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Resultative

In , a resultative construction is a featuring a main and a secondary —typically an adjectival or prepositional —that denotes the resulting of a participant affected by the verb's . This secondary , known as the result XP, is predicated of an object (selected by the verb or adjoined), entailing that the denoted obtains upon completion of the event, as in "Mary shot John dead," where "dead" describes John's resultant condition. Unlike depictive predicates, which merely characterize a participant's during the event (e.g., "The guests arrived tired"), resultatives impose and scalar structure on the event, often involving a path argument along a defined by the result . Resultative constructions exhibit variation across languages and verb classes, serving as a key area of study in syntax and semantics. In English, they appear in transitive patterns with verbs of change of state or (e.g., "She painted the fence ") and intransitive unaccusative or unergative variants (e.g., "The soup cooled lukewarm"), but are constrained by the Direct Object Restriction, limiting the result phrase to object predication. Cross-linguistically, languages like employ V-V compounds for resultatives (e.g., "John painted the wall " as a ), while Japanese restricts them to certain transitive "weak" resultatives without intransitive forms. Semantically, these constructions highlight causative events, where the result state is achieved through the agent's action, and they inform debates on argument structure, , and the lexicon-syntax interface. Influential analyses, such as those modeling resultatives via event-argument homomorphism, emphasize how the result predicate's scalar properties determine event boundedness and entailments.

Introduction to Resultative Constructions

Definition and Core Characteristics

A resultative construction is a linguistic structure that expresses the resulting of an entity following the completion of an action denoted by the , typically involving a main , a or affected , and a resultative such as an or prepositional phrase. For instance, in the "She hammered the metal flat," the "flat" describes the achieved by the metal as a result of the hammering action. This construction highlights the endpoint or outcome of the event, distinguishing it from mere descriptions of ongoing processes. Syntactically, resultative constructions in English often follow a of Verb-Noun Phrase-Resultative (V-NP-XP), where the XP (the resultative element) predicates a property of the NP. This can occur with transitive verbs subcategorizing for an object, as in "They painted the ," or with intransitive verbs via a in "fake reflexive" constructions, such as "They laughed themselves silly," where the reflexive does not function as a true of the verb but links the to the resultative . The fake reflexive test helps identify resultatives by inserting a reflexive pronoun to predicate the result over an otherwise intransitive , confirming the construction's validity where direct object predication is impossible. Semantically, resultatives entail a change of state or degree achievement for the predicated , often involving a subevent that leads to the final state. Unlike depictive predicates, which describe an inherent or simultaneous state (e.g., "She arrived tired," where "tired" holds during arrival), resultatives specify a state brought about by the verb's action, as tested by incompatibility with iterative adverbs without altering the resulting state. Key diagnostics include , requiring the event to be bounded with a clear (e.g., "hammered flat" implies completion), and non-iterability: repeating the action does not accumulate the result in the same way unbounded events do, such as "*She hammered the metal flatter and flatter" failing to preserve the resultative meaning. These properties ensure the construction's focus on the achieved outcome rather than ongoing modification.

Historical Origins and Terminology

The term "resultative" in linguistic analysis derives from the Latin resultāre, meaning "to result from" or "to spring back," and entered grammatical discourse in the early to describe expressions denoting a state resulting from a prior action. The term "resultative" was used in linguistic analysis as early as 1906 by Hjalmar Lindroth in his classification of verb Aktionsarten, and referenced by in The Philosophy of Grammar (1924), where he discusses related forms in the context of analytic and passive constructions, such as those encoding resultant states and agentivity. [Note: De Gruyter link for Lindroth; adjust if needed, but since no exact URL, use description.] In the structuralist of the mid-20th century, resultatives were increasingly framed as aspectual markers highlighting the or resultant condition of , aligning with broader efforts to classify verbal aspects without mentalistic interpretations. This perspective built on Jespersen's groundwork but emphasized distributional patterns in language forms, as seen in discussions of terminative and distinctions in works like those by , though the specific label "resultative" gained traction later in aspectual typology. A pivotal shift occurred in the –1970s with the integration of Vendler's verb classification system (, activities, achievements, accomplishments), which linked resultatives to telic verbs—particularly accomplishments—that inherently entail a result , influencing semantic analyses of . The terminology evolved distinctly from "result clause" in traditional grammars, which referred to subordinate clauses expressing consequence (e.g., via "so that"), to the modern "resultative construction" denoting non-clausal secondary predicates like adjectival or prepositional phrases directly encoding the outcome. In during the 1970s, scholars like Joseph Emonds advanced the small clause hypothesis, positing resultative phrases as embedded non-finite clauses (e.g., [VP V [SC NP XP]]), which formalized their syntactic status post-Chomsky and distinguished them from full clauses. This period marked nomenclature debates, weighing "resultative" against alternatives like "resulting predicate" or "secondary resultative," with the former prevailing due to its emphasis on aspectual completion; a landmark standardization came in V. P. Nedjalkov and S. Jaxontov's 1988 , which defined prototypical resultatives cross-linguistically as oriented toward participants' resultant states.

Classification of Resultative Constructions

Adjectival Resultatives

Adjectival resultatives are a subtype of resultative constructions in which the result phrase is an or adjectival that predicates a resulting state of the argument, typically following the structure -- (V-NP-AP). In English, this manifests as constructions like "She wiped the clean," where the "clean" describes the endpoint state of the direct object "table" following the action of the . This structure involves secondary predication, with the functioning as a secondary on the theme, distinct from the primary predication of the on its arguments. Semantically, adjectival resultatives encode a change leading to an state, often implying and completion of the event. For instance, in "They painted the ," the "" denotes the final color state achieved through the action, entailing that the house is afterward. This interpretation extends to degree achievements, where the expresses a scalar , as in "He ran himself tired," indicating exhaustion as the result of prolonged running. Such constructions highlight how the contributes to the event's boundedness, contrasting with atelic activities without the result phrase. Syntactically, adjectival resultatives adhere to specific diagnostics, including the direct object restriction, which requires the resultative phrase to the direct object rather than the or other elements. They also pass an inverse depictive test: the cannot readily be reinterpreted as merely descriptive of a pre-existing state without contextual support for a result reading, as in "She hammered the metal flat," where "flat" must indicate the outcome of hammering. This restriction underscores their non-depictive nature, as resultatives entail causation of the state, unlike depictives such as "She ate the apple rotten" (which is infelicitous without result implication). A key distinction within adjectival resultatives lies between clear resultative uses and potentially ambiguous cases that border on depictives, resolved by entailment tests. For example, "They left the door open" can be ambiguous: as a resultative, it entails leaving the door in an open state; as a depictive, it describes the door's state during leaving, but the resultative reading prevails in neutral contexts due to the construction's bias toward endpoint encoding. This subtype differentiation is crucial for , as adjectival resultatives in English rely on the verb's compatibility with a caused change-of-state, limiting them to transitive or reflexive patterns.

Prepositional Resultatives

Prepositional resultatives are a subtype where the secondary predicate is a prepositional phrase (PP) that denotes the resulting location, configuration, or state of the theme argument. In English, they often appear in patterns like V-NP-PP, as in "She filed the papers away," where "away" indicates the dispersed final state of the papers, or "He drove the car into the garage," specifying the endpoint location achieved by the action. These constructions differ from pure caused-motion alternations by emphasizing the resultant state encoded in the PP rather than just directional movement. Semantically, prepositional resultatives impose by marking a bounded path or change culminating in the denoted , entailing that the holds post-event. For example, in "They tore the to shreds," "to shreds" describes the shredded as the outcome. This can involve paths, as in "We talked the matter over," where "over" signals . Unlike adjectival variants, PPs may integrate spatial or idiomatic semantics, but they share the entailment of causation and . Syntactically, prepositional resultatives typically predicate the direct object, adhering to the direct object restriction, though some involve unselected objects. They are distinguished from depictives by the result reading's necessity, as reinterpreting the PP as concurrent (e.g., "drive into the while already there") is infelicitous without result implication. Typologically, they are productive in , often overlapping with motion events, and contribute to debates on whether PPs function as true result XPs or .

Verbal Resultatives

Verbal resultatives are constructions in which a secondary or predicates a resultant state or action of the object or subject following the main , forming a complex predicate that encodes causation and . Unlike adjectival resultatives, which use adjectives to denote stative endpoints, verbal resultatives employ to express dynamic or stative outcomes, often integrating aspectual information directly into the predicate structure. These constructions typically manifest as serial verb constructions (SVCs), where multiple verbs share arguments and function monoclausally, emphasizing a causal chain from an initial action to a resulting event. Structurally, verbal resultatives frequently appear as V1-V2-NP sequences, with V1 denoting the manner or causing action and V2 the result, as seen in verb-resultative compounds like chī-bǎo 'eat-full', where chī 'eat' (V1) causes the subject to become bǎo 'full' (V2), rendering the compound intransitive and subject-controlled. In such patterns, the result verb V2 often subcategorizes for the affected , which may align with the subject (agent-oriented) or object (patient-oriented) of V1, allowing the construction to fuse multiple arguments into a single . English examples are rarer and often idiomatic, such as "run ragged," where "run" (V1) causes the object to become "ragged" via exhaustive action, though this borders on adjectival usage; pure verbal instances like "drink dry" illustrate nonselected object resultatives in SVC-like forms. These patterns are prevalent in serializing languages, where V1-V2 ordering reflects temporal and causal sequencing without overt conjunctions. Semantically, verbal resultatives convey by bounding the event with the result subevent, marking the action as perfective and , as V2 specifies the state or action resulting from V1—e.g., in pāo-lèi 'run-tired', the running causes exhaustion, emphasizing direct causation without intermediaries. This fusion of and result distinguishes them from pure causatives, which lexicalize causation in a single (e.g., "" vs. the compound pāo-lèi), as verbal resultatives explicitly decompose the causal chain into manner and outcome components, often requiring the result to be a direct, non-mediated effect. Typologically, they are common in non-Indo-European languages like those of Sino-Tibetan and Austronesian families, where SVCs allow compact expression of complex events; for instance, in , liit sùa liap 'iron shirt smooth' uses V2 to denote the resultant state, highlighting their role in encoding endpoint-oriented across diverse grammars.

Theoretical Frameworks

Traditional Syntactic and Semantic Views

In traditional syntactic analyses rooted in from the 1970s and 1980s, resultative constructions were often treated as involving a verbal projection that embeds a small clause structure, where the resultative phrase predicates a resulting of the argument. A seminal proposal by Hoekstra (1988) formalized this as a structure like [VP V [SC NP XP]], in which the small clause () consists of the NP and the resultative XP (adjectival or prepositional), ensuring that the resultative directly attributes the endpoint to the affected argument while maintaining endocentricity under X-bar principles. This small clause approach addressed challenges in earlier flat VP analyses by providing a hierarchical representation that captured the thematic dependency between the and the result , influencing subsequent work on secondary predication. Within the Minimalist framework, evolving from , resultative constructions have been reanalyzed using VP-shell or split-vP structures to accommodate multiple verbal projections for argument introduction and aspectual composition. These shells, often involving a lower vP for the resultative and a higher VP for the main , allow for the licensing of the in the specifier of the inner shell, facilitating head and checking while preserving the small clause intuition. Semantically, such structures align with decompositional event semantics, as in Ramchand's (2008) first-phase syntax, which parses verbal events into subdomains of initiation, , and result, with resultatives occupying the res(ult) head to encode telic paths and entail a change-of- for the . This compositionality ensures that the resultative XP merges as a complement to the res head, yielding an entailment that the undergoes the denoted upon event completion, distinguishing resultatives from atelic depictives that merely characterize participants during the . Key debates in these views center on whether resultatives predicate primarily of the argument or the entire , contrasting with depictives that hold uniformly over the event duration. Evidence from fake reflexive resultatives, such as "The senators talked themselves hoarse," supports the -predication , as the reflexive supplies an unsaturated theme to license the resultative with unergative verbs lacking an internal argument, shifting the event to causative-telic without altering the main verb's selectional properties. However, critiques, notably Goldberg (1995), challenge the purely compositional syntactic-semantic integration by emphasizing the idiomatic and family-resemblance nature of resultatives, where conventionalized pairings (e.g., "drink dry") evade strict theta-role assignment and highlight construction-specific meaning contributions over lexical rules alone.

Sign-Oriented and Guillaumean Approaches

The sign-oriented approach to resultative constructions roots itself in Saussurean , conceptualizing resultatives as linguistic signs that inseparably link a signifier—the formal expression, such as syntactic structure or —and a signified—the conceptual content of a resultant state or change. This perspective emphasizes the arbitrary yet systematic nature of the sign, where the form evokes a specific meaning of completion without relying on hierarchical syntactic rules. In English, phrasal constructions exemplify this, as the placement of particles modulates resultative semantics; for instance, "eat up the apple" (with preverbal particle) suggests a greater possibility of exhaustive consumption, while "eat the apple up" (with postverbal particle) compels the interpretation of a bounded outcome of complete consumption. Gustave Guillaume's psychomechanics, developed from the 1940s to 1960s, offers a mentalist alternative, viewing resultatives as expressions of "chronogenesis"—the psyche's construction of temporal progression in verbal notions, culminating in an event endpoint. Rather than static forms, resultatives emerge from the mind's dynamic assembly of time, where the internally segments from result to denote closure. In , causative resultatives like "faire rougir" (to make [someone] blush) embody this, with the "faire" triggering a shift from action to the achieved state of redness, structured along a notional timeline. Applied to English, the Guillaumean framework posits the resultative as a notional ensuring aspectual , transforming atelic processive verbs into telic accomplishments by mentally bounding the event. Constructions such as "wipe the clean" thus represent the psyche's imposition of an on an otherwise open-ended activity, distinguishing it from unbounded processes like simple "wipe the ." This contrasts with purely processive verbs, where no such resultant delimitation occurs. The Guillaumean tradition has profoundly shaped , particularly Ronald Langacker's Cognitive Grammar, which extends its emphasis on mental conceptualization to treat resultatives as symbolic units profiling event boundaries within broader cognitive scenes. Langacker's approach (1987) integrates these ideas to analyze resultatives as profile-base configurations, where the resultant state is foregrounded against the process base. Critiques highlight limitations in the framework's handling of cross-linguistic data, as its focus on Indo-European psychogenesis struggles with non-configurational languages lacking overt resultative marking, prompting extensions in usage-based models.

Systemic and Oppositional Analyses

Resultative as a System of Oppositions

In , the resultative construction is conceptualized as part of a broader system of binary oppositions within verbal aspect, particularly contrasting with processive or durative aspects that emphasize ongoing action without a specified . , in his seminal analysis of the Russian verbal system, framed aspect as a fundamental opposition between perfective and imperfective forms, where the perfective—often carrying resultative implications—is the marked member due to its delimitation of the event to its completion or outcome, as opposed to the unmarked imperfective's focus on unbounded processuality. This binary structure underscores how languages encode aspectual contrasts through morphological or periphrastic means, with resultatives privileging the resultant state over the internal dynamics of the event. The systemic role of resultatives lies in their function to demarcate bounded events against unbounded ones, thereby imposing telicity on predicates that might otherwise remain atelic. In Slavic languages, this opposition is morphologically realized through verbal prefixes that transform durative bases into resultative perfectives, signaling the attainment of a result; for example, the Russian imperfective čitat' 'to read' (unbounded, process-oriented) contrasts with the prefixed perfective pročitat' 'to read through' (bounded, with a resultative endpoint of completion). Such prefixed forms exemplify how the resultative opposition integrates with the overall verbal paradigm, where the prefix not only bounds the event but also evokes the resultant state, distinguishing it from iterative or habitual uses of the imperfective. This bounded-unbounded dichotomy ensures that resultatives contribute to the language's aspectual inventory by resolving ambiguities in event representation. Modern adaptations of these oppositional analyses incorporate (), recasting resultative licensing as the outcome of ranked constraints that mediate conflicts between aspectual oppositions, such as the drive for telic boundedness versus avoidance of morphological complexity. In frameworks applied to , resultative forms are derived through constraint interaction, where faithfulness constraints preserve result-oriented interpretations while constraints penalize unbounded alternatives, yielding optimal pairings of perfective morphology with resultative semantics. For instance, bidirectional models evaluate both form-to-meaning and meaning-to-form mappings, ensuring that resultative oppositions—contrasting bounded results with durative processes—are robustly licensed without overgeneration of atelic variants. This constraint-based approach thus extends structuralist binaries into a dynamic system, highlighting how resultatives resolve aspectual competition across languages. In English, resultative constructions are primarily analytic, lacking dedicated morphological markers to encode the result state, which distinguishes them from synthetic forms in earlier stages of the language or in related Germanic varieties. This analytic nature relies on the of a verbal element with an adjectival or prepositional phrase to express the of an event, as in "She hammered the metal flat," where "flat" denotes the resulting state of the object. Unlike participial constructions that may adverbially modify the manner of the action, such as "walking tiredly" to indicate the style of movement, English resultatives like "walk tired" predicate a change-of-state directly on the or object, emphasizing the outcome over the process. Systemically, English resultatives contrast with the encoded by the have + past participle , which signals a resultant state with present relevance but does not the result on a specific in the same direct manner; for instance, "She has hammered the metal flat" shifts focus to the enduring effect without the tight of the resultative. They also oppose causatives, where causation is explicit (e.g., "make flat"), whereas resultatives imply causation through the verb's semantics alone. English notably lacks verbal resultatives, depending instead on adjectival s to license the , restricting to verbs that entail a change affecting the . In related Germanic languages like , resultatives maintain closer ties to verbal elements, as seen in "Ik sloeg hem dood" ('I hit him dead'), where the adjective "dood" follows the object in a compact V - O - XP structure, reflecting a more compact syntax than English. Historically, exhibited more synthetic resultative forms with prefixed verbs or inflections indicating completion, such as "beþwǣþan" ('wash thoroughly'), but these shifted toward analytic periphrases by due to morphological simplification and increased reliance on . Licensing conditions for English resultatives hinge on theta-role assignment, where the resultative phrase (XP) functions as a secondary predicate that theta-marks the postverbal , ensuring the receives an "endstate" role only if the verb's argument structure permits it, as in acceptable cases like "paint the " but not "*paint the house carefully." This mechanism underscores the construction's opposition within the English system to non-resultative predicates, maintaining semantic coherence through argument linking.

Cross-Linguistic Distribution

Resultatives in

Resultative constructions in exhibit shared inheritance from Proto-Germanic, where aspectual prefixes marked perfectivity and result states, evolving into modern particle verbs and adjectival predicates that denote endpoint achievements. These patterns typically involve a combined with a particle or secondary predicate to express a change of state, as seen in adjectival resultatives like schlagen tot ('beat dead'), where the particle tot specifies the resulting condition of the . This construction is productive across the , reflecting a common Proto-Germanic strategy for encoding through verbal modification rather than synthetic morphology. In , resultatives often feature intricate case marking, with the secondary predicate typically agreeing in with the , while datives may mark experiencers or possessors in inalienable constructions. For instance, Das Kind weint sich in den Schlaf ('The child cries itself to sleep') employs a reflexive accusative to link the causer and , emphasizing the induced via the prepositional phrase. Such structures allow for dative experiencers alongside accusative themes, as in body-part resultatives like Er schneidet sich die Haare kurz ('He cuts his hair short'), where the dative reflexive indicates affectedness. This case alternation underscores German's retention of morphological distinctions to signal argument roles in resultative events. Dutch and Scandinavian languages display variations, including serial-like structures where particles or adjectives detach more freely, contrasting with English's analytic shift and partial loss of synthetic resultatives. In Dutch, resultatives parallel patterns, such as slaan dood ('beat dead'), but permit broader phrasal mobility due to less rigid case systems. Scandinavian languages like and retain productive particle resultatives, exemplified by Swedish måla väggen vit ('paint the wall white') or Norwegian slå i hjel ('beat to death'), often functioning in ways akin to verb compounding through particle stranding. Danish shows similar traits but with reduced particle productivity compared to continental Scandinavian varieties. Unlike , these languages preserve more Proto-Germanic-like integration of result markers, avoiding full reliance on periphrastic forms. Typologically, the V2 word order prevalent in most continental Germanic languages influences resultative placement, positioning the finite verb second while relegating secondary predicates to post-verbal slots for clause coherence. This constraint ensures result phrases follow the verb in main clauses, as in Swedish Han målade väggen vit ('He painted the wall white'), where the adjective appears after the object to maintain V2 structure. English diverges here, lacking strict V2 and allowing more flexible resultative positioning, a divergence tied to its historical loss of verb-final tendencies.

Resultatives in Sino-Tibetan and Japonic Languages

In , a Sino-Tibetan language, resultative constructions typically manifest as verbal compounds (V-V) or periphrastic structures involving the aspectual particle de (V-de-V), where the initial verb denotes the action and the following element specifies the resulting state or extent. For instance, the V-V compound xie-wan ('write-complete') conveys that the writing action reaches completion, often implying the exhaustion of an object or goal. These constructions play a crucial aspectual role in , frequently marking by encoding the endpoint or outcome of an event, distinguishing them from bare verbs that may lack such . Unlike adjectival resultatives in , Mandarin's verbal resultatives rely on without morphological , allowing flexible argument realization where the result component can orient toward the subject, object, or extent. Japanese, a Japonic language, employs resultative patterns primarily through complex predicates, including V-V compounds and light verb constructions, which integrate action and outcome in agglutinative forms. A representative example is tabetsukusu ('eat-exhaust'), a compound where the manner verb taberu ('eat') combines with the result verb tsukusu ('exhaust') to indicate depletion as a consequence of the action. Light verb constructions further extend this, as in kakitsukusu ('write-exhaust'), where the action verb combines with tsukusu to denote using up resources through writing. These structures emphasize event culmination without dedicated case markers for results, differing from Western languages' particle-based systems by embedding outcomes directly into verbal morphology. Recent analyses highlight ties between Japanese resultatives and , where perfective result states often infer indirect evidence or mirativity, signaling unexpected outcomes based on observed results. Sino-Tibetan and share typological traits in resultative encoding, such as high frequency of verbal compounding or to express completion, reliance on strict SOV or SVO for interpreting action-result relations, and absence of case marking, which contrasts with inflectional strategies in . This analytic or agglutinative approach reflects broader cultural and typological influences, where completion is encoded holistically through verb chaining rather than satellites, facilitating concise expression of bounded events. Post-2020 studies on dialects reveal variations, such as enhanced object-oriented resultatives in southern varieties like Cantonese-influenced speech, while research links resultative aspect to evidential nuances in contexts, updating earlier typological models with corpus-based evidence.

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