over 200 major Protestant families worldwide amid broader fragmentation.^[59] Studies of ecclesiastical change highlight how such variance enables innovation but also exacerbates splits, unlike stricter hierarchical models.^[60]

Restorationist and Non-Trinitarian Groups

Restorationist and non-Trinitarian groups, emerging primarily in the 19th century, typically posit a "Great Apostasy" in early Christianity, rendering prior ordinations invalid and necessitating divine restoration of authority through new revelations or prophetic figures. This framework rejects Trinitarian formulations of God as incompatible with biblical monotheism, influencing their ordination practices to emphasize direct divine appointment over historical ecclesiastical continuity. Such groups, including Jehovah's Witnesses and The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, prioritize lay male leadership qualified by moral and doctrinal fidelity, often without sacramental rites akin to those in Catholic or Orthodox traditions. In Jehovah's Witnesses, elders—responsible for teaching, shepherding, and judicial matters—are appointed rather than ordained through a formal ritual involving laying on of hands. The Governing Body, viewed as directed by Jesus Christ, authorizes appointments via circuit overseers who review local elder body recommendations based on criteria such as scriptural knowledge, exemplary conduct, and ability to teach, as outlined in 1 Timothy 3:1-7 and Titus 1:5-9. This process, formalized in procedures updated as of September 2014, emphasizes theocratic organization over personal charisma or apostolic lineage, with no public ceremony or sacramental conferral of grace. Critics from historic Christian perspectives argue this system centralizes authority in a modern body without verifiable ties to first-century practice, diverging from New Testament patterns of elder appointment by existing overseers.^[61]^[62] The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints teaches a dual priesthood structure restored to Joseph Smith in the late 1820s: the Aaronic Priesthood, conferring authority for baptism and sacrament, was restored by John the Baptist on May 15, 1829, near Harmony, Pennsylvania; the higher Melchizedek Priesthood, enabling temple ordinances and leadership, followed via appearances of Peter, James, and John shortly thereafter. Ordination occurs through laying on of hands by an authorized holder, extending to all worthy males from age 11 or 12, enabling broad lay participation in rituals without a professional clergy. This restorationist claim, detailed in Doctrine and Covenants sections 13 and 27, posits angelic intervention to break the apostasy's chain, but lacks independent historical corroboration beyond Smith and associates' testimonies, contrasting with the empirical continuity asserted in patristic records of early church ordinations.^[63]^[64]^[65] These groups' rejection of Trinitarian doctrine underscores a view of priesthood as functional authority from a singular God, not a sacramental impartation tied to Christ's divine nature as co-equal persons. Ordination thus serves organizational restoration rather than mystical transmission, with eligibility restricted to males demonstrating worthiness, though women hold auxiliary roles without priesthood. Empirical analysis reveals no archaeological or textual evidence for such 19th-century angelic restorations in prior Christian history, positioning these practices as innovative responses to perceived doctrinal corruptions rather than recoveries of primitive forms.

In Islam

Informal Appointment of Religious Leaders

In Islam, there is no sacramental ordination or formal rite conferring clerical authority, distinguishing it from traditions reliant on ritual transmission. Religious leadership derives instead from demonstrated knowledge of Islamic texts and jurisprudence, with authority earned through scholarly attainment rather than institutional sacrament.^[66]^[67] Imams, who lead congregational prayers, are typically selected by mosque communities, boards, or governing bodies based on criteria such as proficiency in Quranic recitation, mastery of fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence), and hadith (prophetic traditions), often prioritizing those with a reputation for piety and articulation.^[66] This process emphasizes communal consensus over any divinely mandated ceremony, allowing qualified lay Muslims to fulfill such roles temporarily if no designated imam is available.^[66] Qualifications for broader scholarly authority among the ulama (religious scholars) involve obtaining an ijaza, a certification issued by a qualified teacher attesting to the student's mastery of specific disciplines like fiqh or hadith, transmitted through unbroken chains of learning tracing back to early authorities.^[68] These chains validate expertise via personal instruction and examination, underscoring that legitimacy stems from intellectual rigor and moral character, not ritual consecration.^[69] Variations exist between Sunni and Shia approaches: Sunni ulama operate within decentralized madhabs (schools of jurisprudence), where authority accrues through peer-recognized scholarship without a formal hierarchy, while Shia traditions elevate mujtahids—independent jurists capable of ijtihad (original reasoning)—to higher interpretive roles, often with greater structured emulation by followers.^[70] In both, personal piety and textual fidelity remain paramount, rejecting any sacerdotal elevation that might imply inherent spiritual powers beyond human capability.^[69]^[67]

Qualifications and Authority of Imams and Scholars

In Sunni Islam, qualifications for serving as an imam emphasize deep knowledge of the Quran, Sunnah, and Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh), coupled with moral integrity and the ability to lead congregational prayers (salah). Candidates typically undergo extensive study in madrasas or Islamic seminaries, often culminating in advanced degrees in Islamic studies, with requirements including fluent Arabic recitation of the Quran and memorization of substantial portions (hifz).^[71]^[72] Moral criteria mandate piety (taqwa), justice (adl), and avoidance of major sins, as these ensure the imam's example aligns with scriptural guidance; for instance, classical jurists like those in the Hanafi school stipulate that an imam must be adult, sane, and of upright character to validly lead prayer.^[73] Selection occurs informally through community recommendation or mosque board appointment, often involving public trial sermons (khutbah) to assess rhetorical skill and doctrinal accuracy, rather than any sacramental rite. This process prioritizes demonstrated expertise over hereditary or institutional conferral, reflecting the absence of a priestly class in Islam. Authority stems from intellectual and scholarly merit, as per Quran 4:59, which commands obedience to "those in authority among you" (uli al-amr), traditionally interpreted by Sunni exegetes like al-Tabari as referring to knowledgeable scholars (ulama) whose judgments are referred back to the Quran and Sunnah if disputed.^[74]^[75] Imams and scholars hold no inherent ontological power, such as forgiving sins, which is reserved solely for Allah; repentance (tawbah) requires direct supplication to God without clerical mediation or confession.^[76] Fatwas (legal opinions) issued by qualified mujtahids are advisory, binding only insofar as they align with established sources and scholarly consensus (ijma), and may be overridden by superior evidence or later ijtihad. In Shi'a traditions, similar knowledge-based criteria apply, though authority may extend to designated Imams in Twelver theology, still without sacramental absolution.^[76] Contemporary challenges include the proliferation of self-taught "online imams" via platforms like YouTube, who bypass traditional chains of transmission (isnad) and rigorous training, often leading to fragmented or erroneous interpretations. Traditional ulama critique this "Shaykh Google" phenomenon for eroding epistemic standards, as self-learning lacks the accountability of teacher-student verification and can amplify fringe views detached from classical methodologies.^[77]^[78] Figures such as these have gained followings since the 2010s, but established institutions like Al-Azhar University emphasize certified scholarship to counter such dilutions, warning of risks to communal adherence to verified knowledge.^[77]

In Buddhism

Upasampada and Monastic Ordination

Upasampada, known as the rite of higher ordination, formally admits a novice (sāmaṇera or sāmaṇerī) into full membership of the Buddhist monastic community (saṅgha) as a bhikkhu (monk) or bhikkhunī (nun), subjecting them to the complete disciplinary code outlined in the Vinaya Piṭaka of the Pāli Canon.^[79]^[80] This process presupposes prior going-forth (pabbajjā) as a novice, during which the candidate observes ten precepts and receives basic training under a preceptor (upajjhāya).^[79] Unlike sacramental ordinations in theistic traditions that confer divine grace, upasampada emphasizes voluntary commitment to ethical discipline as a means to cultivate mental purification and progress toward enlightenment, without invoking supernatural transmission of authority.^[81] The ceremony requires a quorum of at least ten bhikkhus (or twenty in remote areas) assembled in a formal saṅgha meeting (saṅgīti), convened via a standardized motion and proclamation (ñatti-kamma followed by ñatti-savana-kamma).^[80]^[81] The candidate, typically at least twenty years old by lunar reckoning and free from disqualifying impediments (such as serious illness or criminal history as per Vinaya stipulations), undergoes interrogation on eighteen points to confirm eligibility, including physical fitness, moral character, and absence of debts or dependents.^[79] A qualified preceptor and instructor (ācariya) vouch for the novice's readiness; the ordination concludes with the assembly's thrice-repeated proclamation accepting the candidate, often accompanied by the traditional formula "ehi bhikkhu, svākkhāto dharmaṃ desassāmi" ("Come, monk, I will teach you the well-expounded Dhamma").^[80] Post-ordination, the new bhikkhu receives a bowl and robes, symbolizing detachment from lay life.^[81] Upon upasampada, bhikkhus undertake 227 rules of the Pātimokkha, categorized into defeats (pārājika, four expulsion offenses), remainders (saṅghādisesa, thirteen requiring penance), forfeitures (nissaggiya pācittiya, thirty), and lesser infractions, all aimed at preventing harm and fostering mindfulness.^[82] Bhikkhunīs observe 311 rules, incorporating additional strictures on conduct with the opposite sex and communal living to safeguard the saṅgha's integrity.^[83] These precepts, recited fortnightly in the saṅgha, enforce celibacy, poverty, and non-violence as causal supports for insight meditation (vipassanā) and liberation from saṃsāric suffering, rather than ritual efficacy alone.^[83]^[81] Violations incur penalties scaled to severity, with the ultimate purpose of enabling renunciants to model ethical discipline for lay followers while pursuing arahatship.^[79]

Variations Across Theravada and Mahayana

In Theravada Buddhism, full ordination (upāsampadā) demands unwavering adherence to the 227 rules of the Pātimokkha for bhikkhus, following extensive novice training under a qualified preceptor who must have at least ten years in robes, with the ceremony requiring a quorum of ten or five ordained monks depending on location. This tradition prioritizes monastic renunciation as the primary path to enlightenment, with forest sub-traditions—such as those in Thailand's Thai Forest lineage—imposing additional austerities like solitary meditation in remote areas to cultivate direct insight into impermanence and suffering, viewing ordination as a definitive severance from worldly attachments.^[84] Mahayana ordination practices exhibit broader adaptability, integrating monastic vows with tantric and bodhisattva commitments that extend beyond strict celibacy or isolation. In Tibetan Vajrayana (a Mahayana development), ngakpas undergo non-monastic tantric ordination, binding them to samaya vows through empowerment rituals (abhiṣeka) conducted by a qualified guru, allowing married practitioners to perform rituals, divinations, and advanced yogas while upholding secrecy and ethical pledges without full renunciation. Lama status in these lineages often derives from recognized spiritual attainment or hereditary transmission rather than solely from Vinaya-based ordination, enabling diverse roles in teaching and community guidance.^[85]^[86] Both traditions encounter reduced monastic ordinations in Western countries, where secular individualism discourages lifelong vows; the global Buddhist population fell 5% from 343 million in 2010 to 324 million in 2020, with Western communities—comprising under 1% of populations in the US and Europe—showing net losses through religious switching, particularly among youth favoring flexible lay practice over institutional commitment.^[87]^[88]

Challenges in Ordaining Nuns

In the Theravāda tradition, the full ordination lineage for bhikkhunīs (fully ordained nuns) is widely regarded as having become extinct approximately 1,000 years ago, around the turn of the first millennium CE, due to factors including political instability, invasions, and internal monastic decline in regions like Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia.^[89] This extinction is substantiated by historical records indicating the absence of a continuous bhikkhunī saṅgha capable of conferring valid upasampadā (higher ordination) under the Pāli Vinaya, which mandates a dual ordination process requiring both bhikkhu (monk) and bhikkhunī saṅghas for legitimacy.^[90] Traditionalists argue that without an extant Theravāda bhikkhunī lineage, any attempt to revive it constitutes a breach of Vinaya rules (e.g., Mahāvagga VIII), as the Buddha specified eight garudhammas (heavy duties) that presuppose an established female order, and revival absent this foundation risks invalidating the entire process.^[91] Efforts to revive bhikkhunī ordination in Theravāda contexts gained momentum in the 1990s, particularly in Sri Lanka, where in 1996 a small group of ten nuns received ordination from a saṅgha including Theravāda bhikkhus and Taiwanese (Dharmaguptaka) bhikkhunīs, followed by a larger ceremony in Bodhgayā, India, in 1998 involving over 100 women with assistance from Chinese-lineage nuns.^[92] Proponents claimed this "restored" the lineage by borrowing from East Asian traditions that preserved a bhikkhunī order, asserting compatibility via shared early Buddhist roots. However, critics, including senior Theravāda scholars, contend this approach lacks Vinaya precedent, as the Pāli texts do not authorize cross-tradition ordination to bypass extinction; such innovations could dilute doctrinal purity by integrating non-Theravāda elements, potentially leading to schisms similar to historical saṅgha divisions.^[90]^[91] The revival debates highlight risks of doctrinal innovation, with traditionalists warning that circumventing the extinct lineage undermines the Vinaya's emphasis on unbroken transmission and stricter disciplinary codes for bhikkhunīs (e.g., 311 rules versus 227 for bhikkhus), which were designed to safeguard monastic celibacy amid perceived vulnerabilities.^[91] Historical precedents link the bhikkhunī order's original extinction to periods of laxity and external pressures, suggesting that forced revivals without consensus may accelerate sāsana (Buddhist dispensation) decline by eroding adherence to foundational texts and fostering disputes over authority.^[93] In practice, post-revival ordinations in Sri Lanka have exceeded 500 by the early 2000s, yet opposition from conservative councils, such as Sri Lanka's Mahanayaka, persists, viewing them as legally void and conducive to broader institutional fragmentation.^[92]^[90]

In Other Traditions

Hinduism: Priestly Initiation and Pujari Training

In Hinduism, priestly roles as pujaris, who conduct daily temple rituals known as puja, emerge from a decentralized tradition of familial and guru-led training rather than a standardized ordination ceremony comparable to those in Abrahamic faiths.^[94] Traditionally confined to the Brahmin varna due to scriptural emphasis on ritual purity and Vedic knowledge, aspiring priests begin with the upanayana samskara, a rite of passage typically performed between ages 8 and 12, symbolizing entry into student life and eligibility for Vedic study.^[95] This initiation, often involving the investiture of the sacred thread, marks the formal start of memorization and recitation of Vedic texts under a guru, adhering to the guru-shishya parampara, a lineage-based transmission of knowledge spanning generations without institutional oversight.^[96] Training encompasses years of oral instruction in Sanskrit hymns, sacrificial procedures from the Vedas, and sect-specific rituals from Agama texts, with no fixed duration but often extending into adulthood for mastery.^[97] Diksha, a targeted initiation rite, plays a key role in esoteric traditions, conferring mantras, purifying the recipient, and authorizing performance of advanced worship, particularly in tantric or devotional contexts; however, it is not universally required for basic pujari duties and varies by lineage.^[98] Pujaris assume temple roles through hereditary succession within Brahmin families or appointment by temple trustees based on demonstrated competence, reflecting the absence of a central ecclesiastical authority to validate or confer priesthood.^[99] Sectarian variations underscore this lack of uniformity: Shaiva pujaris, such as Tamil Nadu's Sivachariyars, train in Shaiva Agamas, which prescribe diksha vidhi rituals for Shiva worship, emphasizing community-oriented temple service by dedicated priestly groups.^[100] In contrast, Vaishnava traditions like Pancharatra mandate diksha as a prerequisite for Vishnu-centric temple rites, involving vows of discipline and connection to guru parampara to ensure ritual efficacy. These differences arise from distinct Agamic corpora—Shaiva texts prioritizing Shiva's non-dual aspects and Vaishnava ones focusing on devotional surrender—without a suprasectarian body to standardize practices, leading to temple-specific customs over universal rites.

Sikhism: Rejection of Formal Clergy

Sikhism fundamentally rejects formal ordination or a priestly class, rooted in the principle of spiritual equality among all adherents and the absence of intermediaries between individuals and the divine. The faith's founders, beginning with Guru Nanak (1469–1539), critiqued the hierarchical structures of contemporary Hinduism, particularly the Brahmanical priesthood that monopolized religious authority and rituals. This opposition emphasized direct personal devotion to one God (Waheguru) without reliance on ordained mediators, fostering a system where religious functions are performed by any committed Sikh rather than an elite clergy.^[101]^[102] Central to this structure is the Guru Granth Sahib, installed as the eternal Guru by Guru Gobind Singh in 1708, serving as the sole scriptural authority accessible to all without priestly interpretation. The granthi, who maintains the scripture in gurdwaras and recites its verses, undergoes no special ordination beyond the general Sikh initiation (Amrit Sanchar) and holds no ecclesiastical power akin to priests in other traditions. Any Amritdhari (initiated) Sikh knowledgeable in Gurmukhi and Sikh teachings may assume this role, underscoring the lack of a formalized clerical hierarchy.^[103]^[104]^[105] Amrit Sanchar, the initiation rite established by Guru Gobind Singh in 1699 to form the Khalsa, baptizes Sikhs into a community of equals committed to ethical discipline, but it confers no clerical status or exclusive religious privileges. Performed collectively by five initiated Sikhs (Panj Pyare), the ceremony is available to any Sikh of sufficient maturity, promoting universal access rather than elevating participants to a priestly order. In gurdwara practices, this egalitarianism manifests empirically through shared service (seva), such as communal langar meals where all sit in rows without caste or status distinctions, and open participation in kirtan or path (scripture reading) by lay members, reinforcing the rejection of priestly elitism.^[106]^[107]^[108]

Taoism: Transmission of Priestly Lineages

In Taoism, priestly lineages are transmitted primarily through a master-disciple relationship, emphasizing the conferral of ritual registers (lu 籙) that authorize the recipient, known as a daoshi or Taoist priest, to perform specific esoteric rites. This process originated in the Way of the Celestial Masters, founded by Zhang Daoling in 142 CE, where ordination involved receiving a sacred register as a form of initiation into the tradition, granting access to talismanic methods for healing, exorcism, and cosmic harmonization.^[109]^[110] Unlike monastic celibacy in other traditions, Taoist ordination prioritizes mastery of rituals aligning human actions with the Tao, often allowing priests to maintain familial or secular lives, particularly in Zhengyi lineages where transmission occurs via apprenticeship rather than full-time seclusion.^[110] The ordination ceremony typically includes the transmission of precepts by an Ordination Master (chuánjiè lǜshī), often the abbot of a temple, alongside the ritual activation of talismans and invocations to deities for empowerment. These registers detail hierarchies of celestial bureaucracy, enabling the daoshi to conduct jiao offerings—communal ceremonies of sacrifice and renewal that renew cosmic order and community bonds, historically excluding certain folk practitioners but central to priestly authority.^[111]^[112] In practice, this blends empirical ritual efficacy, such as precise talisman inscriptions for invoking qi flows, with esoteric knowledge passed orally to ensure lineage integrity, reflecting a causal view of rituals as mechanisms to balance yin-yang dynamics rather than mere symbolic acts.^[110] Contemporary examples illustrate the tradition's adaptability, as seen in Singapore where young ordinands undergo training through organizations like the Quan Zhen Cultural Society. In 2023, 24-year-old Lee Chee Tong, a National University of Singapore student, completed ordination after initial training, enabling him to assist in temple rites while pursuing secular studies, highlighting how modern daoshi integrate ritual roles with daily life amid urbanization.^[113]^[114] This limited global dissemination, concentrated in Chinese diaspora communities, underscores Taoism's emphasis on localized esoteric transmission over proselytization, with fewer than 10,000 registered daoshi in Taiwan as of recent surveys, prioritizing ritual harmony over expansive moral doctrines.^[110]

Theological Debates on Eligibility

Restrictions Based on Gender

In Judaism, the Torah restricts priestly service to male descendants of Aaron within the tribe of Levi, as outlined in Numbers 3, where Levites are designated for sacred duties excluding women from these roles.^[115] This male-only framework reflects a divinely instituted complementarity, with no historical precedent for female Levitical ordination in ancient Israel. Christian scriptures similarly emphasize male leadership in ministry, as evidenced by the all-male apostles chosen by Jesus and Paul's directive in 1 Timothy 2:11-12 that women should not teach or exercise authority over men in the church assembly, interpretations of which have traditionally barred female ordination to preserve apostolic precedent and hierarchical order.^[116] ^[117] In Catholicism, this extends to an ontological symbolism wherein the priest acts in persona Christi as spiritual father, embodying divine paternity and sacrificial complementarity that cannot be sacramentally represented by women, a principle reiterated in Pope John Paul II's 1994 apostolic letter Ordinatio Sacerdotalis, which definitively reserves priestly ordination to men alone as a matter of doctrine.^[118] ^[119] In Islam, while the Quran lacks formal ordination, the role of imam—leading congregational prayer and scholarly authority—is traditionally confined to men, rooted in prophetic practice and interpretations of gender complementarity that prioritize male leadership in public worship to maintain communal order, with no Quranic mandate for female imams in mixed settings.^[120] Progressive movements have challenged these restrictions, notably in the Episcopal Church, where irregular ordinations of women occurred in 1974, formalized by the 1976 General Convention amid debates over equality and inclusivity.^[121] ^[122] Orthodox Judaism and Roman Catholicism have rejected such shifts; for instance, Orthodox branches uphold male-only rabbinic roles based on halakhic tradition, while Ordinatio Sacerdotalis invoked papal authority to preclude women's priestly ordination, citing unchanging tradition over egalitarian pressures.^[118] Critics of progressive ordination argue it initiates doctrinal erosion, correlating with membership declines in mainline Protestant denominations post-1970s reforms: the Presbyterian Church (USA) lost 58% of members from 1990-2020, the United Church of Christ 52%, and the Episcopal Church over 25% since 2013, attributed by analysts to theological liberalization diluting core distinctives.^[123] ^[124] In contrast, traditions maintaining male-only ordination, such as Eastern Orthodoxy, exhibit relative stability or growth through converts—49% of recent U.S. Orthodox adherents joined post-2020—preserving doctrinal coherence amid broader secularization.^[125] ^[126] This empirical divergence underscores critiques that gender-inclusive ordination, while advancing short-term inclusivity, risks long-term institutional vitality by undermining scriptural complementarity.^[127]

Requirements Regarding Sexual Conduct and Orientation

In Christian ordination practices, biblical texts establish prohibitions against homosexual conduct as applicable to all believers, including clergy, with passages such as Leviticus 18:22 declaring male same-sex intercourse an abomination, Romans 1:26-27 describing it as contrary to nature and deserving of wrath, and 1 Corinthians 6:9 listing practitioners (arsenokoitai) among those excluded from God's kingdom unless repentant.^[128] These verses underpin traditional exclusions, as unrepentant sexual immorality disqualifies leaders from oversight roles per 1 Timothy 3:1-7 and Titus 1:5-9, which demand blamelessness in marital fidelity or celibacy.^[129] The Roman Catholic Church enforces these through mandatory celibacy for Latin Rite priests, requiring continence and barring ordination of those practicing homosexuality or exhibiting deep-seated tendencies, as stipulated in the 2005 Vatican instruction from the Congregation for Catholic Education, which cites risks to seminary chastity and Church teaching integrity.^[130] Eastern Orthodox traditions permit married men ordination to priesthood if wed prior to diaconate, but demand fidelity within heterosexual marriage and condemn homosexual acts as sinful, with no ordination of openly practicing individuals; bishops must be celibate monks, reinforcing ascetic purity.^[131] Moral examinations and vows during ordination processes traditionally verify continence, with violations leading to laicization, as seen in historical canons against clerical fornication. Progressive departures, such as the Episcopal Church's 2003 ordination of Gene Robinson as the first openly partnered gay bishop, have prompted schisms and membership losses, with critics attributing declines to doctrinal deviation from scriptural norms.^[132] Episcopal statistics show a 16% membership drop from 2000 to 2010, accelerating post-2003, while average Sunday attendance fell 2-3% annually by 2019, reaching 518,411 nationwide; the New Hampshire diocese electing Robinson reported 19.9% attendance decline by 2018.^[133]^[134] Conservative Anglican bodies like GAFCON reject such ordinations as incompatible with Scripture, maintaining vows against homosexual practice and linking inclusive policies to institutional erosion, evidenced by stable or growing orthodox provinces versus mainline declines exceeding 50% since the 1960s.^[135]^[136] Empirical patterns suggest causal ties, as denominations upholding traditional conduct requirements exhibit slower attrition, while progressive shifts correlate with accelerated exits by laity prioritizing biblical fidelity over institutional loyalty.^[137]

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Ordination falls into two parts: Going-forth (pabbajjā) and Acceptance (upasampadā). The first has traditionally been treated as a prerequisite for the second.Missing: Upasampada | Show results with:Upasampada
[80]
The Buddhist World: Theravada Monks Ordination Procedure
In the Buddhist monk's code of ethics, the Vinaya, the Buddha decreed that a condition for higher ordination is that the candidate has a Preceptor. Accordingly, ...
[81]
VINAYA: The Ordination Ceremony of a Monk
The ordination ceremony (UPASAMPADA) which makes a Theravada Buddhist monk is one of the 'legal acts of the Sangha' contained in the Buddhist Monastic Rule ...
[82]
List of the 227 rules of pātimokkha - Dhammadana
Here you will the list of the 227 rules of conduct that all the bhikkhus are supposed to observe. On this page, each rule is described in a single sentence.
[83]
The Bhikkhunīs' Code of Discipline - Vinaya Pitaka - Access to Insight
The Bhikkhunī Pāṭimokkha contains 311 rules. Of these, 181 are shared with the Bhikkhu Pāṭimokkha: four Pārājikas, seven Saṅghādisesas, 18 Nissaggiya Pā ...
[84]
What's the Difference Between Theravada, Mahayana and Vajrayana?
Although the Buddha set out ethical guidelines for lay practitioners, Theravada is essentially a monastic tradition, emphasizing vows of renunciation and self- ...
[85]
Tibetan Yogis - the Ngakpa Lineage - Pema Khandro
Ngakpas are Tibetan Buddhist Yogis, ordained clergy of Vajrayana Buddhism, who are non-celibate, non-renunciate, and vow-holding religious specialists.Missing: Mahayana | Show results with:Mahayana
[86]
Are There "Ordinations" in Buddhism? - by Malcolm - A Buddhist View
Mar 20, 2024 · In Tibet, such serious practitioners, called ngakpas, became distinguished from the monastics by their role in Tibetan society, essentially ...Missing: Mahayana | Show results with:Mahayana
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6. Buddhist population change - Pew Research Center
Jun 9, 2025 · The number of Buddhists around the world declined 5%, from 343 million in 2010 to 324 million in 2020. No other major religious group shrank in absolute ...
[88]
3. Religious switching into and out of Buddhism
Mar 26, 2025 · This section examines religious switching into and out of Buddhism, detailing where Buddhism has had the largest net losses.
[89]
Bhikkhuni ordination - Dhamma Wiki
Jun 18, 2025 · In Theravada lands the nun's lineage died out around the turn of the first millennium and traditionalists do not believe that it can or ...Missing: extinction | Show results with:extinction<|separator|>
[90]
Why is Theravada Buddhism opposed to the revival of the Bhikkhuni ...
Sep 27, 2024 · The bhikkhuni order has died out and cannot be revived. Misinformed or reckless people may believe that the Garuka Dhammas as laid down by the Buddha are only ...Missing: extinction | Show results with:extinction
[91]
Are Theravada Bhikkhuni Ordinations Valid? - American Monk
Sep 9, 2021 · The extinct bhikkhuni ordination had rules that were numerous, restrictive, and heavy in consequence to protect their brahmacariya life. To give ...
[92]
The revival of bhikkhunī ordination in the Theravāda tradition
Sep 2, 2007 · From 1998 on, bhikkhunī ordinations have been held regularly in Sri Lanka, and at present over 500 women on the island have been ordained. But ...Missing: extinction | Show results with:extinction
[93]
[PDF] The Revival of the Bhikkhunī Order and the Decline of the Sāsana
The Theravāda monastic lineages are seen by their members as having ensured their longstanding continuity through strictly adhering to central legal principles.
[94]
Temple worship and Rituals as per Shaiva Agamas
May 16, 2025 · Summary: This essay studies Temple worship and Rituals as per Shaiva Agamas.—ancient scriptures governing the worship of Lord Shiva.
[95]
Revelation and the Transmission of Knowledge | Hinduism
... training undertaken by many brahmin boys in which they learn to recite Vedic texts. ... About Oxford Academic · Publish journals with us · University press ...
[96]
Guru & Shishya - Hinduism Today
Apr 1, 2023 · Forms of initiation: The artist shows the traditional ways that a guru gives the blessing of diksha to a shishya: by a word, by a silent thought ...Missing: pujari | Show results with:pujari
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https://www.degruyterbrill.com/document/doi/10.1515/9780691225517-008/html
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https://www.exoticindiaart.com/article/diksha-in-pancharatra/
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Agama Shastra And Temple Worship | sreenivasarao's blogs
Sep 7, 2012 · The Shaiva Agama worship is less formal than the Vaishnava, less restrained and less accustomed to social forms of regulations.
[100]
Part 3.1 - Diksha Vidhi (initiation rituals)—Introduction
May 15, 2025 · This essay studies Temple worship and Rituals as per Shaiva Agamas.—ancient scriptures governing the worship of Lord Shiva.
[101]
Guru Nanak's Message - The Pluralism Project
Guru Nanak opposed the Brahmin priesthood and the caste hierarchy of Hindu society. He established the precedent for what became the langar, the “community ...
[102]
Pujaaree's Sikhi vs. Guru Nanak's Unique Sikhi – Gurbani Blog
Simply put, there is no place for a formal priesthood in the Sikhi of Guru Nanak. Despite this liberating theology, Sikhi has also developed a Pujaaree clique ( ...
[103]
Understanding the Role of a Sikh Granthi
GRANTHI. Discover the unique role of Granthi in Sikhism, a custodian of the Guru Granth Sahib, blending piety and community service without priestly ordination.
[104]
Sikh religious titles, duties and related skills
Granthi: Bearing in mind that there is no ordained priesthood in Sikhism, a Granthi equates to a priest or “minister of religion”. Any qualified Amritdhari ...
[105]
GRANTHĪ
There is no ordination of a Granthī apart from initiation as a Sikh, and the relationship between a Granthī and any other Sikh is one of perfect equality of ...
[106]
Taking Amrit: Initiation - The Pluralism Project
Taking amrit is the initiation ceremony that allows Sikhs to become members of the Khalsa. Amrit means immortal nectar and refers to the bowl of sugar water ...
[107]
Is there any organized priesthood in Sikhism - Sikh Answers
Unlike Christianity, Islam, Hinduism or other religions, Sikhism does not have a ordained priesthood, a priest caste or class, or recognise a priest or ...
[108]
Significance of Langar (Community Kitchen) in Sikhism
Langar, a communal kitchen found in every Sikh gurdwara, holds profound significance within Sikhism, embodying principles of equality, community service, and ...
[109]
Heavenly Masters: Two Thousand Years of the Daoist State on JSTOR
One became a member of the Heavenly Master church through ordination, that is, receiving a register, lu 籙. ... Such an ordination gave the recipient specific ...<|separator|>
[110]
Religious Daoism - Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy
Aug 19, 2016 · The main officiant is the Daoist priest, or daoshi (lit. “Daoist master”), a function typically transmitted within families. When he ...
[111]
Masters of Taoist ordination - 道教世界 - Dao World
Oct 10, 2024 · The Ordination Master (传戒律师, chuánjiè lǜshī) is held by the abbot of the ordination temple, responsible for explaining the precepts and transmitting the ...Missing: Celestial | Show results with:Celestial
[112]
Jiao (Offering Ritual) - From The Encyclopedia of Taoism
Jiao means 'offering' or 'sacrifice,' referring to large-scale Taoist ceremonies to define groups and establish relationships with deities.Missing: ordination | Show results with:ordination
[113]
The 24-Year-Old Student Who Accidentally Became a Taoist Priest
Sep 29, 2023 · Chee Tong is a final-year social work student at the National University of Singapore. The 24-year-old is also an ordained Taoist priest.Missing: modern daoshi
[114]
Master Liu Wei Xing - Quan Zhen Cultural Society (Singapore)
He was ordained as a Taoist priest in 2004. Master Liu is one of the founding members of the Singapore Taoist Federation Youth Group, and formally served as the ...
[115]
https://www.biblegateway.com/passage/?search=Numbers+3&version=ESV
[116]
https://www.biblegateway.com/passage/?search=1+Timothy+2%3A11-12&version=ESV
[117]
First Timothy 2:12, the Ordination of Women, and Paul's Use of ...
1 Timothy 2:11–15, rightly understood lexically and contextually, does not teach any universal prohibition of the ordination of women as pastors or elders.
[118]
Ordinatio Sacerdotalis (May 22, 1994) - The Holy See
May 22, 1994 · APOSTOLIC LETTER ORDINATIO SACERDOTALIS OF JOHN PAUL II TO THE BISHOPS OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH ON RESERVING PRIESTLY ORDINATION TO MEN ALONE.
[119]
Library : Some Scriptural Arguments For The All-Male Priesthood
... Father." At any rate, the priesthood is intimately entwined with the symbolism of fatherhood, which can be represented (and hence sacramentally enshrined) ...
[120]
For Men Only? | Community Foundation for Greater Atlanta
May 1, 2013 · Though Islam does not have ordained offices as such, the role of imam is customarily limited to men. ... In the Christian Scriptures women are ...Missing: basis | Show results with:basis
[121]
The Vote · Episcopal Church Women
The 1976 General Convention opened in Minneapolis after a triennium of mounting tension, fear of schism, and heated debate. Women's ordination was to be ...
[122]
Interactive timeline of the history of women's ordination
Jul 28, 2014 · Episcopal News Service offers an annotated timeline of selected events in the journey towards women's ordination in The Episcopal Church.
[123]
Mainline Decline: 1990 to 2020 (#1989) - So What Faith
May 18, 2022 · Mainline Protestant decline from 1990-2020 saw the Presbyterian Church (USA) decline by 58%, United Church of Christ by 52%, and Episcopal ...
[124]
Mainline Churches: The Real Reason for Decline - First Things
Mar 1, 1993 · By 1990 these denominations had lost between one-fifth and one-third of the membership they claimed in 1965 and the proportion of Americans ...
[125]
Church growth — When research and data do not reflect reality
Jul 20, 2024 · In the study, 29% of those who joined the Orthodox Church did so prior to 2010, 21% between 2010 and 2019 and a staggering 49% joined after the ...
[126]
The Demise of the Religious Left? - Juicy Ecumenism
Sep 9, 2025 · Of course we're distressed in mainline churches about our membership declines. But we still open up the clothing closet every Friday and the ...
[127]
[PDF] American Orthodoxy Today: Results from the Pew and CES Surveys
Jul 17, 2025 · Overall, the Orthodox look roughly similar to Roman Catholics and Mainline Protestants when it comes to church attendance. In Pew, there are ...
[128]
The Bible on Homosexual Behavior | Catholic Answers Magazine
Revisionist scholars argue the Bible does not condemn same-sex behavior. These attempts to reinterpret Scripture fail. Click here to find out why.Missing: conduct clergy ordination
[129]
Homosexuality, Marriage, and Sexual Identity - Assemblies of God
A reaffirmation of biblical teachings has become all the more urgent because writers sympathetic to the LGBT (Lesbian/Gay/Bisexual/Transgender)2 communities ...Missing: clergy | Show results with:clergy
[130]
Instruction Concerning the Criteria for the Discernment of Vocations ...
Nov 4, 2005 · ... Catholic Church, have confirmed the teaching of the Church on homosexuality. The Catechism distinguishes between homosexual acts and ...
[131]
Stances of Faiths on LGBTQ+ Issues: Eastern Orthodox Church
ON ORDINATION The Eastern Orthodox Church does not ordain openly LGBTQ+ people, nor does it ordain women. However, alternative organizations such as the ...
[132]
“Love” and Labyrinths: Episcopal Attendance Plummets
Sep 3, 2019 · The Episcopal Diocese of New Hampshire that first elected an openly partnered gay bishop in 2003 reported a 2018 attendance decline of 19.9%.
[133]
Episcopal Church reports lowest membership in 70 years
Nov 1, 2011 · The official “Episcopal Domestic Fast Facts Trends 2006-2010” document showed a 16 percent decline in members since 2000. The denomination has ...Missing: ordination | Show results with:ordination
[134]
New Numbers Detail Uneven Episcopal Decline - Anglican Ink © 2025
Dec 5, 2015 · The Episcopal Church continued its membership and attendance decline ... Gene Robinson in which the diocesan membership declined 19 percent.
[135]
Gafcon Response to Archbishop of Canterbury
Jun 14, 2023 · That it rejects homosexual practice as incompatible with Scripture and. That Lambeth cannot advise the legitimising or blessing of same sex ...
[136]
Does allowing same-sex marriage result in church decline? Here's ...
Jun 17, 2022 · There are no growing church denominations in the UK that don't hold a traditional view on sexuality and marriage, according to a new report.<|control11|><|separator|>
[137]
Episcopal Church Continues Shedding Members - Juicy Ecumenism
Oct 14, 2014 · Overall, the church has declined from a high of 3.6 million members in the mid-1960s to 1.8 million today, even as the U.S. population has more ...