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Telicity

Telicity is a core concept in linguistic semantics that describes the aspectual property of verbs and verb phrases, distinguishing between those that denote events with an inherent, natural endpoint or culmination (telic) and those that denote unbounded processes without such a boundary (atelic). The term 'telicity' derives from the Greek τέλος (télos, 'end, goal') and was coined by Howard B. Garey in 1957 to describe verbs with an inherent goal.^[1] This distinction captures whether an event is viewed as complete or ongoing, influencing the temporal structure and interpretation of sentences.^[2] The modern understanding of telicity builds on Zeno Vendler's 1957 classification of verbs into four aktionsarten, or event types: states (e.g., know), which are static and atelic; activities (e.g., run), which are durative processes without endpoints and thus atelic; accomplishments (e.g., run a mile), which involve gradual progression to a result and are telic; and achievements (e.g., arrive), which occur instantaneously at an endpoint and are telic.^[3] Vendler's framework highlights how telicity relates to the internal temporal schema of events, with telic types implying a necessary conclusion that atelic types lack.^[3] Semantically, telicity is often formalized using mereological structures, where telic predicates apply only to whole events (or their initial and final subparts) but not to arbitrary proper subintervals, ensuring a sense of wholeness or quantization.^[2] Telicity is empirically tested through adverbial diagnostics, such as the compatibility with phrases like in an hour (which suits telic predicates, indicating time to completion) versus for an hour (which suits atelic predicates, indicating duration).^[2] For example, She wrote the letter is telic and acceptable with in an hour, implying the event reached its endpoint, while She wrote letters is atelic and pairs with for an hour, allowing indefinite repetition or continuation.^[2] Another test involves entailment under the progressive: atelic predicates in the progressive (e.g., She was writing letters) entail the simple past (She wrote letters), but telic ones do not (e.g., She was writing the letter does not entail She wrote the letter).^[2] Beyond English, telicity exhibits cross-linguistic variation, serving as a semantic parameter that interacts with syntax and morphology.^[4] In Germanic languages, telicity typically arises compositionally at the verb phrase level through elements like definite objects or quantifiers that impose a maximal or atomic structure on events.^[4] In contrast, Slavic languages encode telicity more lexically or morphologically, often via perfective aspects or prefixes that mark event completion directly on the verb stem.^[4] This parameter's role extends to acquisition, where children learn to compute telicity based on thematic relations and scales, and to broader theories of aspect, linking event semantics to argument structure and pragmatic inferences.^[4]

Overview and Fundamentals

Definition of Telicity

Telicity is a core concept in linguistic aspectual theory, referring to the semantic property of a verb phrase (VP) or described situation that indicates whether it portrays a bounded event with an inherent endpoint (telic) or an unbounded, homogeneous process without such a culmination (atelic). This distinction captures how certain expressions entail the completion of an action or the achievement of a goal, while others describe ongoing or repeatable activities lacking a natural termination point. The term originates from the Greek telos, meaning "end" or "goal," and was first applied to verbal aspect by Garey in his analysis of French verbs. In telic constructions, the event is structured such that it reaches a definitive conclusion, often implied by the verb's lexical meaning or its combination with arguments. For instance, the VP "eat an apple" is telic because it describes a complete event where the apple is fully consumed, entailing a natural endpoint. Conversely, "eat apples" is atelic, as it depicts a cumulative or iterative activity without specifying completion of any particular instance, allowing the event to extend indefinitely. This basic semantic contrast highlights telicity's role in encoding the internal temporal structure of events. Modern understandings of telicity draw heavily from formal semantic frameworks, where telic VPs fail to apply truthfully to proper subparts of the events they describe, unlike atelic ones that satisfy a "subinterval property." David Dowty's influential work formalized these ideas within aspectual compositionality, showing how telicity emerges from the interaction between a verb's inherent properties and its syntactic arguments, such as incremental themes that "measure out" the event's progress. This approach underscores telicity's place in broader theories of event semantics, building briefly on Vendler's verb classifications by distinguishing endpoint-oriented categories from durative ones.

Historical Development

The concept of telicity traces its roots to ancient philosophical inquiries into the nature of change and completion, particularly in Aristotle's Metaphysics (Book θ 6), where he distinguished between instantaneous actualities (energeiai) and time-consuming movements (kinēseis), laying an early groundwork for aspectual distinctions that later informed telic endpoints in linguistic events. In Slavic linguistics, aspectual studies from the 19th and early 20th centuries emphasized morphological markers of completion versus ongoing processes, influencing cross-linguistic understandings of boundedness; Bernard Comrie's 1976 synthesis in Aspect highlighted these traditions, integrating telicity as a key feature of bounded versus unbounded verbal predicates across languages like Russian and Greek.^[5] A pivotal milestone came in 1957 with Zeno Vendler's classification of verbs into states, activities, accomplishments, and achievements in "Verbs and Times," which implicitly introduced telicity by contrasting duration-based activities (atelic) with endpoint-oriented accomplishments and achievements (telic), shifting focus toward semantic verb classes in English aspect.^[6] David Dowty advanced this in 1979 with Word Meaning and Montague Grammar, formalizing telicity within event semantics using BECOME predicates to model changes of state and the role of arguments in achieving event culminations, bridging generative semantics and Montague grammar.^[7] Subsequent refinements in the late 20th century emphasized structural properties: Manfred Krifka's 1989 work, "Nominal Reference, Temporal Constitution and Quantification in Event Semantics," introduced a mereological framework where telicity arises from the algebraic boundedness of events, linking nominal quantization to temporal structure without relying solely on morphological cues.^[8] Building on this, Jennifer Hay, Christopher Kennedy, and Beth Levin's 1999 paper "Scalar Structure Underlies Telicity in 'Degree Achievements'" explored how scalar endpoints in verbs like "widen" determine telic interpretations, integrating degree-based semantics to explain variability in aspectual behavior.^[9] Since the mid-20th century, the study of telicity has increasingly shifted from a morphological emphasis in Indo-European languages—rooted in Slavic perfective/imperfective oppositions—to a semantic focus in formal linguistics, prioritizing event decomposition, argument composition, and cross-linguistic universals over surface forms.^[2]^[5]

Aspectual Classifications

Vendler's Verb Classes

Zeno Vendler introduced a seminal classification of verbs into four aspectual categories in his 1957 paper, providing a foundational framework for analyzing how verbs encode temporal structure and contribute to telicity in event descriptions.^[10] These classes—states, activities, accomplishments, and achievements—distinguish predicates based on their inherent temporal properties, such as duration and the presence of endpoints, which directly influence whether an event is telic (bounded, with a natural culmination) or atelic (unbounded, without such closure).^[10] States represent static situations without inherent change or duration, such as know a fact, and are atelic because they lack progression toward any endpoint.^[10] Activities, like run, denote dynamic processes that unfold over time but without a specified conclusion, rendering them durative and atelic.^[10] In contrast, accomplishments, exemplified by build a house, involve a process leading to a result state, making them telic as they incorporate both duration and an inherent endpoint.^[10] Achievements, such as win a race, describe punctual events focused on the attainment of a result, also telic due to their immediate culmination without extended process.^[10] Telicity emerges in accomplishments and achievements through the encoding of result states, which impose a boundary on the event, whereas states and activities remain atelic by virtue of their non-goal-oriented nature.^[11] Vendler's system relies on criteria including time frame (durative for states and activities versus punctual for achievements), agentivity (implied volitionality in dynamic classes), and the presence of inherent endpoints that delimit the event.^[10] However, the classification has limitations, as it treats aspectual properties as fixed to individual verbs rather than recognizing how they can shift in verb phrases due to incremental themes—such as objects that measure event progress (e.g., eat an apple)—or degree modifiers that affect scalar structure (e.g., cool the water becoming telic with a measure phrase).^[12] These issues, which highlight the compositional nature of telicity, have been addressed in subsequent theories incorporating goal-oriented structures.^[11]

Telic vs. Atelic Distinctions

Telic predicates in linguistic semantics describe eventualities that are inherently bounded, possessing a natural endpoint that, when reached, results in a maximal event trace, meaning the described action or process is understood as complete. For example, the verb phrase read the book is telic because its satisfaction entails that the entire book has been read, precluding partial interpretations without additional context.^[13] This boundedness arises from the semantic structure of the predicate, often involving a quantized reference where the event cannot be decomposed into smaller subevents that sum to the whole without altering the meaning. In contrast, atelic predicates denote unbounded eventualities that lack such an inherent endpoint, allowing for arbitrary durations or iterations without implying completion. The phrase read books, for instance, is atelic as it accommodates ongoing or repeated reading without requiring the exhaustion of all books, compatible with cumulative interpretations where subevents add up indefinitely.^[13] This distinction forms a foundational binary in aspectual classifications, grouping Vendler's accomplishments and achievements as telic while activities and states fall under atelic.^[14] The telicity of a predicate can shift based on syntactic and semantic factors, such as the type of object it combines with. A definite singular object, like the book in read the book, promotes telicity by providing a clear boundary, whereas bare plurals or mass nouns, as in read books or read a novel, yield atelic readings due to their cumulative nature.^[13] Adverbials further diagnose and influence this divide: telic phrases are compatible with in an hour (indicating the time to reach the endpoint), but not for an hour (which suggests duration without closure), while the reverse holds for atelic ones.^[14] Subtleties emerge with constructions like resultative phrases, which impose telicity on otherwise atelic verbs by specifying a terminal state. For example, hammer the metal flat becomes telic because the resultative adjective flat defines an endpoint where the metal achieves that property, transforming the activity into a bounded event.^[15] Additionally, telic predicates interact with grammatical aspect, particularly in perfective contexts, where they imply event completion; an atelic predicate in the same aspect may simply indicate continuation over a reference time without closure.^[13]

Diagnostic Methods

Tests in English

One primary diagnostic for telicity in English verb phrases involves compatibility with temporal adverbials such as "for X time" and "in X time." Atelic verb phrases, which lack an inherent endpoint, are compatible with "for X time" to indicate duration, as in She ran for an hour, whereas telic verb phrases, which include a natural culmination, are compatible with "in X time" to denote completion within a timeframe, as in She ran a mile in an hour.^[16] This contrast arises because "for X time" measures ongoing processes without implying exhaustion, while "in X time" presupposes the event's bounded nature.^[17] The test applies to accomplishments and achievements as telic categories, but activities and states as atelic ones show the reverse pattern.^[16] Another key test is the subinterval property, which checks whether a verb phrase holds true over subparts of its reference interval. Atelic verb phrases satisfy this property, entailing that if the event occurs over an interval, it also occurs over any relevant subinterval, as in John ran for an hour entailing John ran for 30 minutes (a subinterval).^[16] Telic verb phrases fail this test, as subintervals do not constitute complete instances of the event; for example, Mary built a house in a year does not entail Mary built a house in six months.^[16] This mereological distinction highlights the homogeneous structure of atelic events versus the bounded, non-divisible nature of telic ones. The iteration test using the adverb again further differentiates telicity by examining interpretive possibilities. With atelic verb phrases, again often yields a continuative or iterative reading that extends the ongoing activity, as in Mary pushed the cart for an hour, and then without stopping, she pushed it again for another hour, implying a single prolonged event.^[16] In contrast, telic verb phrases trigger a repetitive reading where again restarts the entire bounded event, as in John read a book, and then he read it again, implying two distinct completions. This diagnostic underscores how telicity enforces event individuation.^[18] Telicity can also be diagnosed through the nature of direct objects, particularly whether they are quantized (bounded, non-cumulative) or cumulative (unbounded). Singular definite or numerically quantified noun phrases promote telicity by providing a bounded theme, as in John drank a beer, which is telic and compatible with in an hour but not for an hour.^[16]^[19] Bare plurals or mass nouns yield atelic interpretations, as in John drank beer, allowing for an hour.^[16] This effect stems from the homomorphism between the object's structure and the event's temporal constitution.^[19] English exhibits specific constructions that force telicity, such as certain phrasal verbs that encode completion or exhaustion. Verbs like use up impose a telic reading by implying the theme's total consumption, as in She used up the paint, which accepts in an hour but rejects for an hour.^[16] Similarly, resultative phrasal constructions, such as hammer the metal flat, shift base activities to telic accomplishments by specifying an endpoint.^[16]^[20] These quirks highlight how lexical particles can override default atelicity in process verbs.^[20]

Cross-Linguistic Diagnostics

In Slavic languages such as Russian, telicity is often morphologically marked through perfective prefixes added to imperfective verb stems, which delimit the event and impose a natural endpoint. For instance, the imperfective verb "čitat'" (to read) becomes telic with the prefix "pro-," as in "pročitat' knigu" (to read the book [completely]), signaling completion. This prefixation encodes quantization, distinguishing telic from atelic interpretations, though not all prefixes uniformly contribute telicity, as some may add spatial or iterative meanings. ^[21] ^[22] In contrast, Germanic languages like German and English lack overt morphological marking for telicity, relying instead on compositional elements such as direct objects or resultative phrases to determine boundedness. Telicity emerges syntactically through the internal structure of verb phrases, for example, via definite or quantified objects that specify an endpoint, without dedicated affixes. This absence of morphological indicators makes diagnostics more dependent on syntactic tests, highlighting cross-linguistic variation in how aspectual features are realized. ^[23] ^[4] Aspectual particles provide another diagnostic in East Asian languages. In Mandarin Chinese, the particle "le" following the verb often signals perfective aspect and telicity by indicating event completion, as in "tā chī-le fàn" (he ate the meal [finish]), which implies a bounded reading unless context overrides it. Similarly, in Japanese, the past tense marker "-ta" conveys perfective aspect and can diagnose telicity in bounded events, such as "hon o yon-da" (read the book [completely]), where the form neutralizes some atelic possibilities available in non-past forms. These particles thus serve as viewpoint aspect markers that interact with inherent event structure to reveal telicity. ^[24] ^[23] ^[25] Serial verb constructions in West African languages like Akan offer a diagnostic through chaining verbs to encode telicity via resultative elements. An atelic predicate such as "di aduane" (eat food) becomes telic when combined with a result verb like "wie" (finish), yielding "di aduane wie" (eat food finish), which specifies an endpoint and completion. This construction integrates multiple subevents into a single bounded predicate, allowing speakers to test for telicity by adding such delimiters, a strategy common in serializing languages where aspect is built cumulatively. ^[26] ^[27] In languages without robust morphological marking, such as French, pragmatic inference and additives like "tout" (all) diagnose telicity by testing event distributivity over time intervals. For atelic events, "tout l'après-midi" (all afternoon) is compatible, as in "lire tout l'après-midi" (read all afternoon), distributing the activity; however, telic predicates resist this unless the interval encompasses the entire event, e.g., "#"écrire la lettre tout l'après-midi (intended: write the letter all afternoon), revealing boundedness through incompatibility. Context thus plays a key role in inferring endpoints where morphology is sparse. ^[28] Challenges arise in polysynthetic languages like Navajo, where telicity is embedded within complex verb roots and stems rather than through separable markers, complicating standard diagnostics. Verb forms incorporate classifiers and aspectual prefixes that lexicalize boundedness, as in motion or handling stems that inherently specify endpoints (e.g., carrying an animate object to completion), but without consistent morphological contrasts like prefixes or particles. This integration into the verb complex requires analyzing holistic paradigms to identify telic features, often relying on semantic entailments over syntactic tests. ^[29]

Theoretical Components

Boundedness and Endpoints

In linguistic semantics, boundedness refers to the property of telic events that delineates them with clear initial and final points, often manifested through spatial or temporal structures such as paths in predicates like "walk to the store," where the event is confined by a starting location and a destination.^[2] This bounded nature ensures that the event description incorporates an inherent limit, distinguishing telic verb phrases (VPs) from atelic ones that allow indefinite extension.^[2] Endpoints further specify this structure, comprising initial points (starting or source points) and terminal points (culmination or goal points), with telicity crucially depending on the presence of a terminal point to mark completion.^[2] For instance, in "run to the finish line," the initial endpoint establishes the onset, while the terminal endpoint defines the event's natural conclusion, rendering the VP telic only if the latter is specified.^[2] Without a terminal point, as in "run," the event lacks telicity and permits unbounded iteration.^[2] From a mereological perspective, telic events are conceptualized as wholes that resist division into proper subparts without compromising their completeness, treating events as integrated structures where partial realizations fail to satisfy the predicate fully.^[2] In "build the house," for example, any proper subevent—such as building only the foundation—does not constitute the full telic event, as the mereological sum requires the terminal endpoint for wholeness.^[2] This view draws on part-whole relations to explain why telic VPs encode events as indivisible units aligned with their boundaries.^[2] Path predicates exemplify boundedness through incremental themes, where the progressive completion of an object or path correlates directly with the event's endpoint, such as in "paint the wall," where the wall's surface is measured out incrementally until fully covered.^[30] Here, the theme's mereological structure—its divisible parts—maps one-to-one onto event stages, ensuring telicity upon reaching the terminal point of total coverage.^[2]^[30] Formally, this can be hinted at by modeling the event trace as a set of subevents ordered by a mereological part relation, possessing a maximal element that corresponds to the terminal endpoint, thereby quantifying the event as bounded.^[2]

Goal-Oriented Structure

Telicity fundamentally involves a telos, or inherent goal, that directs the event toward a specific result state, distinguishing telic predicates from those lacking such orientation. In telic events, this directed change culminates in an achieved outcome, as seen in accomplishments like "melt the ice," where the process progresses toward the state of liquidity as its endpoint.^[18] The telos encodes this result state semantically, ensuring that the event is conceptualized as complete only upon reaching it, thereby bounding the event temporally and semantically.^[28] Telic goals can be agentive or non-agentive, reflecting whether the progression involves intentional causation or occurs naturally. Agentive goals, such as in "win the race," imply deliberate action by an agent toward achieving victory, integrating volition into the event structure.^[31] In contrast, non-agentive goals, exemplified by "ripen," describe inherent processes leading to maturity without external volition, yet still telic due to the natural endpoint of readiness.^[32] This distinction highlights how telicity arises from goal-directedness irrespective of agency, though agentivity often correlates with causative interpretations in syntactic projections.^[33] A key manifestation of goal-oriented structure appears in scalar degree achievements, where telicity hinges on traversing a scale to its endpoint. Verbs like "cool the soup" exhibit variable telicity: without specification, they may lack a goal and remain atelic, but telicity emerges when the event reaches the scale's minimum or maximum, such as full cooling.^[20] This scalar progression underlies the goal, with the result state defined relative to the adjective's scale structure, enabling bounded interpretations.^[34] In contrast, atelic predicates like bare "cool" lack an inherent goal, allowing unbounded duration without culmination, as in "cool for an hour." Telicity is imposed here through measure phrases, such as "cool by 10 degrees," which introduce a bounded scalar goal, transforming the event into a directed change.^[20] Theoretically, this goal realization ties into event structure decompositions, as in Parsons (1990), where telic events incorporate predicates like BECOME for state change and CAUSE for initiation, modeling the progression to the telos as a subatomic sequence.

Quantization and Cumulativity

In the mereological framework developed by Krifka, telicity is characterized by the property of quantization, whereby telic verb phrases (VPs) map entities or events onto discrete, atomic units that resist further division into subparts that satisfy the same predicate. For instance, the telic VP "sing a song" quantizes the event into complete, indivisible wholes, such that only the full singing of the song counts as satisfying the predicate, while partial performances do not.^[35] In contrast, atelicity is defined by cumulativity, where atelic VPs allow the summation of subevents or parts to form larger wholes that still satisfy the predicate, enabling the accumulation of duration or quantity without a natural endpoint. The atelic VP "sing," for example, permits the combination of shorter singing intervals into a longer one, with all parts and the whole alike qualifying under the predicate. This property underscores the homogeneous, ongoing nature of atelic events.^[35] Krifka formalizes these distinctions using a homomorphic mapping between nominal reference and temporal constitution, treating events as join semi-lattices where part-whole relations are preserved. For telic predicates, the homomorphism ensures quantization by maintaining strict part-whole structure without allowing summation across disjoint parts; thus, if an event satisfies the predicate, its proper parts do not. Atelic predicates, however, exhibit cumulativity through the homomorphism, permitting the sum of disjoint subevents to satisfy the predicate if the parts do. This mereological approach links the internal structure of events to their aspectual interpretation.^[35] A related notion is divisivity, which aligns with cumulativity in atelic predicates: atelic events, such as "walk," can be divided into arbitrary subparts (e.g., walking for five minutes or ten), each of which satisfies the predicate. Telic events, like "walk to Paris," lack this divisivity, as partial traversals do not fulfill the predicate, reinforcing their quantized nature.^[35] Finally, measure functions in Krifka's model distinguish the two: atelic predicates involve homogeneous, additive measures that reference cumulative extents (e.g., duration in "walk for an hour"), while telic predicates rely on discrete measures that quantify atomic completions (e.g., the bounded distance in "walk to Paris"). These functions ensure that telic expressions delimit events mereologically, preventing indefinite extension.^[35]

Broader Implications

Role in Grammatical Aspect

Telicity constitutes a core feature of lexical aspect, also known as inner or situation aspect, which captures the inherent temporal structure of a verb phrase (VP) independent of any overt morphological marking. In contrast, grammatical aspect, or outer/viewpoint aspect, involves inflections such as perfective and imperfective that impose a perspective on the event, focusing on its entirety or internal progression. This distinction underscores telicity's role as a property encoded within the semantics of the VP, determining whether an event has a natural endpoint, while grammatical aspect modulates how that event is viewed relative to a reference time.^[36] The interaction between telicity and grammatical aspect often yields predictable entailments, particularly in languages with robust aspectual systems like Slavic. Perfective aspect applied to telic predicates entails event completion, as the viewpoint encompasses the entire situation up to and including its inherent endpoint; for instance, in Russian, a perfective verb like postroit' ("build-PFV") with a direct object implies the house is fully constructed. Imperfective aspect on the same telic base, however, profiles an ongoing or incomplete process without committing to culmination, as seen in English progressive forms: "She was building the house" describes internal activity but does not entail that the house was ever finished. These alignments and mismatches highlight how grammatical aspect can override or nuance telicity's endpoint implications without altering the VP's inherent boundedness.^[37]^[38] Formal models of aspect, such as Carlota Smith's two-component theory, formalize telicity's placement within situation aspect, where it interacts with viewpoint aspect to shape overall temporal interpretation. In this framework, telic events are quantized situations with a terminal point, and perfective viewpoints assert inclusion of that point, reinforcing completion readings. Such interactions extend to tense systems: in English, simple past tense with telic predicates like "She built the house" strongly implies past completion of the event, as the unbounded temporal reference aligns with the VP's endpoint to presuppose culmination. This tense-aspect interplay ensures telicity influences not only aspectual coherence but also the inference of event finality across reference times.^[36]^[39]

Applications in Syntax and Semantics

In syntax, telicity plays a crucial role in licensing certain constructions, particularly resultative phrases, which denote a change of state or result achieved by the verb's action. For instance, telic verb phrases such as "paint the fence" can be extended with a resultative secondary predicate like "red" to form "paint the fence red," indicating a bounded event with an inherent endpoint.^[40] In contrast, atelic verb phrases, such as "paint," resist such resultatives, rendering constructions like *"paint red" ungrammatical because they lack the necessary event delimitation.^[40] This licensing effect arises because resultatives impose a telic interpretation on the VP, aligning the event's internal structure with a measurable outcome.^[41] Telicity also influences argument structure, particularly through the assignment of theta-roles to internal arguments, where incremental themes—arguments that measure the event's progress incrementally—promote telic readings. Verbs like "build" assign an incremental theme role to their objects (e.g., "build a house"), correlating the object's part-structure with the event's temporal phases, thereby yielding telicity.^[19] This thematic linking ensures that the verb's aspectual properties interact compositionally with the object's referential properties, affecting whether the overall VP is bounded.^[19] For example, the incremental theme in "eat the apple" delimits the eating event, contrasting with the atelic "eat apples" where no such bounding occurs.^[42] In semantic composition, telicity emerges VP-internally through mechanisms like object incorporation, where definite or quantized NPs contribute to event bounding. A definite NP such as "the cake" incorporates into the verb "bake," creating a telic VP ("bake the cake") by specifying a homogeneous reference that aligns with the event's endpoint, unlike indefinite or mass NPs that yield atelicity ("bake cake").^[42] This compositional process, often termed the "Verkuyl condition," requires both the verb and its object to terminate for the VP to be telic, facilitating aspectual interpretation at the phrasal level.^[42] Within event semantics, Davidsonian approaches treat telicity as involving the saturation of event variables by endpoints, where events are reified as entities with temporal boundaries. In this framework, telic predicates quantify over complete events (e.g., "John built the house" entails the event's maximalization to its goal), while atelic ones describe subparts without closure.^[43] Endpoints saturate the event argument, ensuring that the predicate's truth conditions include culmination, as in formal representations where telic VPs map to maximal event traces.^[43] In language acquisition, children up to ages 2-4 tend to accept completed outcomes for imperfective or progressive forms with telic verbs, such as matching "The girl was drawing a circle" to a finished circle, failing to infer non-completion; around age 5, they begin to understand that such forms do not entail completion and implicate ongoing or incomplete action.^[44]

Variations Across Languages

Telicity, the property of an event having an inherent endpoint, manifests differently across language families, reflecting diverse grammatical strategies for encoding boundedness rather than relying solely on contextual inference as in English. In aspect-prominent languages like those in the Slavic family, telicity is often morphologically marked via perfective aspect, which delimits events and signals completion. For instance, in Russian, the perfective form of a verb such as pisat' (to write) as napisat' introduces a telic interpretation by implying an endpoint, contrasting with the imperfective's atelic ongoing nature.^[4] This morphological realization contrasts with English, where telicity emerges compositionally from verb phrases without dedicated aspectual morphology.^[23] Similarly, in Chinese, an aspect-prominent language lacking overt tense marking, telicity is conveyed through post-verbal modifiers that impose boundedness, such as durative phrases like le yi xiaotshi (for an hour) after a verb, which can shift an atelic predicate to telic by quantifying the event's extent.^[45] Tense-prominent languages, such as those in the Romance family, encode telicity through auxiliary constructions emphasizing completion, differing from English's heavier reliance on contextual cues like definite objects. In French, phrases like avoir fini (to have finished) using the auxiliary avoir with the past participle explicitly mark telic completion, integrating aspectual boundedness into the tense system.^[46] This contrasts with English, where telicity in similar expressions (have finished) depends more on the verb's inherent properties and complements, often without morphological support for aspect.^[47] In agglutinative languages like Turkish, telicity is encoded via verbal suffixes that modify aspectual interpretation. The suffix -Iş, for example, often derives iterative or pluractional forms, yielding atelic readings by distributing the event over multiple instances without a singular endpoint, as in koş-ıș (to run repeatedly) versus the base telic koş (to run to completion).^[48] Austronesian languages such as Tagalog build telicity cumulatively through event serialization, where chained verbs compose to form bounded structures. In serial constructions, an initial atelic manner verb like lakad (walk) followed by a path verb like punta (go to) creates a telic whole, implying endpoint achievement through the sequence.^[49] Theoretical accounts of telicity remain understudied in sign languages and creoles, highlighting gaps in cross-linguistic understanding. In American Sign Language (ASL), classifiers depict bounded paths to signal telicity, with abrupt stops in handshape movements marking event endpoints, as in a classifier for "person entering room" versus ongoing motion. Creoles, such as Jamaican Creole, often link telicity to completive markers like done, which impose boundedness on predicates, though variability arises from substrate influences.^[50]

References

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Summary of each segment:
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1 The fact that verbs have tenses indicates that considerations involving the concept of time are relevant to their use. These considerations are not ...Missing: telicity | Show results with:telicity
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Below is a merged summary of the diagnostic tests for telicity or aspectual classes in English, combining all the information from the provided segments. To retain maximum detail and clarity, I will use a structured table format in CSV style for each diagnostic test, followed by additional notes and direct quotes where applicable. This ensures all information is preserved and easily accessible.
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Against the telicity constraint in (9), it could be objected that there are examples in which a predicate contains two telicity modifiers. For exam- ple, in (10) ...
[19]
[PDF] The Telicity Parameter Revisited
On the semantic approach to telicity advocated here, this contrast is fully expected and systematically motivated. It illustrates the crucial role played by the ...
[20]
[PDF] Chapter 16 Functional items, lexical information, and telicity
It is argued that the cross-linguistic variation of telicity is reduced to two factors of a lexicon: whether a language has a functional item bearing a telic ( ...
[21]
Telicization in Mandarin Chinese | Journal of Linguistics
Apr 4, 2022 · This paper investigates aspectual meanings that resultative morphemes in Mandarin Chinese contribute to interpretations of the entire predicates.
[22]
Telicity in the second language | Semantic Scholar
This study looks into the acquisition of telicity by beginner and intermediate Japanese learners of English. In Japanese past predicates possess a neutral ...
[23]
[PDF] Serial verb constructions
... Akan (Kwa family). The two components of the SVC, take and Xow, have ... telicity, result, habituality, and beginning, stopping for a while, and.
[24]
[PDF] Event Integration in Akan
As is the case of many West African languages, Akan typically uses serial verb constructions (SVCs). SVCs have been divided into two broad types: clause ...
[25]
[PDF] Accomplishments: their telos and their structure - HAL-SHS
Nov 15, 2012 · Furthermore, the telicity of the predicate in (12b) is not so well established although it passes the test with in # time, see (15) where tout ...
[26]
[PDF] Time In Navajo: Direct And Indirect Interpretation
Jan 1, 2007 · This article discusses the temporal interpretation of Navajo sentences. Navajo has linguistic forms that give temporal information: future ...Missing: polysynthetic | Show results with:polysynthetic
[27]
[PDF] Thematic Proto-Roles and Argument Selection
x The theory of lexical rules in Dowty 1978 entails that lexical rules are defined over the same system of categories and expressions as syntactic rules are ...
[28]
[PDF] Revisiting the distinction between accomplishments and achievements
Some predicates denote the right boundary (or end) of a thick event, like win the race which denotes the right boundary of the race itself. Others denote ...
[29]
[PDF] LEXICAL ASPECT - ResearchGate
Dec 2, 2011 · Th is is evident in the fact that Garey illustrates his telic class with non-agentive verbs like se noyer 'to drown', alongside agentive verbs ...
[30]
[PDF] Disentangling (Non-)agentivity, Telicity, and Result State
Apr 19, 2023 · Dowty (1979: Chapter 2) initially takes all activity predicates to be agentive, representing them with Ross's (1972) primitive DO. Pat ran/ ...
[31]
[PDF] Measure of Change: The Adjectival Core of Degree Achievements
Feb 27, 2007 · (2) a. The soup is cooling. b. The soup has cooled. The challenge then is to identify the factors which lead to variable telicity.
[32]
[PDF] Krifka 1989 Nominal Reference.pdf
Feb 3, 2009 · The relation between nominal reference and temporal constitution is apparent from two things. First, there is a semantic similarity between.
[33]
The Parameter of Aspect - SpringerLink
The Parameter of Aspect. Book; © 1997. 2nd edition; View latest edition. Accessibility Information. The Parameter of Aspect. Overview. Authors: Carlota S. Smith.
[34]
[PDF] Lexical and Grammatical Aspect - Oxford Handbooks
Feb 22, 2022 · Lexical aspect describes the temporal profile of events, while grammatical aspect imposes a perspective on a time slice of a situation.
[35]
Tense and Aspect - Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy
Jan 7, 2014 · English typically uses the -ing form of verbs to indicate ongoing processes, as in He is building a house. After a short introduction to ...
[36]
The simple past versus perfect in English: evidence from Visual ...
Sep 22, 2025 · In other words, if we choose accomplishment predicates, the simple past tense seems to at least strongly imply completion in (13a), while the ...
[37]
[PDF] Resultatives Under the 'Event-Argument Homomorphism' Model of ...
This paper presents a novel semantic analysis of the English resultative construction that crucially models telicity (aspectual boundedness) in terms of the ...Missing: telos | Show results with:telos
[38]
On the Compositional Nature of the Aspects - SpringerLink
This book is a thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts of the University of Utrecht. It was prepared under the supervision of Prof. Dr. H. Schultink.
[39]
[PDF] ON THE COMPOSITIONAL NATURE OF THE ASPECTS
This book is a thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts of the University of. Utrecht. It was prepared under the supervision of Prof. Dr. H. Schultink.
[40]
[PDF] Events and Maximalization: The Case of Telicity and Perfectivity
ABSTRACT. This paper advances the thesis that telicity in natural languages fundamentally relies on the maximalization operation in the domain of events.<|control11|><|separator|>
[41]
Understanding completion entailments in the absence of agency cues
Aug 10, 2025 · This study investigated the role that agency information plays in children's early interpretations of grammatical aspect morphology, ...
[42]
[PDF] Telicity as a cue to temporal and discourse structure in Chinese ...
We focus on telicity, also known as BOUNDEDNESS. Verbs that are telic have an inherent end: winning, for example, ends with the finish line. Verbs that are.
[43]
https://semanticsarchive.net/Archive/zUxMWY1N/Events.Max.pdf
[44]
[PDF] TELICITY AND THE DEVELOPMENTAL ACQUISITION ... - OpenSIUC
Aug 1, 2014 · In its origins,. CAH was based on Structuralism, which poses that the structure of a given language can be documented and compared with the ...
[45]
Telic senses of deadjectival verbs - ResearchGate
Aug 6, 2025 · On this account, the telos of the event denoted by telic clear is the onset of the state denoted by The sky is clear. An alternative account by ...
[46]
Referentiality and telicity in Lakhota and Tagalog - ResearchGate
PDF | In this paper we look at the way referentiality and telicity are encoded in Lakhota and Tagalog, two unrelated, morphologically rich languages.Missing: serialization | Show results with:serialization
[47]
[PDF] COMPLETIVE ASPECT IN JAMAICAN CREOLE
This is what I take to happen here. Telicity effects are indeed intimately related to completive aspect: a situation can be described as telic if indeed there ...