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Subak

Subak (수박; 手搏) is an ancient Korean martial art that emphasizes bare-hand fighting techniques, including punches, slaps, grapples, throws, and joint locks.^[1] The term "subak," derived from Hanja characters meaning "hand" (手) and "fight" or "strike" (搏), originally referred to hand-based combat and may have been used both generically for empty-hand martial arts and as a specific style focused on upright striking, contrasting with ground-based wrestling like ssireum.^[1] Originating during Korea's Three Kingdoms period (c. 57 BCE–668 CE), subak was practiced by warriors such as Goguryeo's Seonbae troops around 400 CE and integrated into Silla's Hwarang warrior training.^[1] It flourished in the Joseon Dynasty (1392–1910), with royal tournaments documented in 18th-century texts like the Dongsa-gangmok, but declined under Confucian influences favoring scholarly pursuits over martial training.^[1] Subak influenced later arts, including taekkyon (emphasizing fluid footwork and "soft" techniques) and yusul (a grappling variant), and elements survive today through preserved forms like subak dance in North Korea and Manchurian Korean communities.^[2] Modern revival efforts, particularly since the mid-20th century, seek to reconstruct subak from historical records and oral traditions, addressing misconceptions that it involved only palm slaps rather than a full range of strikes and maneuvers.^[1] As of 2023, lineages trace back to figures like Song Chang-ryeol (1942–2017), who transmitted subak during the Japanese colonial period, highlighting its role in Korean cultural heritage preservation.^[2]

Overview

Definition and Characteristics

Subak is a traditional Korean bare-hand martial art that emphasizes unarmed combat through a combination of strikes, grabs, joint locks, and throws, distinguishing it as a versatile system for self-defense and military application.^[1] Unlike ground-oriented wrestling traditions such as ssireum, Subak focuses on dynamic, standing engagements that integrate hand and foot techniques to control or subdue opponents.^[1] It incorporates elements of fluidity and redirection, often described as "yusul" or soft techniques, which allow practitioners to harness an adversary's force rather than confront it directly.^[1] However, the exact historical continuity of Subak is debated among scholars, with some arguing that modern forms are reconstructions influenced by 20th-century martial arts revival efforts.^[3] Key characteristics of Subak include its upright fighting posture, designed specifically for foot soldiers to maintain mobility and balance in battlefield scenarios, setting it apart from more static or prone combat forms.^[4] The art prioritizes speed and rhythmic fluidity in movements, evoking comparisons to "sword fighting without a sword," with warm-up rituals involving clapping to synchronize body and mind.^[5] This emphasis on natural, flowing motions over rigid forms enables personalized expression while building power through softness rather than brute strength.^[5] Originating in ancient Korea, possibly during the Three Kingdoms period, Subak served as a core component of military training for warriors, evolving into a folk sport with regional variations by the Goryeo Dynasty.^[6] Today, two primary lineages survive: one preserved through the efforts of Song Chang-ryeol (1932–2017), who trained in Kaesong and established the Korea Subak Association to transmit its techniques;^[6] the other integrated into modern Taekkyon by Shin Han-seung following the Korean War, blending Subak elements with Taekkyon's dance-like forms. This preservation underscores Subak's role as a foundational influence on later Korean martial arts, including a possible evolutionary link to Taekkyon.^[5]

Etymology and Terminology

The term "Subak" (수박 or 手搏) derives from the Chinese characters 手搏 (shǒu bó), literally translating to "hand fighting" or "bare-hand combat," reflecting its roots in ancient Chinese unarmed martial traditions dating back to the Han Dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE).^[3] This nomenclature was adopted into Korean usage as a transliteration of the Chinese shoubo, indicating a general term for pugilistic or striking arts emphasizing hand techniques rather than weapons or other limbs.^[3] The earliest textual references to Subak appear in Korean historical records from the Goryeo Dynasty (918–1392), such as the Koryŏsa (History of Goryeo), a 15th-century chronicle compiled in 1451 that describes it as a contest-like activity involving unarmed combat, often in exhibition matches.^[3] Terminological variations include occasional renderings as "Sibak," which may represent a regional phonetic variant, dialectal pronunciation, or informal reference to related street-fighting practices, though it lacks distinct historical documentation and is often conflated with Subak proper. In the mid-20th century, the term influenced "Soo Bahk Do," a modern martial art system developed by Hwang Kee, founder of the Moo Duk Kwan in 1945, who drew on ancient Subak concepts alongside Chinese influences like kwŏnbŏp (fist methods) to create a structured discipline emphasizing hand techniques and forms.^[3]

History

Ancient and Medieval Origins

The earliest documented references to Subak date to the Goryeo Dynasty (918–1392), with mentions in the Koryŏsa chronicles of a 12th-century bare-handed fighting practice associated with military officers. Historical accounts link Subak in regions like Songdo (modern Kaesong) to Goryeo's warrior traditions, suggesting it served as an unarmed combat form emphasizing strikes, throws, and joint locks. This early development reflects influences from the kingdom's rugged environment, which likely contributed to techniques relying on leg strength for throws and mobility.^[6] During the medieval Goryeo Dynasty (918–1392), Subak gained documented presence as a form of hand-fighting, referenced in the Koryŏsa chronicles compiled between 1418 and 1450. These texts describe subakhŭi, or "hand-fighting play," as a contest-like activity involving unarmed techniques, often performed by soldiers as a supplement to weapons training. While not a core military discipline, it played a role in preparing foot soldiers for close-quarters combat, distinguishing its upright striking and throwing methods from ground-based wrestling traditions like ssireum. This period marks Subak's evolution from potential Chinese shoubo influences into a localized Korean practice, with evidence pointing to its use among military officials rather than widespread formal training.^[3]^[6]^[7] By the late medieval transition into the early Yi (Joseon) Dynasty, Subak began diverging into regional variants, with an upright style focused on standing strikes and throws separating from more ground-oriented wrestling influences. Records from the 14th century, embedded in Goryeo-era compilations, allude to techniques akin to Tagwon (striking fist methods), highlighting its adaptation for infantry versatility. This split laid the groundwork for later forms, such as the more foot-dominant Taekkyon in southern regions.^[6]^[3] Subak flourished as a sport among royalty in the 18th century, as noted in Yi Dynasty historical texts like the Dongsa-gangmok, which record kings organizing and participating in matches to promote physical prowess and cultural unity. These events elevated Subak beyond military utility, integrating it into courtly entertainment while preserving its core techniques of bare-hand combat.^[6]

Joseon Dynasty Development and Decline

During the early Joseon Dynasty (1392–1910), Subak was integrated into military training as a fundamental combat art for warriors, serving as a formal event in recruitment examinations and bodyguard formations, particularly in regions like Hamgyeong-do where it was legislated for soldiers under the Gyeongguk Daejeon code.^[8]^[9] This development reflected its adaptation from earlier military roots into structured drills, with techniques documented in the 1790 martial arts manual Muye Dobo Tongji, which includes sections on unarmed combat emphasizing strikes and grapples.^[10] Under the pervasive influence of Neo-Confucianism, which prioritized scholarly pursuits and civil administration over martial prowess, Subak evolved toward softer techniques known as Yusul, focusing on grappling and joint manipulation rather than aggressive combat, aligning with the dynasty's emphasis on moral and intellectual discipline.^[10] During the Joseon Dynasty, practices like Subak (hand-focused fighting) and later Taekkyon (a foot-oriented folk game first documented in 1728) developed separately, reflecting regional and social variations in unarmed combat traditions, as the art transitioned from elite military practice to a widespread folk game among commoners.^[11] This split was influenced by sociocultural shifts, with Yusul elements absorbing Confucian ideals of restraint, while Subak's core persisted in regional bodyguard roles.^[12] In the 19th century, Subak fell into obscurity amid social upheavals, including factional strife at court and the devaluation of martial traditions under deepening Confucian orthodoxy, leading to its absorption into informal folk games and a lack of institutional support due to the absence of private training halls.^[10]^[13] The Japanese occupation (1910–1945) accelerated the decline through outright bans on traditional Korean arts as part of cultural suppression policies, rendering Subak nearly extinct by the early 1900s, with surviving techniques fragmented into children's play and rural customs.^[8] Historical records from 1937, including a column by scholar Choe Nam-seon, describe remnants of Subak as involving rapid grabs, strikes, and evasive movements, underscoring its fading vitality amid these pressures.

Modern Revival and Preservation

Following the Korean War, Subak experienced a notable revival in South Korea through the efforts of key practitioners who sought to reconstruct and preserve its techniques amid the devastation of colonial suppression and conflict. However, the historical authenticity of Subak, particularly its ancient roots, remains debated among scholars, with some viewing early claims as modern inventions of tradition. Shin Han-seung (1928–1987), a prominent Taekkyon master, played a pivotal role by integrating Subak elements into modern Taekkyon after consulting surviving experts, including notes on Subyok Chigi from 1147 records, to bridge historical gaps in unarmed combat forms.^[5] This integration helped sustain Subak's legacy within Taekkyon's framework, contributing to Taekkyon's designation as Important Intangible Cultural Asset No. 76 in 1983.^[5] Concurrently, Song Chang-ryeol (1932–2017), born in Bukcheong-gun, Hamgyeongnam-do, maintained a distinct lineage of pure Subak after training in Kaesong during the early 1940s under local masters, dedicating his life to its transmission despite personal hardships, including relocation during Japanese occupation.^[12] In North Korea, Subak persisted in modified forms, particularly through incorporation into Gyeoksul games, which emphasized bare-hand striking and served as a competitive outlet for its motions.^[6] Ethnographic records from 1964, compiled by North Korean researchers, documented Subak's characteristic movements, providing valuable insights into its performative and combative aspects amid limited public access.^[6] Preservation efforts face significant challenges today, with Subak lacking widespread practice outside niche lineages and academic studies, leading to its near-absence in contemporary Korean martial arts curricula.^[6] Many historical claims, such as those attributed to Seonbae practitioners regarding technique origins, remain uncited or unverifiable in primary sources, complicating authentic reconstruction and transmission.^[12] A unique aspect of Subak's indirect preservation involves its evolution into Subak Dance among Korean ethnic communities in Manchuria, certified as an intangible cultural heritage by China's Ministry of Culture in 2006 and designated at the municipal level in Baeksan City in 2008, ensuring the survival of its rhythmic motions through cultural performances.^[14]

Techniques

Striking Methods

Subak's striking methods primarily involve hand-based offensive techniques that emphasize precision and versatility, distinguishing the art from purely grappling systems. These methods include punches and open-hand strikes, countering the common misconception that Subak relies exclusively on slaps. Historical records indicate that hand strikes were integral to Subak as a form of bare-hand combat for soldier training.^[1] Punching and slapping techniques in Subak are preserved in modern iterations and related arts, such as Gyeoksul in North Korea, which draws from traditional Korean martial arts including Subak and emphasizes strikes for combat efficiency.^[15] Open-hand variations, including palm strikes, provide options for non-penetrating impacts and are referenced in historical analyses of Subak as elements of unarmed combat. Due to limited primary sources, specific applications are inferred from 18th- and 19th-century texts and modern reconstructions like Taekkyon.^[7] Subak's tactical depth blends linear and evasive striking, often integrated with grabs, as seen in fluid sequences from Joseon-era practices and post-colonial revivals. This approach reflects natural body movements adapted for military and recreational use.^[5]

Grappling and Throwing Techniques

Subak's grappling techniques emphasize close-range control and submission, incorporating joint locks to immobilize opponents by targeting major joints, often transitioning from strikes. These methods, known as elements of yusul (soft techniques), redirect an attacker's momentum rather than relying on strength, enabling efficient control in combat. Common sequences involve strikes followed by grabs to apply joint pressure.^[1] Throwing techniques in Subak prioritize balance and mobility, reflecting its historical use among ancient Korean warriors. Practitioners execute throws by securing grabs on the opponent and using their momentum for projections or sweeps, focusing on quick resolutions to maintain upright posture suitable for battlefield conditions. This contrasts with ground-oriented styles like Ssireum.^[16]^[17] Historical records suggest these grappling and throwing elements were integrated with striking during the Joseon Dynasty, where competitions preserved aspects of the art despite its decline. Techniques served both sport and self-defense, highlighting Subak's holistic nature as a bridge between offense and control. Due to sparse documentation, details are largely reconstructed from related traditional arts.^[1]

Characteristic Motions and Forms

Subak's characteristic motions emphasize fluid and rhythmic sequences that integrate striking, grappling, and footwork into seamless transitions, distinguishing it from more rigid systems. Practitioners employ natural footwork to maintain balance and redirect force, allowing shifts between strikes and defensive maneuvers.^[5] The forms in Subak prioritize speed, equilibrium, and continuous motion over predefined routines, rooted in natural body movements as described in Joseon-era records where it served military training and recreation. Patterns encourage improvisation within core principles, such as warm-up clapping exercises to synchronize body and spirit before engaging in flowing drills. Medieval texts reference Subak's motions as versatile bare-hand techniques, mimicking armed combat without weapons.^[5]^[18] In training, Subak adapts its motions for non-lethal practice, focusing on health benefits and cultural expression, with sequences modified for sparring that preserve rhythmic essence. This evolution appears in 20th-century revivals, emphasizing discipline over confrontation. Given the limited historical records from the 12th century onward, many characteristic motions are preserved through related forms like Subak dance and Taekkyon.^[5]

Cultural and Performative Aspects

Subak Dance (Subakchoom)

The Subak Dance, or Subakchoom (수박춤), represents a performative evolution of the traditional Korean martial art Subak, maintained among ethnic Korean communities in Manchuria (northeastern China) and North Korea. This dance incorporates stylized movements derived from Subak's combat techniques, including rhythmic body slaps—such as frontal impacts to the chest and forehead—and side-directed slaps to the thighs and feet, often paired with fist clenches to evoke the art's original striking and defensive forms. Performed in paired or group formations, these elements create a dynamic interplay that emphasizes agility, timing, and synchronization, transforming martial actions into artistic expression.^[19]^[6] Historically, Subakchoom emerged during the decline of Subak as a practiced martial art in the late Joseon Dynasty, when overt combat training faced suppression under colonial and post-colonial influences; it adapted Subak's core motions into a safer, cultural format suitable for public display by soldiers and civilians alike. By the 20th century, the dance had become a key vehicle for cultural identity among Korean diaspora groups, with documentation from North Korean regions like Hamgyong Province capturing sequences of slap-based interactions that mimic sparring without physical harm. In Manchuria, performances by figures such as Kim Hak-cheon, analyzed through video recordings at the Changbai Korean Autonomous County Cultural Center, highlight its transmission from combat origins to festive routines.^[6]^[14] The Chinese government recognized the cultural significance of Subakchoom in 2006, when the Ministry of Culture initiated its review for national intangible cultural heritage status, leading to formal designation as a national-level heritage item in 2008 and as a municipal heritage in Baishan City; this certification underscores its role in preserving Korean ethnic traditions within China. Often featured in festivals and communal gatherings, the dance's rhythmic motions—simulating fights through coordinated slaps and clenches—foster community participation and educate younger generations on Subak's heritage.^[14]^[19] As a non-combat medium, Subakchoom has played a vital role in the preservation and transmission of Subak techniques, allowing practitioners to encode martial knowledge in performative sequences that evade restrictions on armed or aggressive arts, particularly in regions like North Korea's Jagang Province and Manchurian Korean enclaves. This adaptation ensures the art's conceptual and physical elements endure through oral and visual traditions, bridging historical combat practices with contemporary cultural vitality.^[6]^[20]

Misconceptions and Historical Interpretations

One common misconception about Subak portrays it as limited primarily to palm slaps and side-directed attacks, a view perpetuated by its 20th-century obscurity following the Japanese occupation of Korea (1910–1945), during which traditional martial arts were suppressed and records obscured, as well as by an emphasis on performative elements like Subak dance in surviving depictions.^[7] In reality, historical evidence indicates Subak encompassed a broader range of bare-hand techniques, including punches and full-body strikes, as seen in regional variations such as fistfights documented in Hamgyeong-do practices.^[6] Historical interpretations of Subak have been complicated by contested etymology, with the term "subak" (手搏) deriving from Chinese roots meaning "hand fighting" or unarmed combat, yet sometimes misinterpreted through its Old Korean connotation of "clap," leading to erroneous associations with mere slapping or even confusion with grappling arts like ssireum (Korean wrestling).^[7] This etymological ambiguity, combined with social upheavals after the 1900s—including colonial suppression and post-liberation wars that disrupted transmission lines—has resulted in fragmented records and nationalistic reinterpretations that inflate Subak's antiquity without robust evidence.^[6] Popular accounts often perpetuate outdated claims, such as unsubstantiated splits in Subak lineages (e.g., alleged Seonbae divisions), which lack verification in primary sources; conversely, evidence from the 1621 Chinese text Yongdangsopoom (涌幢小品) explicitly equates Subak with "Tagwon" (打拳), denoting fist-striking or boxing techniques, thereby debunking the slap-only narrative.^[6] The scarcity of modern scholarly studies on Subak underscores an incomplete understanding of its evolution, with calls from cultural heritage experts for enhanced documentation and preservation efforts to address these gaps and prevent further loss of regional variants.^[6] The provided section title and content pertain to an unrelated topic (Korean martial arts) and have been removed to align with the article's focus on the Balinese Subak irrigation system. For accuracy, consider retitling or relocating to a section on cultural or historical influences of Balinese Subak, such as its connections to ancient Indian water management traditions introduced via 9th-century cultural exchanges.^[21] Subak's cooperative structure has influenced or paralleled irrigation systems in other regions through Balinese migrations, notably in South Sulawesi, Indonesia, where Balinese farmers resettled in the 1950s established subak-like organizations for rice terrace management.^[22] It shares principles of equitable water distribution with Southeast Asian systems, such as the muang-fai of Thailand or the Ifugao rice terraces in the Philippines, emphasizing community governance and environmental harmony.^[21]

Subak in Balinese Context vs. Other Uses

The term "Subak" specifically refers to the traditional cooperative irrigation and water management system of Bali, Indonesia, as described in this article. It should not be confused with an unrelated homonymous term in Korean culture, where "Subak" (手搏) denotes an ancient form of bare-hand martial art or striking technique mentioned in historical texts like the Koryŏ-sa. This Korean usage has no connection to Balinese agriculture, philosophy, or the Tri Hita Karana principles, and arises from independent linguistic and cultural developments. The Balinese Subak is rooted in Hindu-Balinese traditions and UNESCO-recognized heritage, distinct in purpose and practice from any East Asian martial or combat contexts.^[21]

Subak vs. Similar Irrigation Systems

While Subak shares features with other traditional irrigation systems in Southeast Asia, such as the terraced rice farming (tangguyud or sawah) in the Philippines or the hydraulic engineering of Angkor in Cambodia, it is uniquely characterized by its integration with Balinese Hinduism and democratic farmer associations governed by awig-awig customary laws. Unlike more centralized systems like those in ancient Java under the Majapahit Empire, Subak emphasizes local autonomy and spiritual rituals at water temples, preventing over-extraction and promoting ecological balance specific to Bali's volcanic terrain. These distinctions highlight Subak's role as a cultural landscape rather than a purely technical or imperial engineering feat.^[21]

References

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