The Banu Abs (Arabic: بنو عبس), an ancient Adnanite Arab tribe descended from Abs ibn Baghid within the Ghatafan confederation of Qays 'Aylan, inhabited the Najd region of central Arabia during the pre-Islamic era.[1] This nomadic Bedouin group is renowned for its protracted tribal warfare, particularly the War of Dahis and al-Ghabra against their kin the Banu Dhubyān, a conflict ignited by a disputed camel race that escalated into decades of intermittent hostilities emblematic of asabiyyah-driven feuds in Jahiliyyah society.[2] The tribe produced the celebrated poet-warrior Antarah ibn Shaddad, born to an Arab father of the Abs and an Ethiopian slave mother, whose epic exploits, romantic pursuit of Abla, and one of the suspended Mu'allaqat odes exemplify pre-Islamic ideals of valor, eloquence, and tribal loyalty.[3] Upon the rise of Islam, Banu Abs elements pledged allegiance to Muhammad, contributed to early Muslim campaigns, and later dispersed into various clans across the Arabian Peninsula, with lineages persisting in modern Saudi Arabia and neighboring regions.[1]
Origins and Genealogy
Etymology and Early Settlement
The designation Banu Abs (بنو عبس) literally means "sons of ʿAbs" in Arabic, deriving from the eponymous tribal ancestor ʿAbs ibn Baghīd ibn Rāys ibn Ghatafān, a figure within the traditional genealogical framework of northern Arabian tribes.[1] This nomenclature reflects the patrilineal structure common among Adnanite Arab tribes, where group identity traces to a common forebear rather than a semantic root for ʿAbs itself, which lacks a documented etymological meaning beyond proper nomenclature in historical sources.[1]As a branch of the Ghatafān confederation, the Banu Abs coalesced as nomadic Bedouins in central Arabia during the pre-Islamic period, with their core territory encompassing the Najd highlands, including regions around present-day Hail.[1] Traditional accounts place their emergence within the broader migrations and alliances of Qays ʿAylān tribes, engaging primarily in camel herding and raiding across the arid steppes east of Medina, though no precise founding date exists due to the oral nature of early tribal records.[4] Their settlement patterns remained fluid, centered on seasonal grazing lands rather than fixed villages, fostering a warrior ethos amid inter-tribal rivalries in the Nejd plateau.[1]
Ancestral Lineage and Tribal Affiliations
The Banu Abs trace their patrilineal ancestry to ʿAbs (or Ubayy) ibn Baghīd ibn Rayth ibn Ghatafan ibn Saʿd ibn Qays ʿAylān ibn Mudar ibn Nizār ibn Maʿadd ibn Adnān, positioning them among the Adnanite Arabs of northern Arabian origin.[5][6] This genealogy, preserved in classical Arab historical texts, links them to the broader Mudar confederation through Qays ʿAylān, a lineage shared with tribes emphasizing descent from ancient Semitic progenitors.[1]As a major branch of the Ghatafan tribal confederation, the Banu Abs shared immediate ancestry with Banu Dhubyan and Banu Ashjaʿ, all sons of Baghīd ibn Rayth under the eponymous Ghatafan.[5][1] The Ghatafan group, known for their nomadic pastoralism in central and northern Arabia, formed part of the expansive Qays alliance, which encompassed Hawazin, Sulaym, and other Mudar offshoots, often allying against Qahtanite southern tribes like Kinana and Tamim in inter-tribal feuds.[5]In the mid-6th century CE, the Banu Abs asserted dominance within Ghatafan, with chieftain Zuhayr ibn Jadhima establishing the Hawazin as vassals circa 550 CE, reflecting their strategic affiliations in pre-Islamic power dynamics east of Medina.[5] These ties underscored the Banu Abs' role in regional confederations, balancing autonomy with alliances against rivals such as Bakr ibn Wāʾil.[1]
Pre-Islamic History
Major Inter-Tribal Conflicts
The most prominent inter-tribal conflict involving the Banu Abs was the War of Dahis and al-Ghabra, a prolonged feud with their kin tribe, the Banu Dhubyān, both branches of the Ghatafanconfederation. This war, one of the longest in pre-Islamic Arabia, stemmed from a dispute over a horse race judged unfairly, escalating into decades of raids and battles. The inciting incident involved a race between Dahis, the mount of Qays ibn Zuhayr al-Absi, and al-Ghabra, belonging to Harb ibn Umayyah al-Dhubyani; allegations of interference by Dhubyān partisans in favor of al-Ghabra led to accusations of cheating and ignited the broader conflict.Lasting approximately 40 years in the late 5th to early 6th centuries CE, the war featured intermittent skirmishes, including notable engagements where Banu Abs warriors demonstrated prowess in cavalry charges and poetry-recited valor. Antarah ibn Shaddad, the famed poet-warrior of Banu Abs, played a legendary role, slaying numerous foes and composing verses extolling tribal honor amid the fray, as preserved in classical Arabic anthologies.[7] The conflict drew in allied tribes like Fazara on the Dhubyān side, amplifying its scale through cycles of retaliation over grazing lands, camels, and prestige in Najd.The war concluded through exhaustion and mediation, with Zuhayr ibn Jadhima of Banu Abs advocating truce, compensating losses to restore fragile peace among the feuding branches. This episode underscored the volatile tribal dynamics of pre-Islamic central Arabia, where minor disputes could fracture larger confederations, fostering a culture of heroism documented in oral epics and later sirah literature.[7] While accounts derive from poetic and narrative traditions compiled post-Islam, they reflect empirical patterns of intertribal raiding verified across multiple classical sources.
Contributions to Arabic Poetry and Oral Tradition
The Banu Abs contributed prominently to pre-Islamic Arabic poetry via figures like ʿAntarah ibn Shaddād al-ʿAbsī, a warrior-poet whose verses form part of the esteemed Muʿallaqāt, seven odes regarded as pinnacles of jahiliyyah literature for their mastery of form, imagery, and thematic depth on heroism, love, and desert life.[8] ʿAntarah, son of Shaddād al-ʿAbsī—a respected tribesman—and an enslaved Ethiopian woman, rose from initial marginalization to tribal renown through martial exploits and poetic skill, with his Muʿallaqah invoking personal valor amid tribal feuds.[4] His works, emphasizing chivalric ideals and resilience, were composed and disseminated orally, reflecting the Bedouin reliance on memorization for cultural preservation.[9]Tribal conflicts, notably the protracted War of Dāhis and al-Ghabrā (circa late 5th to early 6th century CE) against the Banu Dhubyan, spurred poetic output from Abs poets, including ʿAntarah's battle verses that boast of victories and lament losses, embedding historical events in verse for intergenerational transmission.[9][4] These compositions, recited at gatherings and by rawīs (specialized memorizers), reinforced Abs identity through praise of kin, satire of foes, and ethical codes like generosity and honor, influencing the broader corpus of pre-Islamic oral tradition.[10] Such poetry not only documented raids and alliances but also served didactic roles, with ʿAntarah's diwan—later compiled—exemplifying how Abs bards elevated vernacular Arabic to literary heights before Islamic codification.[3]
Antarah ibn Shaddad and Legendary Figures
Antarah ibn Shaddad al-Absi (c. 525–608 CE), a prominent pre-Islamic poet and warrior, belonged to the Banu Abs tribe and is one of its most celebrated historical figures. Born to Shaddad, a warrior of Banu Abs, and an Abyssinian slave named Zabiba, Antarah's African maternal heritage resulted in his dark complexion, which initially led his tribe to treat him as a slave and deny his paternal lineage.[3] He proved his valor in battles, compelling his father to acknowledge him as a free tribesman.[11]Antarah participated in the War of Dahis and al-Ghabra, a prolonged inter-tribal conflict between Banu Abs and their kin tribe Banu Dhubyān, which erupted around 509 CE over a disputed horse race between steeds named Dahis and al-Ghabra and lasted approximately 40 years.[11][9] His martial exploits during this feud, including single combats and raids, are referenced in his surviving poetry and elevated him to legendary status within Arab oral traditions. One of his poems, preserved among the Mu'allaqat—a collection of acclaimed pre-Islamic odes—boasts of his prowess and defies prejudice against his skin color, declaring themes of unyielding heroism and tribal loyalty.[3]Central to Antarah's legend is his unrequited love for 'Abla bint Malik, a noblewoman from a related Abs lineage, whose hand he sought through feats of bravery amid tribal customs restricting unions across status lines. While historical records confirm his poetic allusions to this romance, later medieval compilations like the Sirat Antar (a folk epic from the 13th century onward) romanticize it into epic quests, portraying Antarah as a near-mythic hero slaying armies, recovering treasures, and embodying chivalric ideals.[9] These embellishments, drawing on pre-Islamic motifs, blend verifiable poetic evidence with fictional expansions, reflecting how Banu Abs valorized warrior-poets in their cultural memory.[3]Beyond Antarah, Banu Abs lore features other semi-legendary warriors tied to the same conflicts, such as tribal leaders who invoked poetic oaths or mediated feuds, though none achieved comparable renown. The tribe's emphasis on oral epics preserved these figures as archetypes of pre-Islamic Arabian honor, where martial skill intertwined with eloquence to forge enduring tribal identity.[9]
The Banu Abs embraced Islam during the early years of Muhammad's mission, with tribal delegations approaching him among the earliest groups recorded, prior to the Hijra in 622 CE.[12] Prominent early converts from the tribe included al-Yaman Dhu'l-Yaman and his son Hudhayfah ibn al-Yaman; the father, originally from the Meccan branch of Abs, accepted Islam in Mecca around 615 CE, endured persecution, and migrated to Medina as an ally of the Banu al-Ashhal from the Aws tribe.[13] Hudhayfah, who converted alongside his father, became one of Muhammad's trusted companions, known for his role at the Battle of Uhud in 625 CE where he relayed critical tactical knowledge of Meccan hypocrites, and participated in subsequent expeditions including the Treaty of Hudaybiyyah in 628 CE.[13]After Muhammad's death in 632 CE, the Banu Abs demonstrated loyalty to Caliph Abu Bakr, refraining from the widespread apostasy that characterized the Ridda Wars (632–633 CE); unlike tribes such as the Banu Hanifa or Tamim that rebelled or withheld zakat, Abs maintained allegiance to Medina, avoiding subjugation by forces like those of Khalid ibn al-Walid. This fidelity positioned them favorably for integration into the expanding caliphate.Banu Abs warriors contributed contingents to the early conquests under Caliphs Abu Bakr and Umar (632–644 CE), joining campaigns against the Byzantine Empire in Syria and the Sassanid Empire in Iraq. In the Syrian theater, al-Absi commanded a Banu Abs detachment on the left flank during key engagements leading to the fall of Damascus in 635 CE and the decisive Battle of Yarmouk in 636 CE, where tribal cavalry supported the Muslim army's outmaneuvering of Byzantine forces numbering around 100,000.[14] In Iraq, Hudhayfah ibn al-Yaman advised Umar during the conquest of al-Mada'in (Ctesiphon) in 637 CE, leveraging his knowledge of Persian dispositions from earlier Ridda-era intelligence, and was appointed governor of the region, overseeing administration until approximately 644 CE.[13] These efforts helped secure Abs tribal settlements in conquered territories, laying groundwork for their later prominence in Umayyad Syria.
Political Influence in Umayyad Syria
During the Umayyad Caliphate, the Banu Abs, as a prominent tribe within the Qays confederation of northern Arab tribes, gained political leverage in Syria through strategic alliances with the Marwanid branch of the Umayyads, particularly amid the Qays-Yaman tribal rivalries that shaped provincial administration and military recruitment.[15] Following the Second Fitna (680–692), Caliph Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan (r. 685–705) shifted patronage toward Qaysi tribes to counter the influence of the southern Yaman factions, such as the Kalb, who had dominated under earlier Umayyad rulers like Muawiya I. This realignment involved deploying Qaysi forces to secure Syria and suppress revolts, including those in Iraq and Jazira, thereby integrating Banu Abs warriors into the caliphal armies stationed around Damascus.[15]A pivotal factor in Banu Abs' ascent was Abd al-Malik's marriage to Wallada bint al-Abbas al-Absiyya, a noblewoman from the tribe, which forged direct kinship ties and elevated their status at the court.[15] This union produced Caliph Sulayman ibn Abd al-Malik (r. 715–717), reinforcing Abs loyalties and securing land grants and appointments for tribe members in Syrian territories, particularly in northern regions where Qaysi settlements expanded. The marriage exemplified Umayyad efforts to co-opt Qaysi elites, transforming potential adversaries into pillars of regime stability, as evidenced by Abs participation in campaigns against Abd Allah ibn al-Zubayr's forces in the Hejaz circa 692.[15]Banu Abs influence peaked under Qays-favoring caliphs like Sulayman and Umar II (r. 717–720), with tribe members holding key military posts, including commands in the household guard and frontier defenses.[16] However, this prominence waned during the later Umayyad period as factional strife intensified, culminating in Qaysi revolts against perceived favoritism toward other groups, though Abs retained some administrative roles in Syria until the Abbasid overthrow in 750. The tribe's Syrian entrenchment reflected broader Umayyad reliance on tribal patronage networks for governance, yet also sowed seeds of division by exacerbating Arab-Arab conflicts over resources and power.[15]
Military Roles and Alliances
The Banu Abs established prominent positions within the Umayyad military and administrative framework in Syria, leveraging marital alliances with the caliphal family to secure influence and resources. Caliph Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan (r. 685–705) wed Umm Aban bint Zuhayr ibn Jadhima, a member of the tribe descended from the chieftain Zuhayr ibn Jadhima, and she gave birth to key successors including al-Walid I (r. 705–715) and Sulayman (r. 715–717).[17] These ties enabled Banu Abs leaders to accumulate substantial landholdings and wealth in Syrian territories, integrating tribal contingents into the caliphate's expeditionary forces and garrisons.[15]As a Qaysi tribe affiliated with the Ghatafan confederation, the Banu Abs navigated the entrenched Qays-Yaman tribal schisms that permeated Umayyad politics and warfare, occasionally aligning against core Umayyad interests during internal crises. In the civil unrest of 743–744 CE, elements of the Banu Abs joined Damascene Yemeni (southern Arab) partisans opposing Caliph al-Walid II, motivated by opposition to his policies favoring certain Qaysi factions over others. Such alliances underscored the tribe's strategic flexibility, providing military manpower in Syrian-based campaigns while exploiting kinship networks for leverage amid the caliphate's reliance on tribal levies for expansion and internal stability.[15]
Descendant Branches and Modern Continuity
Historical Offshoots
The Banu Abs produced notable historical offshoots through lineage splits and migrations beginning in the early Islamic era. One prominent descendant branch is the Bani Rashid (also rendered as Bani Rasheed or Rashaida), which traces its patrilineal origin to Rashid al-Zaul, a 7th-century warrior from the Banu Abs known for military exploits during the formative years of the Islamic conquests.[18] This offshoot emerged as distinct by the medieval period, maintaining Ghatafan affiliations while expanding influence in the Hejaz and Najd regions before further dispersals.[19]The Bani Rashid's separation from the parent tribe reflected typical Arab tribal dynamics, where prominent figures' descendants formed semi-autonomous clans amid alliances and conflicts, such as those involving Umayyad Syria where Banu Abs elements held sway. Historical records indicate this branch's warriors participated in regional power struggles, preserving oral genealogies that affirm direct descent from Abs ibn Baghidh via al-Zaul's line, with an estimated formation around the late 7th to 8th centuries CE.[18] Unlike the core Banu Abs, who remained tied to central Arabian pastoralism, the Bani Rashid adapted to broader migrations, influencing Bedouin networks in eastern Arabia and beyond by the 10th century.[19]Other minor offshoots arose from Banu Abs factions during the medieval Islamic expansions, including clans that integrated into larger confederations like those in Yemen and the Levant, though these lacked the cohesive identity of the Bani Rashid. Genealogical traditions preserved in tribal histories emphasize kinship ties to Abs, with splits often driven by feuds or conquest opportunities rather than formal schisms, ensuring continuity of Ghatafan descent amid Arabia's fluid tribal landscape.[20]
Presence in Contemporary Arabia
Descendant tribes of Banu Abs, such as the Bani Rashid (also known as Rashaida), continue to inhabit regions of the Arabian Peninsula, including the Hejaz in Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Yemen, and Kuwait.[21][22] The Bani Rashid trace their origins to Banu Abs through figures like Rasheed al-Zaul, maintaining Bedouin Arab ethnic identity and nomadic pastoral traditions adapted to modern contexts.[22] While significant portions of the Bani Rashid migrated to Sudan and Eritrea in the mid-19th century following tribal conflicts, residual populations remain in Saudi Arabia, where they engage in herding camels, sheep, and goats, alongside partial sedentarization due to state policies and economic shifts.[21]In the United Arab Emirates, the Al Qubaisat tribe represents another branch claiming direct descent from Banu Abs, residing primarily in emirates like Abu Dhabi and contributing to the country's tribal social fabric.[23] These groups preserve genealogical records (nasab) linking back to Abs ibn Bughaydh of the Ghatafan confederation, though exact population figures are elusive due to intermarriage and urbanization; estimates for Bani Rashid in the Peninsula suggest thousands, integrated into national frameworks without dominant political autonomy.[18] Tribal identity persists in cultural practices, such as oral histories and alliances, but has diminished in influence amid 20th-century state consolidation in Saudi Arabia and Gulf monarchies.[20]
Culture and Social Structure
Pre-Islamic Customs and Honor Systems
The Banu Abs, a nomadic Bedouin tribe within the Ghatafan confederation inhabiting central Arabia's Najd region during the pre-Islamic era (circa 5th-6th centuries CE), upheld a customary honor system rooted in 'asabiyyah (tribal solidarity) and tha'r (blood vengeance), where personal and collective reputation demanded swift retaliation against insults, theft, or kin harm to preserve clan prestige. Disputes often escalated into prolonged feuds due to the obligation to avenge wrongs, either through direct reprisal or negotiated blood money (diyah), reflecting a causal dynamic where unchecked vengeance perpetuated cycles of violence amid scarce resources and mobile pastoralism.[7][24]A defining illustration is the War of Dahis and al-Ghabra (approximately 500 CE), a nearly 40-year conflict with their kin tribe Banu Dhubyān, ignited by a horse race dispute in which Abs champion Dahis allegedly lost due to Dhubyān interference, prompting the slaying of Hudhayfa ibn Badr al-Absi and subsequent raids that claimed hundreds of lives. This feud, resolved only through arbitration by poet Zuhayr ibn Abi Sulma, exemplifies how minor provocations—tied to symbols of tribal prowess like racing steeds—amplified into existential threats to honor, with warriors bound by oath to pursue vendettas regardless of numerical disadvantage.[25][26]Hospitality (diyafa) and generosity formed counterbalancing virtues, mandating protection for guests under truce (aman), even amid enmity, while raids (ghazw) against outsiders tested bravery and redistributed wealth to affirm leadership through displays of valor and largesse. Women played roles in upholding honor, joining laments at battle sites or inciting warriors via poetry, as noted in Abs traditions of collective wailing to invoke ancestral spirits and shame retreat.[27]Poetic oratory codified these customs, with Abs bards composing odes to glorify exploits, decry cowardice, and negotiate truces, ensuring deeds endured in oral memory as metrics of worth beyond mere lineage.[28] Such systems prioritized empirical survival—raiding for camels and pasturage—over abstract equity, fostering resilience but also inter-tribal depletion until external pressures or mediators intervened.[29]
Evolution of Tribal Governance and Kinship
In pre-Islamic Arabia, the Banu Abs tribe, a branch of the Ghatafan confederation originating in central regions near modern Hail, maintained a segmentary lineage system rooted in patrilineal descent, where kinship ties defined social units from nuclear families to larger clans (bani) and the tribe itself.[18] Authority rested with sheikhs selected through consensus among elders, emphasizing qualities like generosity, martial prowess, and mediation in feuds, as exemplified by Shaddad ibn Zabyan, who led the tribe during the protracted War of Basus (circa 5th-6th century CE) against the Banu Bakr over a camel-killing dispute that escalated into decades of raiding.[30] Tribal governance operated without centralized institutions, relying on customary law ('urf) for resolving conflicts via blood money (diya) payments or retaliatory raids, with kinship solidarity (asabiyyah) enforcing collective responsibility and protection.[31]The advent of Islam in the 7th century introduced ideological shifts toward supratribal unity under the ummah, yet Banu Abs governance evolved incrementally, preserving kinship hierarchies while integrating Islamic principles like shura (consultation) into decision-making. Early caliphs, facing tribal apostasy during the Ridda Wars (632-633 CE), reasserted control by appointing tribal leaders as governors or military commanders, allowing sheikhs to retain local autonomy in exchange for loyalty and tribute, as seen in Banu Abs participation in the conquests under figures like al-Muthanna ibn Haritha of allied tribes.[32] Kinship networks adapted by incorporating mawali (non-Arab clients) into client-patron bonds, diluting pure agnatic exclusivity but strengthening military mobilization, though persistent rivalries—evident in Umayyad-era factionalism between northern (Mudar, including Ghatafan branches like Abs) and southern tribes—undermined full centralization.[33]By the Umayyad (661-750 CE) and Abbasid periods, Banu Abs segments sedentarized in Syria and Iraq, forming semi-autonomous units within junds (military districts) while upholding tribal diwans for stipend distribution based on lineage and service, reflecting a hybrid governance blending caliphal oversight with customary sheikh-led councils.[7]Kinship evolution emphasized genealogical records (ansab) to claim precedence in land grants and offices, yet urbanization and fiscal demands eroded nomadic raiding economies, fostering endogamous marriages to consolidate clans against state encroachments. In contemporary Arabia, Banu Abs descendants in Saudi Arabia and Jordan sustain informal kinshipgovernance through sheikhly mediation in disputes and alliances with monarchies via marriages, adapting patrilineal structures to national legal frameworks while invoking historical asabiyyah for social cohesion.[34][35]
Notable Members
Pre-Modern Warriors and Poets
ʿAntarah ibn Shaddād al-ʿAbsī stands as the preeminent warrior-poet of the Banu Abs tribe in pre-Islamic Arabia, active during the late 6th century CE. Born to Shaddād, a prominent warrior of the Abs clan within the Ghatafan confederation, and Zabība, an Ethiopian slave, ʿAntarah overcame initial enslavement and tribal prejudice stemming from his maternal lineage and dark skin to earn recognition through exceptional valor.[36] His martial feats included decisive interventions in tribal skirmishes, where he reportedly slew numerous adversaries, safeguarding Abs interests against rivals such as the Bakr and Taghlib tribes.[29]ʿAntarah's renown extended to poetry, with his Muʿallaqah—one of the seven canonical pre-Islamic odes purportedly suspended in the Kaʿbah—celebrating themes of unrequited love for his cousin ʿAblā, heroic endurance, and the Bedouin code of muruwwah emphasizing courage and loyalty.[3] Composed in the qasīdah form, his verses vividly depict desert warfare, equine prowess, and personal triumphs, such as single-handedly routing enemy forces, which solidified his status as the "Black Knight" archetype in Arab lore.[8] These works, preserved through oral transmission and later compilations like the Dīwān ʿAntarah, underscore the intertwined roles of poetry and combat in affirming tribal prestige.The Banu Abs' martial-poetic tradition also manifested in the protracted War of Basūs (c. 494–534 CE), a feud with the allied Banu Dhubyān over a she-camel's blood, escalating into decades of raids that exemplified the tribe's warrior ethos.[18] While specific poets from this conflict are sparsely attested beyond ʿAntarah's contemporaries, the event immortalized Abs fighters' tenacity, with verses lamenting losses and glorifying vengeance, reflecting broader Jāhiliyyah values of honor-driven vendettas. Figures like Khālid ibn Sinān al-ʿAbsī, a semi-legendary pre-Islamic reformer with purported prophetic claims, occasionally invoked poetic rhetoric in tribal discourses, though his legacy leans more toward religious innovation than warfare.[37]
Modern Descendants and Leaders
The principal modern descendants of Banu Abs are the Bani Rasheed, also known as Rashaida, who trace their origins to Rashid al-Zaul, a prominent 7th-century warrior of the tribe.[18] This group maintains Bedouin Arab ethnic identity and is distributed across Saudi Arabia's Hejaz region, as well as coastal areas of Sudan, Eritrea, Yemen, Qatar, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, and Oman.[21] Additional branches claiming descent include the Al Qubaisat tribe in the United Arab Emirates.[38] These communities preserve elements of nomadic pastoralism and tribal kinship structures amid urbanization and migration pressures in the Arabian Peninsula and Horn of Africa.[39]Contemporary leadership among Banu Abs descendants operates through decentralized tribal sheikhs or nazirs, who mediate disputes, represent communities in regional conflicts, and uphold customary governance. In eastern Sudan, for instance, Rashaida nazir Ahmed Baraki has participated in inter-tribal dialogues to de-escalate tensions, as documented in agreements reached in October 2023.[40] Similarly, Saad Abdullah Salmi, a Rashaida leader, has voiced positions on militia alignments during Sudan's ongoing conflicts, rejecting certain alliances in early 2023.[41] In Saudi Arabia and Gulf states, such roles remain informal, integrated into national frameworks without prominent national-level figures publicly identified as Banu Abs descendants in recent records. Tribal genealogies, while central to identity, rely on oral traditions and lack comprehensive empirical verification beyond self-reported lineages in ethnographic studies.[39]