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Right to resist

The right to resist is the legal and philosophical principle that individuals, groups, or peoples may lawfully oppose, disobey, or employ force against a government or occupying authority that persistently violates fundamental rights, engages in tyranny, or undermines the constitutional order, functioning as a final recourse to restore legitimate governance or self-determination.^[1]^[2] Rooted in natural law traditions, it posits that political authority derives from consent and protection of inherent rights to life, liberty, and property, dissolving when rulers forfeit legitimacy through abuse, thereby reverting society to a state where resistance becomes a duty to prevent total subjugation.^[3]^[4] Philosophically, the doctrine traces to Enlightenment thinkers like John Locke, who in his Second Treatise of Government argued that citizens retain the right to reclaim power from executives who subvert laws or fail to uphold natural rights, influencing revolutionary justifications from the American founding to modern democratic transitions.^[3]^[4] Constitutionally, it appears in the foundational texts of numerous states, with empirical analysis of global charters since 1789 revealing its proliferation especially following political upheavals such as coups or authoritarian collapses, serving both as pre-commitment against backsliding and ratification of prior resistance efforts, particularly prevalent in Latin American frameworks post-dictatorship.^[5]^[6] In international law, the right manifests in affirmations of self-determination, where peoples under alien subjugation or occupation may use "all necessary means," including armed struggle in wars of national liberation, as codified in UN General Assembly resolutions and Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions, though bounded by obligations to adhere to humanitarian standards prohibiting targeting civilians or indiscriminate violence.^[1]^[7] Defining characteristics include its status as a residual right triggered only after exhaustion of legal remedies, its dual role in empowering democratic renewal while risking justification for destabilizing actions, and ongoing debates over scope—civil disobedience versus insurrection—amid tensions between state security imperatives and individual agency against overreach.^[8]^[9]

Philosophical Foundations

In natural rights theory, individuals possess inherent entitlements to life, liberty, and property that exist independently of governmental authority or societal convention. John Locke articulated this framework in his Second Treatise of Government (1689), positing that these rights derive from the state of nature, where rational agents have a moral duty to preserve themselves and others, but face inconveniences due to the lack of impartial enforcement mechanisms.^[3] Locke emphasized that property, encompassing one's labor and its fruits, is a foundational right violated when others encroach without consent, necessitating mutual agreements for protection.^[10] The social contract emerges as a consensual mechanism to secure these natural rights against threats from fellow individuals or potential tyrants. Under Locke's model, people voluntarily entrust limited powers to a government—typically legislative in form—to act as a trustee safeguarding life, liberty, and property, while retaining the ability to judge its performance.^[11] This contract is conditional: the government's legitimacy hinges on fulfilling its protective role without arbitrary exercise of power, as Locke argued that rulers who subvert these ends forfeit their authority, reverting society to a state where self-preservation justifies defensive actions.^[12] The right to resist arises when government devolves into tyranny, defined by Locke as the "exercise of power beyond right," such as suspending laws or invading property without legislative consent.^[13] In such cases, the social contract dissolves, absolving subjects of obedience and restoring the natural right to enforce justice collectively or individually against oppressors, provided resistance aims to reestablish legitimate rule rather than descend into anarchy.^[14] Locke distinguished this from mere rebellion by subordinating it to the preservation of mankind's good, warning against premature appeals while affirming that tolerating unresisted tyranny invites perpetual subjugation.^[11] This doctrine influenced subsequent thinkers, though contrasts exist; for instance, Jean-Jacques Rousseau's social contract in The Social Contract (1762) subordinates individual resistance to the general will, potentially justifying collective sovereignty over personal judgment in cases of governmental deviation.^[15]

Key Thinkers from Locke to Modern Libertarians

John Locke articulated the philosophical basis for the right to resist in his Second Treatise of Government (1689), positing that governments derive legitimacy from the consent of the governed to protect natural rights to life, liberty, and property. When rulers or legislatures violate this trust through arbitrary power or failure to uphold the common good—such as by invading subjects' estates or altering laws without consent—the social contract dissolves, restoring the people's right to resistance. Locke emphasized that "the true remedy of force without authority is to oppose force to it," framing resistance as a collective appeal to heaven rather than individual vigilantism, justified only after clear breaches like suspension of laws or subjugation to foreign powers.^[11]^[16] Locke's framework influenced subsequent thinkers by grounding resistance in self-preservation and rational judgment of tyranny's thresholds, distinguishing it from mere rebellion by requiring evidence of systemic abuse over transient grievances. He rejected absolute obedience, arguing that political society exists to avoid the inconveniences of the state of nature, but when government becomes as arbitrary as anarchy, resistance restores natural liberty. This doctrine, detailed in chapters XVIII ("Of Tyranny") and XIX ("Of the Dissolution of Government"), positioned resistance as a last resort to reestablish trust-based rule, not a license for perpetual upheaval.^[14]^[17] In the 19th century, Lysander Spooner extended Lockean individualism to challenge constitutional authority in No Treason (1867–1870), asserting that no government holds legitimate power without explicit, personal consent, rendering taxation and obedience voluntary at best and coercive aggression at worst. Spooner argued that the U.S. Constitution, ratified in 1788, bound no one alive post-ratification absent their agreement, as "a man finds himself environed by a government that he cannot resist" only through implied force, not contract. He viewed resistance as inherent to natural rights, equating governmental non-consent with the right to withhold allegiance or defend against its impositions, particularly critiquing how it enabled slavery and other violations until the Civil War's end in 1865.^[18]^[19] Modern libertarians, building on these foundations, radicalized the right to resist toward anarcho-capitalist defenses of self-ownership against state monopoly. Murray Rothbard, in The Ethics of Liberty (1982), derived resistance from the non-aggression principle, where individuals retain the right to defensive force against governmental coercion that exceeds voluntary exchange, including resistance to its "monopoly of coercion" in taxation or regulation. Rothbard contended that just as private defense agencies could compete ethically, state aggression invites proportional countermeasures, echoing Locke's self-preservation but rejecting any minimal state as inherently violative. He applied this to historical cases like the American Revolution (1775–1783), viewing it as legitimate secession from tyranny, while cautioning that successful resistance requires widespread recognition of rights violations to avoid chaos.^[20]^[21] Other contemporary libertarians, such as those in the Mises Institute tradition, frame the right to revolution as an extension of self-defense, applicable when government systematically erodes property rights—evidenced by metrics like U.S. federal spending exceeding 20% of GDP since 1930—necessitating decentralized resistance over electoral remedies. This lineage from Locke prioritizes empirical assessment of abuse, such as through metrics of liberty indices (e.g., Heritage Foundation's scores declining post-2000), over deference to institutional authority.^[22]^[23]

Historical Development

Ancient and Medieval Precedents

In classical Greece, opposition to tyranny manifested in both philosophical critique and practical resistance, with thinkers emphasizing the superiority of rule of law over arbitrary despotism. Archaic and classical sources portray tyrants as subverting established norms, prompting overthrows that restored communal governance, as seen in the cultural preference for isonomia (equality under law) against personal rule.^[24] Dramatic works, such as those of Euripides, cultivated public attitudes conducive to challenging despotic authority by highlighting the moral imperatives of liberty and collective defense.^[25] Roman traditions similarly viewed prolonged kingship as prone to degeneration into tyranny, with historical accounts of the later monarchy depicting rulers as exemplars of unchecked power. The transition from monarchy to republic in 509 BCE, involving the expulsion of Tarquinius Superbus, exemplified resistance as a mechanism to prevent such abuses, framing tyrannicide and collective action as restorative rather than mere rebellion.^[26] This precedent influenced later republican ideals, where defense against potential tyrants, as in the late Republic, drew on ancestral models of limiting executive overreach.^[27] Medieval scholasticism formalized resistance under natural law principles, particularly through Thomas Aquinas's analysis in De Regno (c. 1267), where he classified tyranny as the most corrupt regime—prioritizing one man's gain over the common good—and permitted subjects to withhold obedience or organize against it when the ruler's actions exceeded tolerable bounds, provided the response aimed at communal welfare rather than private vengeance.^[28]^[29] Aquinas stressed prudence, noting that premature or disorganized resistance could invite worse anarchy, thus making legitimacy contingent on proportionality and likelihood of success.^[30] This framework echoed earlier events like the 1215 baronial revolt against King John, which coerced the Magna Carta's concessions limiting arbitrary royal authority and affirming due process for freemen, thereby embedding resistance as a check on absolutism within feudal custom.^[31]

Enlightenment Revolutions and 19th-Century Uprisings

The American Revolution (1775–1783) exemplified the invocation of a right to resist tyrannical rule, rooted in Enlightenment principles of natural rights and social contract theory. The Declaration of Independence, adopted on July 4, 1776, by the Continental Congress, articulated that governments derive "their just powers from the consent of the governed" and that "whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness."^[32] This justification framed the colonists' rebellion against British policies, including taxation without representation and military coercion, as a necessary response to a long train of abuses by King George III, such as dissolving representative legislatures and imposing standing armies.^[33] The document listed 27 specific grievances, emphasizing empirical evidence of tyranny over abstract appeals, which mobilized support for independence and established resistance as a legitimate recourse when government violated fundamental rights.^[32] The French Revolution (1789–1799) further operationalized the right to resist oppression amid fiscal collapse and absolutist monarchy under Louis XVI. The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, promulgated by the National Constituent Assembly on August 26, 1789, enshrined in Article 2 that the natural and imprescriptible rights include "liberty, property, security, and resistance to oppression."^[34] This provision directly justified the storming of the Bastille on July 14, 1789, and subsequent uprisings against aristocratic privileges and royal overreach, positioning resistance as an inherent safeguard against sovereignty's abuse.^[34] While the Revolution devolved into the Reign of Terror (1793–1794), with over 16,000 executions under the Committee of Public Safety, its early phases demonstrated causal links between unchecked executive power and popular revolt, influencing subsequent constitutional experiments like the short-lived 1791 Constitution.^[35] In the 19th century, the Revolutions of 1848 across Europe represented a widespread assertion of resistance against monarchical oppression and feudal remnants, driven by demands for constitutionalism, national self-determination, and economic liberalization. Sparked by the February 1848 uprising in Paris that ousted King Louis-Philippe after decades of electoral restrictions favoring the wealthy, the wave encompassed over 50 revolts in states like the German Confederation, Austrian Empire, and Italian principalities, where citizens protested censorship, serfdom, and dynastic rule through barricades and assemblies.^[36] Participants invoked popular sovereignty as grounds for overthrowing regimes that suppressed liberal reforms, as seen in the Frankfurt Parliament's March 1848 call for a unified Germany free from princely tyranny, though counter-revolutions restored order by 1849, resulting in thousands of deaths and exiles.^[37] These events highlighted thresholds for legitimate resistance—widespread grievances like crop failures exacerbating 40% urban unemployment in Vienna—yet underscored proportionality challenges, as initial gains in press freedom and abolished censorship were reversed amid fragmented leadership and military reprisals.^[36]

20th-Century Applications and Post-Colonial Contexts

The right to resist found significant application during World War II against Axis occupations in Europe. In Poland, the Warsaw Uprising commenced on August 1, 1944, when the Polish Home Army launched a coordinated assault to seize control of the capital from Nazi German forces, aiming to restore Polish sovereignty and facilitate an independent government ahead of Soviet advances; the 63-day operation involved approximately 45,000 fighters but resulted in around 16,000 Polish combat deaths, 150,000 to 200,000 civilian casualties, and the near-complete razing of the city by German reprisals.^[38] This effort exemplified armed resistance to totalitarian occupation, though it was undermined by the Soviet Red Army's halt on the eastern bank of the Vistula River, preventing relief and allowing German forces to suppress the insurgents.^[39] Similarly, internal German opposition to the Nazi regime included the July 20, 1944, assassination attempt on Adolf Hitler led by Claus von Stauffenberg, which sought to overthrow the dictatorship and negotiate an end to the war, reflecting elite-level invocation of resistance against entrenched tyranny despite its failure and the execution of over 5,000 suspects.^[40] Mid-20th-century anti-communist revolts further illustrated the doctrine amid Soviet-imposed regimes. The Hungarian Revolution erupted on October 23, 1956, as students, workers, and intellectuals in Budapest protested the communist government's subservience to Moscow, dismantling Stalinist symbols and forming revolutionary councils that briefly established a reformist administration under Imre Nagy; demands included multiparty democracy, withdrawal from the Warsaw Pact, and nationalization reversal, but Soviet forces invaded on November 4, deploying 1,000 tanks and killing an estimated 2,500 to 3,000 Hungarians while prompting 200,000 refugees to flee.^[41] This uprising represented a direct challenge to foreign-backed tyranny, influencing later dissident movements despite its suppression and Nagy's execution in 1958. Such events underscored the tension between popular sovereignty claims and superpower enforcement of ideological control, with Western powers offering rhetorical support but no military intervention. In post-colonial contexts, the right to resist often emerged against authoritarian consolidation in newly independent states, where one-party rule and personalist dictatorships supplanted colonial structures, leading to systematic rights abuses. In sub-Saharan Africa, regimes like Uganda's under Idi Amin (1971–1979) exemplified this, with state terror claiming 300,000 lives through purges, expulsions, and economic sabotage; internal dissidence, exile networks, and cross-border incursions culminated in the 1979 Tanzanian intervention that toppled Amin after his invasion of Tanzania, restoring provisional governance amid widespread popular relief, though subsequent instability under Milton Obote highlighted the fragility of such transitions.^[42] Across the continent, post-independence dictatorships—prevalent in over 40 African states by the 1970s—faced sporadic armed and nonviolent opposition, as dissidents invoked self-determination legacies to contest repression, yet colonial-inherited authoritarian tools like surveillance and military loyalty often stifled organized resistance, perpetuating cycles of coups and human rights violations until external pressures and internal mobilizations eroded one-party dominance in the 1990s.^[43] These cases reveal how post-colonial elites frequently monopolized legitimacy narratives, framing resistance as subversion while suppressing thresholds for legitimate revolt, contrasting with decolonization rhetoric.^[44]

Legal Recognition

International Law and Customary Norms

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on December 10, 1948, references the potential for rebellion against tyranny in its preamble, stating that it is essential to protect human rights through the rule of law "if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression."^[45] This formulation presupposes the possibility of resistance but frames it as a consequence to avoid rather than an affirmative entitlement, emphasizing prevention via legal protections over endorsement of upheaval. The UDHR itself contains no operative article granting a right to resist, and subsequent covenants like the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966) similarly omit such provisions, prioritizing state obligations to uphold rights without authorizing individual or group challenges to sovereign authority.^[45] In treaty law, limited recognition emerges in contexts of external domination rather than internal governance failures. Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions (1977), ratified by 174 states as of 2023, extends protections to armed conflicts involving "peoples' struggles against colonial domination and alien occupation and against racist regimes," treating such resistance as internationalized under humanitarian law while requiring compliance with principles of distinction and proportionality. The African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (1981), effective from 1986 and binding on 54 African states, explicitly affirms in Article 20(2) that "all peoples shall have the right to resist and oppose, by any means, oppressive colonial or alien domination," though interpretations by the African Commission confine this to foreign imposition, not domestic tyranny, and stress non-violent preferences where feasible.^[46] These instruments reflect post-colonial priorities but do not extend to unilateral rights against constitutionally legitimate governments, as violations of state sovereignty under Article 2(4) of the UN Charter (1945) prohibit forcible interventions, including internal ones that spill over.^[47] Customary international law offers no general norm endorsing resistance to internal oppression, as evidenced by consistent state practice favoring territorial integrity and non-intervention, per the International Court of Justice's rulings on self-determination, which limit such rights to exceptional cases like dissolving colonies rather than reforming tyrannical regimes.^[1] Scholarly analyses, including those examining jus cogens norms, argue that while erga omnes obligations exist against genocide or apartheid, they do not imply a derivative right to armed rebellion, which could destabilize the international order without mechanisms for objective verification of "tyranny."^[48] Instead, customary norms channel resistance through peaceful means, such as UN-supervised processes or humanitarian interventions authorized by the Security Council under Chapter VII, as seen in resolutions against Iraq in 1991 or Libya in 2011, where collective action supplants individual claims.^[49] Proponents of a broader "human right to resistance" often invoke natural law traditions, but these lack opinio juris in state behavior, with revolutions historically succeeding as faits accomplis rather than pre-authorized legal acts.^[50]

Provisions in National Constitutions

Several national constitutions explicitly enshrine a right to resist as a safeguard against tyranny or unconstitutional overreach, typically framed as a last resort when judicial or legal remedies are unavailable. These provisions emerged prominently in the 20th century, often in response to authoritarian histories or democratic transitions, with approximately 20% of constitutions worldwide including such language based on an analysis of documents since 1781.^[6] Adoption rates have risen since the mid-20th century, particularly in Latin America following coups and in Europe after fascism, serving as precommitments against democratic backsliding.^[5] However, interpretations and enforcement remain context-dependent, with some provisions emphasizing individual defiance of unlawful orders and others collective insurrection to restore order. In Germany, the Basic Law of May 23, 1949—amended via the 1968 Emergency Acts—includes Article 20(4), stating: "All Germans shall have the right to resist any person or persons seeking to abolish the legitimate constitutional order, if no other remedy is possible."^[51] This clause was drafted post-World War II to prevent totalitarian resurgence, reflecting lessons from the Weimar Republic's collapse and Nazi seizure of power, and it conditions resistance on the exhaustion of democratic mechanisms like courts or elections.^[52] The provision applies collectively and individually but has rarely been invoked judicially, underscoring its role as a normative deterrent rather than routine legal tool. Portugal's Constitution of April 25, 1976—enacted after the Carnation Revolution—provides in Article 21: "Everyone is guaranteed the right to resist any order that infringes their rights, freedoms, and guarantees, and to use legitimate force to repel any form of aggression, when it is not possible to demand the intervention of the public authorities."^[53] Article 7(3) further recognizes "the right of peoples to revolt against all forms of oppression." These emerged from anti-colonial and anti-dictatorial struggles under the Salazar regime (1932–1974), emphasizing both personal non-compliance with illegal directives and broader uprisings against systemic tyranny.^[54] Greece's Constitution of June 11, 1975, post-junta rule (1967–1974), mandates in Article 120(4): "The observance of the Constitution is entrusted to all Greeks, who have the right and duty to resist by all lawful means anyone attempting to abolish it violently or unconstitutionally." This duty-bound language ties resistance to preserving parliamentary democracy, with enforcement historically limited to rhetorical support for civic defense against coups. In Latin America, Honduras's 1982 Constitution (Article 3) declares: "The people have an unrenounceable right to insurrection to defend or reestablish the constitutional order altered by acts of force." Similarly, Venezuela's 1999 Constitution (Article 350) permits citizens to "disown any public power, regime, connection or authority that contravenes the values, principles and democratic guarantees of this Constitution or usurps or subverts its order," authorizing measures to restore legality.^[55] These reflect post-dictatorship reforms but have faced criticism for selective application amid ongoing political instability, as seen in Venezuela where the clause has been cited by both government opponents and supporters.^[56] Such provisions often cluster regionally, with over a dozen in the Americas emphasizing insurrection against usurpers, though empirical invocation remains rare due to risks of abuse or suppression.^[6]

Criteria for Legitimacy

Thresholds of Tyranny and Proportionality

In social contract theory, particularly as articulated by John Locke in his Second Treatise of Government (1689), the threshold for tyranny is crossed when government exceeds its trust to protect natural rights to life, liberty, and property, instead exercising arbitrary power without the consent of the governed or adherence to established laws. Locke defines tyranny as "the exercise of power beyond right," where rulers invade subjects' rights under pretense of public good, such as suspending legislative authority, imposing unconsented taxes, or denying due process.^[11]^[57] This breach dissolves the social contract, reverting society to a state of nature where individuals regain the right to judge and resist, but only after collective discernment that the government's actions systematically undermine the common good rather than isolated errors.^[58] Empirical historical thresholds, such as widespread denial of habeas corpus or confiscatory policies without representation—as in the American colonists' grievances against Britain in 1776—illustrate this limit, where non-remedied violations signal institutional failure.^[59] Proportionality requires that resistance match the scale of oppression, escalating gradually from appeals and civil dissent to force only as a last resort when milder remedies prove futile. Locke emphasizes non-escalation, advising against initiating physical violence against the sovereign prematurely, instead prioritizing dissolution of allegiance through majority consent to avoid anarchy.^[60] In analogous applications of just war principles to domestic resistance, scholars argue that responses must balance necessity—exhausted legal avenues—and discrimination, targeting oppressors without excess harm to innocents, as disproportionate action risks justifying counter-tyranny.^[61] For instance, non-violent oppression like systemic disenfranchisement may warrant proportional civil disobedience before armed revolt, whereas imminent threats to survival, such as genocidal policies, permit defensive force calibrated to neutralize the threat without broader societal collapse.^[62] This calibration, rooted in causal realism, ensures resistance restores order rather than perpetuates cycles of violence, as unchecked disproportionality has historically prolonged conflicts, per analyses of uprisings like the French Revolution's escalation beyond initial reforms.^[49]

Forms of Resistance: Civil Disobedience vs. Armed Action

Civil disobedience involves the public, non-violent, and conscientious violation of law to protest perceived injustices and compel governmental reform, with participants typically accepting legal penalties to underscore their fidelity to broader constitutional principles.^[63] This form presumes a baseline of institutional responsiveness, where appeals to public conscience can pressure elites without systemic collapse, as articulated in John Rawls's framework of addressing "substantial and clear" violations within a nearly just society.^[63] Legitimacy hinges on proportionality—targeting narrow laws rather than wholesale rejection of authority—and openness to minimize escalation, distinguishing it from mere lawbreaking by its aim to invoke shared moral norms.^[63] Armed action, by contrast, encompasses organized violence to repel or dismantle tyrannical rule, justified under natural rights theories when government dissolves the social contract through arbitrary power, forfeiting monopoly on force and reverting to a state of war.^[64] John Locke's Second Treatise of Government (1689) posits resistance as a duty against such dissolution, implicitly endorsing defensive arms akin to individual self-preservation, as seen in appeals to repel invasion or usurpation.^[64] Criteria for legitimacy demand exhaustion of peaceful remedies, imminent threat to core rights like life and liberty, and restraint to avoid anarchy, with proportionality assessed by the regime's coercive capacity—e.g., armed uprisings against genocidal states where non-violent dissent invites extermination.^[61] Empirical assessments reveal non-violent campaigns, including civil disobedience, outperform armed resistance in attaining maximalist goals like regime change; a dataset of 323 global movements from 1900 to 2006 showed non-violent efforts succeeding 53% of the time versus 26% for violent ones, attributed to broader participation, elite defections, and reduced regime loyalty.^[65] ^[66] Violent methods often alienate potential allies and provoke crackdowns, though they may deter in acute cases of totalitarianism, as in World War II partisan warfare against Nazi occupation, where armed sabotage complemented non-violent networks but succeeded only with external Allied intervention.^[65] Success disparities persist after controlling for regime vulnerability, suggesting causal efficacy in non-violence's mass mobilization over coercion's divisiveness.^[65] The choice between forms turns on causal thresholds: civil disobedience suits gradual erosions amenable to moral suasion, preserving social fabric, while armed action addresses irredeemable tyranny where passivity equates to complicity in atrocity, though risking cycles of retribution absent post-conflict safeguards.^[61] Proponents of escalation doctrines argue non-violence should precede violence, as hybrid campaigns blending both yield mixed outcomes but non-violent cores enhance durability of reforms, yielding democracies less prone to relapse into authoritarianism.^[66] Yet, in regimes stifling assembly—evident in 21st-century suppressions like China's Uyghur policies—armed resistance's legitimacy derives from self-defense imperatives, unmitigated by data favoring alternatives unavailable in practice.^[65]

Notable Historical Cases

Successful Resistances Against Tyranny

The American Revolution (1775–1783) exemplifies armed resistance against perceived British tyranny, culminating in the independence of thirteen colonies. Colonists, facing taxation without representation and military coercion such as the Intolerable Acts of 1774, formed militias and Continental Army forces that defeated British troops at key battles like Saratoga (1777) and Yorktown (1781), leading to the Treaty of Paris recognizing U.S. sovereignty on September 3, 1783. This outcome established a republican government grounded in enumerated rights, with approximately 25,000 American casualties underscoring the resolve against monarchical overreach.^[67]^[68] The Glorious Revolution of 1688 in England demonstrated largely non-violent elite and parliamentary resistance to King James II's absolutist policies, including suspension of habeas corpus and promotion of Catholicism amid Protestant majorities. Inviting William of Orange, Protestant nobles prompted James's flight on December 11, 1688, after minimal skirmishes totaling fewer than 300 deaths; William and Mary accepted the throne conditional on the Bill of Rights 1689, which curtailed royal prerogatives like dispensing with laws and maintaining standing armies in peacetime. This settlement entrenched parliamentary supremacy, averting broader civil war and influencing constitutional frameworks globally.^[69]^[70] In the Velvet Revolution of Czechoslovakia (November 17–December 29, 1989), mass non-violent protests involving up to 800,000 participants in Prague dismantled the communist regime without significant bloodshed, resulting in zero official deaths from confrontations. Sparked by student demonstrations against police brutality, the movement pressured the government into negotiations, electing dissident Václav Havel as president on December 29, 1989, and enabling free elections in June 1990 that ended one-party rule after 41 years. Economic stagnation under communism, with GDP per capita lagging Western Europe by factors of three or more, fueled public mobilization, validated by subsequent democratic consolidation.^[71]^[72] The Romanian Revolution of December 1989 marked a violent popular uprising against Nicolae Ceaușescu's personalist dictatorship, succeeding in his overthrow after 24 years of rule characterized by food rationing as low as 1,000 calories daily and secret police surveillance of 1 in 30 citizens. Protests in Timișoara on December 16 escalated nationwide, with army defection on December 22 enabling revolutionaries to capture Ceaușescu, who was tried and executed on December 25; official tallies report over 1,000 deaths, but the regime's collapse paved the way for multiparty elections in May 1990. Internal military discontent, including officers' families enduring the same privations, critically enabled the shift against the Securitate apparatus.^[73]^[74]

Controversial or Failed Instances

The Hungarian Revolution of 1956 stands as a prominent example of a failed armed resistance against Soviet-backed authoritarianism in Eastern Europe. Sparked on October 23, 1956, by student demonstrations in Budapest protesting economic hardship, Soviet domination, and the repressive policies of the Hungarian Workers' Party under Mátyás Rákosi, the uprising rapidly escalated into widespread revolts across the country. Participants, including workers, intellectuals, and defecting soldiers, formed revolutionary committees, toppled Stalin statues, and demanded democratic reforms, national independence, and withdrawal from the Warsaw Pact. Initial gains included the appointment of reformist Imre Nagy as prime minister and the dissolution of the secret police, but these were short-lived. On November 4, 1956, the Soviet Union deployed approximately 1,000 tanks and 60,000 troops in a second invasion, overwhelming Hungarian forces lacking external support; the fighting resulted in about 2,500 Hungarian deaths, 200,000 refugees fleeing westward, and Nagy's eventual execution in June 1958 after a show trial.^[75]^[76] While militarily defeated due to disproportionate Soviet firepower and the absence of allied intervention, the revolution exposed the fragility of communist legitimacy, sowing seeds for later dissident movements and contributing to the Soviet bloc's erosion by the 1980s.^[75] The Kronstadt Rebellion of 1921 illustrates an early, failed challenge to Bolshevik consolidation of power, framed by participants as resistance to a nascent tyranny diverging from revolutionary ideals. In late February 1921, amid famine and economic collapse from War Communism policies—including forced grain requisitions that exacerbated peasant starvation—sailors and workers at the Kronstadt naval base near Petrograd issued 15 demands, including free elections to soviets, an end to political arrests, and abolition of Bolshevik privileges. These mutineers, many veterans of the 1917 October Revolution who had previously defended the regime against Whites, seized the base and repelled initial assaults, establishing a provisional soviet. Leon Trotsky's Red Army launched a bloody ice assault on March 7–18, 1921, killing or wounding up to 10,000, with 2,000 rebels executed and others dying in labor camps; survivor Emma Goldman later described it as a "massacre" of proletarian autonomy.^[77] The event is controversial, with Bolshevik narratives attributing it to White émigré plots despite evidence of organic grievances against one-party suppression of Mensheviks, SRs, and anarchists, while critics argue it highlighted the causal shift from multi-factional revolution to authoritarian centralism under Lenin.^[78] The Mau Mau Uprising from 1952 to 1960 in British Kenya exemplifies a controversial invocation of resistance against colonial land expropriation, marred by tactics that included civilian targeting and ritual violence. Primarily involving Kikuyu Land and Freedom Army fighters responding to systemic dispossession—whites controlled 12% of arable land while comprising 1% of the population—the rebels administered oaths involving animal sacrifice, forced incest, and mutilation to enforce loyalty, killing an estimated 1,800 African loyalists and 32 Europeans through assassinations, arson, and ambushes. Such methods, documented in British colonial records and survivor accounts, alienated moderate Africans and prompted international condemnation as terroristic, even as they pressured negotiations. The British counterinsurgency detained over 80,000 in camps rife with abuse, but Mau Mau atrocities like castrations and beheadings fueled debates on proportionality; the conflict caused 11,000–20,000 rebel deaths from combat, disease, and execution, failing to oust colonial rule immediately but accelerating independence in 1963. Historians, drawing on declassified files, note that while rooted in genuine oppression, the uprising's excesses undermined its moral claim, illustrating risks of resistance devolving into cycles of reprisal without disciplined adherence to civilian protections.^[79]^[80]

Distinctions from Unlawful Acts

Right to Resist Versus Terrorism

The right to resist tyranny or occupation, where legally or morally recognized, is differentiated from terrorism through criteria emphasizing targeted military objectives, adherence to international humanitarian law (IHL), and avoidance of indiscriminate violence against non-combatants.^[9] Under IHL frameworks like the Geneva Conventions, legitimate resistance permits armed actions against state forces in scenarios of self-determination or anti-colonial struggle, provided they distinguish between combatants and civilians, maintain proportionality, and refrain from acts designed to spread terror.^[81] In contrast, terrorism involves premeditated violence or threats thereof against civilians to instill fear, coerce governments, or advance political aims, as outlined in UN General Assembly Resolution 49/60 of 1994, which condemns "criminal acts intended or calculated to provoke a state of terror in the general public."^[82] This demarcation is rooted in customary international law, where the right to resist—affirmed in UN resolutions such as 2625 (1970) on self-determination—allows forcible measures against foreign domination but excludes tactics that violate human rights protections during conflict.^[83] Terrorism, lacking such protections, is universally proscribed without exception for political grievances; for instance, the UN Security Council's Resolution 1566 (2004) defines it as acts causing death or serious harm to civilians to intimidate populations or compel compliance, irrespective of claimed justifications.^[84] Empirical analysis of conflicts, such as the Algerian War of Independence (1954–1962), illustrates the boundary: Front de Libération Nationale (FLN) operations targeting French military installations were framed as resistance, while bombings of civilian areas, like the 1957 Milk Bar attack killing six, were classified as terrorism by French authorities and later critiqued for eroding international support.^[83] Challenges arise in application due to subjective state labeling, where occupying powers may deem all asymmetric violence terrorism, while resistance advocates invoke moral equivalence under "one man's terrorist is another's freedom fighter."^[85] However, legal scholars emphasize causal distinctions: resistance seeks to dismantle oppressive structures through proportionate means that preserve civilian immunity, fostering potential legitimacy and post-conflict stability, whereas terrorism's intentional civilian targeting provokes backlash, alienates allies, and perpetuates cycles of retaliation, as evidenced by data from the Global Terrorism Database showing over 90% of terrorist incidents (2000–2019) involving non-state actors deliberately hitting civilian sites.^[84] No international treaty grants impunity for terrorism under resistance pretexts; violations, such as Hamas's October 7, 2023, attacks killing 1,200 civilians, trigger universal condemnation as war crimes, distinct from lawful combatant actions.^[86] In practice, boundaries blur when resistance groups adopt terrorist tactics for expediency, leading to loss of legal protections; IHL strips fighters of prisoner-of-war status if they fail to distinguish targets, as per Additional Protocol I (1977), Article 44.^[87] States countering such hybrid threats, like the U.S. post-9/11 framework under Executive Order 13224 (2001), designate entities based on material support to terrorism, excluding pure resistance absent civilian endangerment.^[88] This framework prioritizes empirical evidence of intent and impact over ideological claims, ensuring resistance remains a tool for rectification rather than escalation.^[89]

Boundaries with Insurrection and Civil Unrest

The right to resist, as enshrined in select national constitutions, is sharply circumscribed to defensive actions against attempts to dismantle the fundamental constitutional order, typically as a last resort after all legal avenues are exhausted. For instance, Article 20(4) of Germany's Basic Law permits resistance solely against individuals or entities seeking to abolish the democratic order, provided no other remedies exist, emphasizing restoration of legality rather than indefinite upheaval.^[90] This provision, added in 1956 amid postwar concerns over totalitarianism, does not authorize proactive rebellion but limits force to proportionate measures aligned with preserving enumerated principles like human dignity and democracy.^[90] Exceeding these bounds—such as initiating violence without evidence of constitutional abolition or failing to pursue judicial recourse—transforms claimed resistance into insurrection, defined legally as an organized, armed defiance of state authority.^[91] Insurrection, by contrast, lacks the justificatory thresholds of constitutional resistance doctrines and is criminalized in frameworks like the United States' 18 U.S.C. § 2383, which prohibits inciting, aiding, or engaging in rebellion against federal authority, punishable by fines, imprisonment up to ten years, and disqualification from office.^[92] Historical U.S. applications, such as the suppression of the 1794 Whiskey Rebellion—an armed tax protest involving thousands that challenged federal enforcement—illustrate this boundary: while participants invoked grievances akin to resistance rhetoric, the absence of a constitutional right to such action and the organized violence against lawful revenue collection rendered it insurrectionary, prompting presidential deployment of militia under early statutes.^[93] Similarly, Shays' Rebellion in 1786–1787, involving farmer uprisings against debt courts, tested nascent republican limits but was quelled as unlawful due to its coercive disruption of judicial processes without broader tyrannical context.^[94] Jurisdictions without explicit resistance rights, like the U.S., rely on implied self-defense or assembly protections, but these dissolve into criminality when actions escalate to forcible overthrow, as insurrection requires avowed, collective violence against the polity's core functions.^[95] Civil unrest diverges further, manifesting as unstructured disturbances—riots, looting, or clashes—often stemming from socioeconomic tensions rather than targeted constitutional defense, and lacking the premeditated organization of insurrection.^[96] Under U.S. First Amendment jurisprudence, peaceful assembly enjoys safeguards, but transitions to unrest occur upon violations like property damage or assault, forfeiting protections without invoking resistance legitimacy.^[97] For example, the 2020 U.S. urban disturbances following police incidents involved over 7,750 events, with federal data recording 570 involving violence or destruction, yet most were prosecuted as individual crimes rather than coordinated insurrection due to decentralized motives and absence of unified overthrow intent.^[98] In constitutional resistance paradigms, such as Germany's, civil unrest falls outside Article 20(4) as it neither addresses nor employs remedies against systemic order abolition, remaining subject to general criminal codes on public disturbance. These demarcations hinge on empirical markers: resistance demands verifiable tyranny thresholds and minimal force; insurrection implies escalatory illegitimacy; unrest reflects chaotic excess without political telos.^[6]

Criticisms and Counterarguments

Risks of Anarchy and Abuse

Critics maintain that endorsing a right to resist, particularly without stringent thresholds, undermines the social contract by legitimizing subjective grievances as pretexts for upheaval, potentially unraveling ordered society into anarchy. Thomas Hobbes argued in Leviathan (1651) that resistance dissolves sovereign authority, reverting humanity to a state of nature defined by mutual predation, where "the life of man [is] solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short," rendering any stable polity preferable to such disorder.^[15]^[99] Early American history underscores these dangers through domestic rebellions that threatened national cohesion. Shays' Rebellion (1786–1787), an armed protest by indebted farmers against Massachusetts courts and taxation, ignited alarms of impending anarchy under the weak Articles of Confederation, galvanizing delegates to draft the U.S. Constitution with enhanced federal powers to quell insurrections and impose taxes.^[100]^[101] The subsequent Whiskey Rebellion (1794), opposing a federal excise on distilled spirits, compelled President Washington to deploy 13,000 militiamen, affirming governmental monopoly on force to avert cascading factionalism and dissolution.^[102] The French Revolution provides a stark continental example, where resistance to Bourbon absolutism escalated into the Reign of Terror (1793–1794), marked by Revolutionary Tribunal condemnations resulting in over 16,000 guillotine executions and thousands more deaths in custody or extrajudicially, as Jacobin factions purged perceived enemies amid escalating paranoia and institutional collapse.^[103] Empirical assessments of civil conflicts amplify concerns over anarchy's onset. Data from the Uppsala Conflict Data Program document over 60 active state-involved conflicts annually in recent years, many originating as resistance movements, with outcomes frequently entailing protracted violence rather than resolution; studies link such wars to eroded state capacity, elevating probabilities of failure where governance fragments into warlord domains.^[104]^[105] Abuse compounds these risks, as actors may invoke resistance to cloak ambitions for plunder or dominance, fostering vigilantism or opportunistic violence; research on violent non-state groups shows they often perpetuate instability post-uprising, transforming grievances into self-sustaining predation that hinders reconstruction and invites external intervention or counter-tyranny.^[106]^[107]

Empirical Outcomes and Pacifist Alternatives

Empirical analyses of resistance campaigns from 1900 to 2006, as compiled in the Nonviolent and Violent Campaigns and Outcomes (NAVCO) dataset, indicate that nonviolent civil resistance achieved its goals in 53% of cases, compared to 26% for violent campaigns.^[108]^[109] This disparity arises because nonviolent efforts typically attract broader participation, with campaigns drawing over 1% of a population's active involvement being far more likely to succeed, and they foster defections among regime elites through moral suasion and economic disruption rather than military confrontation.^[110] However, subsequent evaluations have identified methodological limitations in such datasets, including the classification of campaigns with sporadic or reactive violence as "nonviolent," potentially inflating success rates; when these factors and omitted cases are accounted for, nonviolent outcomes appear less superior.^[111] Post-2006 trends show declining efficacy for nonviolent resistance, with success rates dropping to around 34% by the 2010s, attributed to authoritarian adaptations like surveillance, co-optation, and rapid crackdowns, though nonviolent methods still outperform violent ones in mobilizing mass participation and transitioning to democracy upon success—successful nonviolent campaigns were 10 times more likely to yield democratic consolidation than violent ones.^[112]^[108] Violent resistance, often framed as armed defense against tyranny, lacks comparable aggregate empirical support for superior outcomes; historical cases of internal armed uprisings against entrenched regimes frequently result in prolonged civil wars or regime retrenchment, with success rates below 30% in modern datasets excluding external interventions.^[112]^[113] Pacifist alternatives, emphasizing sustained non-cooperation, boycotts, and strikes without physical force, have demonstrated viability in averting escalation while achieving concessions, as seen in the 1980s Polish Solidarity movement, which mobilized 10 million workers through strikes and eroded communist legitimacy without widespread armed conflict, contributing to the regime's collapse by 1989.^[114] Empirical models suggest that nonviolent strategies reduce civilian casualties by orders of magnitude compared to armed uprisings, which often provoke disproportionate reprisals, though they require high levels of coordination and public commitment to overcome repression thresholds.^[115] Critics of pacifism argue it fails against genocidal tyrannies unwilling to negotiate, yet data from over 300 campaigns show no instance where nonviolent mobilization exceeding 3.5% of the population failed outright, underscoring its threshold-dependent potency as an alternative to arms.^[116]^[117]

Contemporary Debates and Developments

Post-2020 Claims in Democratic Societies

In the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic and related government measures, various protest movements in democratic societies invoked the right to resist as a justification for opposing perceived overreaches of state authority, particularly vaccine mandates, lockdowns, and emergency powers. Participants often framed these policies as violations of fundamental liberties akin to tyranny, drawing on historical precedents like the American Declaration of Independence or natural rights theory to argue for civil disobedience or, in extreme interpretations, more assertive action. Such claims gained traction amid widespread restrictions implemented from 2020 onward, with empirical data showing compliance fatigue: for instance, a 2021 Pew Research survey indicated that 40% of Americans believed pandemic restrictions had gone too far, fueling narratives of legitimate resistance. The 2022 Canadian Freedom Convoy, involving thousands of truckers and supporters blockading Ottawa from January 28 to February 21, exemplified these assertions, as organizers protested cross-border vaccine mandates enforced under the Quarantine Act, which required unvaccinated drivers to isolate for 14 days despite negative tests. Convoy spokespeople, such as Benjamin J. Dichter, described the movement as a collective stand against escalating health restrictions that undermined livelihoods and bodily autonomy, invoking an inherent right to resist government-imposed harms without legal recourse. The Trudeau government's activation of the Emergencies Act on February 14—allowing bank account freezes for over 200 individuals and entities without judicial oversight—was decried by critics, including convoy backers, as authoritarian escalation justifying further defiance; a subsequent 2023 public inquiry found the invocation "reasonable" but noted divisions in threat assessments, highlighting debates over proportionality.^[118]^[119] In the United States, events surrounding the January 6, 2021, Capitol breach saw some participants and online advocates claim invocation of the right to revolution against alleged electoral irregularities in the 2020 presidential vote, positioning the action as resistance to a "stolen" government undermining republican principles. Supporters referenced the Declaration's assertion that people may "alter or abolish" destructive governments, with symbols like the Gadsden flag appearing to signal anti-tyranny intent. Federal investigations, including over 1,200 charges by 2023, documented violence causing five deaths and $2.7 million in damages, while 60+ lawsuits and audits rejected widespread fraud claims sufficient to alter outcomes, rendering the resistance premise empirically unsubstantiated; nonetheless, insurrectionist theory proponents continued arguing for a moral right to armed revolt against perceived tyranny.^[120] European cases included Germany's Querdenken movement, active from 2020-2022, where demonstrators against lockdowns and mask rules portrayed measures as totalitarian overreach, legitimizing resistance as self-preservation against state coercion; events drew up to 38,000 participants in Berlin on August 1, 2020, with rhetoric equating mandates to historical authoritarianism. Similarly, Dutch farmers' protests from March 2022 onward, opposing nitrogen reduction targets aiming for 50% cuts by 2030 that risked farm buyouts, featured blockades of distribution centers and rhetoric defending property rights against EU-aligned expropriation, though explicit "right to resist" framing was more implicit in calls for defiance. These claims faced pushback from authorities citing public order laws, underscoring tensions between democratic accountability and individual resistance thresholds.^[121]^[122]

Global Contexts: Occupation and Authoritarianism

In contexts of foreign occupation, international humanitarian law permits organized resistance movements under specific conditions, distinguishing them from unlawful civilian participation in hostilities. The Fourth Geneva Convention (1949) protects civilians in occupied territories but allows for the formation of resistance groups that comply with combatant criteria, such as bearing arms openly and adhering to the laws of war, as elaborated in Additional Protocol I (1977), Articles 43 and 44.^[123] Such groups may receive prisoner-of-war status if captured, provided they operate under responsible command and conduct operations per international standards.^[123] During World War II, resistance movements in occupied Europe, including Yugoslav Partisans who fought Nazi forces from 1941 to 1945, were recognized post-war for their contributions, with Allied support via supplies and intelligence aiding their efforts against Axis occupation.^[124] Similarly, Norwegian and French resistances disrupted German logistics, with operations like the 1943 Heavy Water sabotage at Vemork preventing nuclear advancements.^[125] Limitations persist: unorganized civilians engaging directly in hostilities forfeit protection from attack during participation and may face prosecution by occupying forces under military courts, as per Geneva Convention IV, Article 66.^[123] Reprisals or collective punishments against populations supporting resistance are prohibited (Article 33).^[123] These provisions reflect a balance, recognizing occupation's illegitimacy in prolonged cases while demanding proportionality to avoid endangering non-combatants. Under authoritarian regimes, the right to resist lacks explicit endorsement in international law beyond moral acknowledgment, differing from occupation scenarios due to sovereignty principles. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) preamble notes rebellion as a potential last resort against tyranny to underscore human rights protection, but it imposes no obligation on states to permit it and does not authorize armed uprising.^[45] Constitutions in select nations, such as Germany's Basic Law Article 20(4) enacted in 1949, explicitly grant citizens the right to resist unconstitutional overthrows when legal remedies fail, influencing post-WWII democratic safeguards.^[90] Empirical cases, like the 1956 Hungarian Revolution against Soviet-imposed communism, involved armed resistance that mobilized 200,000 fighters but was crushed, resulting in 2,500 deaths and highlighting risks of escalation without external intervention. Such internal resistances often lead to suppression, with international law favoring non-violent transitions or Responsibility to Protect interventions over endorsing domestic insurrection.

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Defining Terrorism in International Law - GlobaLex
Terrorism and the Law Before 1945. The term entered into political discourse in the late eighteenth century to describe the Jacobin reign of (state) terror ...
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Counter-Terrorism Module 4 Key Issues: Defining Terrorism - Unodc
Defining terrorism. Before examining the meaning and associated concepts and principles of (international) criminal justice and international criminal law as ...
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Resistance, Terrorism, and the Problem of Defining Its Concepts in ...
The terrorism phenomenon is considered during the arm conflict one of the negative phenomena in our contemporary word. Which spread to threat the security ...
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International Law, Self-Defense, and the Israel-Hamas Conflict
Mar 7, 2024 · The drafters of the UN Charter did not consider terrorist violence to be on the same threat level as violence perpetrated by state militaries ...
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2 - Key Concepts in the Laws of Armed Conflict and ... - HLS PILAC
Aug 28, 2015 · Finally, we outline the potential status of terrorists under IHL. Definitions and Incidence of Terrorism. As discussed in more detail in section ...
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Executive Order 13224 - United States Department of State
BUSH, Then-President of the United States of America, find that grave acts of terrorism and threats of terrorism committed by foreign terrorists, including the ...<|control11|><|separator|>
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DIFFERENCE BETWEEN TERRORISM, LEGITIMATE RESISTANCE ...
He said terrorism was linked with a wide network of organized crime. Not only terrorists should be targeted, but also those who assisted terrorists and ...
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Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany - Gesetze im Internet
(4) All Germans shall have the right to resist any person seeking to abolish this constitutional order if no other remedy is available.
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The Legal Definitions of “Insurrection” and “Rebellion” and Their ...
Jan 3, 2024 · “Insurrection” refers to any act of rising against the authority of the state or its laws. Legally, it's the violent uprising against governmental authority.
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Rebellion or Insurrection | 18 U.S. Code § 2383
Rebellion or insurrection is a federal offense that criminalizes inciting, engaging in, or giving aid and comfort to any rebellion or insurrection against the ...
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The Insurrection Act Explained | Brennan Center for Justice
Apr 21, 2022 · The Insurrection Act authorizes the president to deploy military forces inside the United States to suppress rebellion or domestic violence.
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Defining 'Rebellion' in 10 U.S.C. § 12406 and the Insurrection Act
Jun 23, 2025 · According to Breyer's synthesis of these four definitions, rebellion must be violent, armed, organized, open, and avowed, against the ...Missing: right | Show results with:right<|separator|>
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Understanding Insurrection and Sedition - CSIS
Jan 29, 2021 · One cannot commit sedition or insurrection to “overthrow a government” while still claiming to uphold and defend the Constitution. The U.S. ...
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The Right to Protest: Crossing the Line to Riots, Violence, and ...
Oct 11, 2023 · The Right to Protest: Crossing the Line to Riots, Violence, and Insurrection · The Constitutional Protections for Protest · Limitations on First ...
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https://www.aclu.org/know-your-rights/protesters-rights
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The U.S. Constitution and Limits on Detention and Use of Force in ...
Jun 3, 2020 · Under what circumstances may the government use lethal and non- or lesser-lethal force in the face of unlawful protests, riots, and looting?
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Hobbes, Locke, and the Social Contract | American Battlefield Trust
May 4, 2020 · Hobbes and Locke each stood on fundamentally opposing corners in their debate on what made the most effective form of government for society.
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Shays' Rebellion | George Washington's Mount Vernon
Shays' Rebellion accelerated calls to reform the Articles, eventually resulting in the Philadelphia Convention of 1787. The Convention elected Washington as ...
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The Events and Impact of Shays's Rebellion
Shays's Rebellion and other acts of violence deeply shocked Americans and spread fear the United States was on the verge of anarchy. Motivated by this fear more ...Missing: prevent | Show results with:prevent
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Whiskey Rebellion | George Washington's Mount Vernon
The Whiskey Rebellion threatened the stability of the nascent United States and forced President Washington to personally lead the United States militia ...
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The Reign of Terror | OUPblog
Sep 6, 2013 · Unquestionably the Terror was bloody. Over 16,000 people were officially condemned to death, as many again or more probably lost their lives in ...Missing: toll | Show results with:toll
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UCDP: Sharp increase in conflicts and wars - Uppsala University
Jun 11, 2025 · UCDP recorded 61 active conflicts involving at least one state in 2024, up from 59 the previous year and the highest number since statistics began in 1946.Missing: outcomes stability
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do civil wars and violent non-state actors create failed states?
This article examines whether the incidence of civil wars and the presence of violent non-state actors have an effect on state failure. Research on failed ...
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[PDF] do civil wars and violent non-state actors create failed states?
Nov 15, 2017 · Although it has been empirically observed that the majority of civil war-affected states do not fail and that not all failed states are hosting ...
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https://oxfordre.com/internationalstudies/display/10.1093/acrefore/9780190846626.001.0001/acrefore-9780190846626-e-176
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Nonviolent resistance proves potent weapon - Harvard Gazette
Feb 4, 2019 · Harvard Professor Erica Chenoweth discovers nonviolent civil resistance is far more successful in effecting change than violent campaigns.Missing: empirical | Show results with:empirical
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Why Civil Resistance Works - Erica Chenoweth
Though it defies consensus, between 1900 and 2006, campaigns of nonviolent resistance were more than twice as effective as their violent counterparts.
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The Unexpected Effectiveness of Nonviolent Resistance
Nov 12, 2019 · It doesn't always succeed, but it succeeds more often than its violent counterparts. ... Thoko Moyo: So, in nonviolent protests or campaigns, ...
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Debunking the Myths Behind Nonviolent Civil Resistance
Apr 29, 2020 · If unarmed violence, reactive violence, and omitted cases are analyzed, nonviolent success rates are worse than formerly considered.
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The Future of Nonviolent Resistance | Journal of Democracy
From the 1960s until about 2010, success rates for revolutionary nonviolent campaigns remained above 40 percent, climbing as high as 65 percent in the 1990s.
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Violence v Non Violence: which is more effective as a driver of ...
Jun 12, 2018 · ... nonviolent campaigns succeeded, five times the success rate for violent ones. Looking back over the 20th century, she found that non-violent ...Missing: empirical studies
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The Success of Nonviolent Civil Resistance | ICNC
Between 1900-2006, campaigns of nonviolent civil resistance were twice as successful as violent campaigns. Erica Chenoweth, Professor of Public Policy at ...
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The Role of Violence in Nonviolent Resistance - Annual Reviews
Jun 15, 2023 · The power of nonviolence: confirming and explaining the success of nonviolent (rather than violent) political movements. Eur. J. Soc ...Missing: studies | Show results with:studies<|separator|>
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The '3.5% rule': How a small minority can change the world - BBC
May 13, 2019 · Nonviolent protests are twice as likely to succeed as armed ... disobedience is not only the moral choice; it is also the most ...
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Civil Resistance and the 3.5% Rule: An Overview - The Commons
Chenoweth emphasizes that their findings should be seen as a “rule of thumb” rather than an “iron law” and 3.5% mobilisation is no guarantor of success.
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Canadian Trucker Convoy Spokesperson Benjamin J. Dichter ...
Nov 11, 2022 · All believed in their right to resist the mounting government health restrictions that made less and less sense. When one of the organizers ...
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How the Canadian trucker protests proved BTC is useless - CoinGeek
Feb 21, 2022 · From one perspective, the truckers are peaceful protestors who have every right to resist draconian restrictions on their lives and livelihoods.
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What We Saw at the Capitol Hill Insurrection - VICE
Jan 12, 2021 · They chartered six buses to transport about 300 agitators to the Capitol on January 6. ... right of revolution in the face of tyranny. The flag ...
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Insurrectionist theory - Wikipedia
Its proponents assert a right of revolution, which entails armed revolt premised on resistance against a perceived tyrannical government. The theory holds ...
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[PDF] Covid-19 and the grouping Querdenken - mediaTUM
The demonstration was not directed against the Covid-19 measures ... selves as victims of a totalitarian state power to legitimize their right to resist.
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The Dutch Farmers' Protests and Incitement to Violence
Oct 5, 2023 · Has this changed? Third, for those who think that Gideon is wrong, and therefore that farmers have no right to resist, what about social ...
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[PDF] The law of armed conflict - Lesson 9 - Belligerent occupation - ICRC
The aim of this lesson is to explain the duties and rights of a belligerent power when it occupies foreign territory and of the civilian population in the ...
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How Europeans Resisted German Occupation In World War 2
How people in Europe resisted German occupation during WW2. Millions faced hard choices between resistance, acquiescence or collaboration. ... to Nazi occupation ...
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Norwegian Civil Resistance of the Nazi Occupation: 1940-1945
Nov 11, 2019 · The Norwegian resistance to the Nazi occupation during WWII played a vital role in unifying the country and seeing the Norwegian people through the dark years ...