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Cross burning

Cross burning is the ritualistic act of setting a large wooden cross ablaze, primarily employed by the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) in the United States as a symbol of white Protestant supremacy and a means of instilling terror in targeted groups, especially African Americans, Catholics, Jews, and immigrants.^[1]^[2] The practice, while evoking Christian imagery, functions more as a tool of racial intimidation than religious observance, with empirical evidence from KKK gatherings showing its use alongside threats of violence to enforce social hierarchies.^[3]^[4] Originating from the Scottish "fiery cross," a charred wooden cross dispatched as a summons to clan warfare in medieval times, the modern American variant was largely revived and adapted by the second KKK in the 1910s and 1920s, influenced by depictions in D.W. Griffith's 1915 film The Birth of a Nation, which romanticized the first Klan's post-Civil War activities despite limited historical evidence of cross burning in that era.^[5]^[6] During peak KKK membership in the 1920s, cross burnings marked rallies and night rides aimed at suppressing perceived threats to white dominance, expanding beyond Reconstruction-era anti-Black violence to broader nativist campaigns.^[7]^[8] In contemporary legal terms, the U.S. Supreme Court in Virginia v. Black (2003) ruled that cross burning constitutes unprotected speech when performed with intent to intimidate, classifying it as a "true threat" rather than mere expression, though the mere act alone does not presume criminal intent, reflecting a balance between First Amendment protections and preventing causal harm from fear-inducing rituals.^[9]^[10] This distinction underscores the practice's defining characteristic: its potency as a historical instrument of coercion, where context and demonstrable intent determine its permissibility under law.^[11]

Historical Origins

The Fiery Cross in Scottish and Celtic Traditions

The fiery cross, known in Scottish Gaelic as crann tàra or cros-tàra, consisted of a wooden cross formed from two intersecting pieces of light wood, typically rowan or yew, with the ends charred or ignited to produce smoke and flame.^[6]^[12] This device served as a rapid signaling tool in the Scottish Highlands from at least the 16th century onward, employed by clan chiefs to summon warriors for assembly, defense against raids, or mobilization in conflicts.^[13]^[14] Riders would carry the cross to designated points, passing it hand-to-hand while calling out the chief's directive, ensuring swift communication across rugged terrain where other methods faltered.^[15] Historical accounts document its use in specific clan actions, such as the Clan Buchanan's dispatch of the fiery cross in response to attacks by the MacLarens around the 14th century, though more reliably attested in later periods like the 1679 defense of Moray against Clan Donald incursions.^[14] Among Highlanders, the cross symbolized urgent collective obligation, often accompanied by an oath of loyalty—failure to heed the call could result in severe penalties, reflecting the clan's covenantal structure for mutual protection rather than individual terror.^[6]^[16] It functioned as a beacon of unity and preparedness, grounded in the practical necessities of tribal self-defense amid feuds and external threats, with no contemporary records indicating intent to desecrate Christian symbols or instill gratuitous fear.^[17] Sir Walter Scott's 1810 poem The Lady of the Lake prominently featured the fiery cross as a rallying emblem during a fictional clan uprising, drawing on oral traditions and earlier descriptions to dramatize its role in Highland mobilization.^[18] While Scott's romantic portrayal amplified its cultural resonance and introduced it to wider audiences, the practice predates his works and aligns with verifiable clan customs, though some modern analyses question the exact prevalence of ignited versions versus charred ones in pre-18th-century usage.^[19] This depiction underscores the cross's historical essence as a pragmatic instrument of communal resolve, distinct from later reinterpretations.^[16]

Adoption by the Ku Klux Klan

Origins in the Second Klan and Influence of Fiction

The original Ku Klux Klan, active during the Reconstruction era from 1865 to the early 1870s, did not practice cross burning as part of its activities or rituals.^[20] This practice emerged with the second iteration of the Klan, founded in 1915 at Stone Mountain, Georgia, following the release of D. W. Griffith's film The Birth of a Nation. The film, adapted from Thomas Dixon Jr.'s 1905 novel The Clansman, depicted the Klan using burning crosses as a signaling device derived from Scottish clan traditions, portraying it as a heroic emblem of resistance against perceived threats during Reconstruction.^[5] ^[21] Dixon's novel romanticized the fiery cross—historically a Scottish wartime signal lit on hilltops to summon clans—as a tool employed by the fictionalized Reconstruction-era Klan to coordinate against Black political empowerment and carpetbagger influence.^[5] Griffith's cinematic visualization amplified this imagery, introducing hooded robes and cross burnings as core Klan symbols absent from the first group's documented practices, which relied instead on disguises, night rides, and violence without such pyres.^[21] The film's massive popularity, grossing millions and drawing unprecedented audiences, directly spurred the second Klan's formation and its adoption of these fictional elements as authentic tradition. By the early 1920s, amid rising nativism, anti-immigrant sentiment, and cultural anxieties over urbanization and the 1924 Immigration Act, cross burning became a staple of second Klan ceremonies, symbolizing Protestant unity and defiance. Membership surged to an estimated peak of 4 to 5 million by 1925, correlating with widespread public spectacles incorporating the ritual, which transformed the fictional signal into a real organizational marker during this era of expansion beyond the South into Midwestern and Northern states. This media-driven innovation distinguished the second Klan's pageantry from its predecessor's more clandestine operations, embedding cross burning as a visual cornerstone of its identity amid the decade's social upheavals.^[21]

Rituals, Symbolism, and Klan Perspectives

In Ku Klux Klan rituals of the 1920s, particularly during night rallies and initiation ceremonies, participants constructed large wooden crosses, often 30 to 40 feet in height, by erecting frames soaked in kerosene to ensure sustained ignition and visibility.^[22] These crosses were typically raised on summits or open fields, with the lighting serving as the climactic event following oaths of allegiance, prayers led by Klan officers such as the Grand Dragon, and communal chants reinforcing group solidarity.^[22] The ceremony emphasized disciplined assembly in robed formation around the cross, culminating in its ignition by torch to symbolize collective commitment, as initiated by William J. Simmons in the founding rally on Stone Mountain in November 1915.^[22] Klan members deliberately termed the practice "cross lighting" to distinguish it from destructive burning, framing it within evangelical Protestantism as a beacon of Christ's illuminating presence amid moral and cultural challenges.^[23] According to Klan ideology, the flames evoked biblical fire motifs, such as the purifying fire of Calvary or divine light overcoming darkness, representing sacrifice, service, and the "light of the world" to rally native-born white Protestants against influences deemed antithetical to Christian virtue, including Catholicism, Judaism, and racial intermixture.^[22] ^[23] Primary Klan publications, such as The Fiery Cross newspaper established in 1921, portrayed the emblem as forging unity among "native-born, white, Protestant, Christian Americans" to preserve moral order and Americanism, with Imperial leaders like Hiram Wesley Evans echoing this in calls to defend Protestant hegemony through symbolic rituals that inspired fraternal bonds rather than overt coercion.^[24] ^[25] This self-conception positioned the lighting as a affirmative evangelical act, drawing on the cross's sanctity to affirm white Protestant identity and communal vigilance.^[25]

Intimidation, Violence, and Criticisms

Historical Uses for Terror and Empirical Impacts

Cross burnings by the Ku Klux Klan in the 1920s through 1960s served primarily as symbolic threats intended to instill fear in African American communities, often preceding or accompanying more direct violence such as whippings, lynchings, or arsons. Historical testimonies from victims indicate that in the South, particularly during the civil rights movement, cross burnings frequently acted as warnings prior to hangings or other assaults, amplifying the psychological impact of Klan terror.^[26]^[27] Federal investigations, including FBI records, document these acts as components of localized intimidation campaigns, though typically integrated with physical aggressions rather than standalone events.^[28] In specific regional contexts like 1920s Florida, Klan cross burnings occurred, such as initiations on Pass-a-Grille beach by the Olustee Klan near St. Petersburg, but were secondary to prevalent tactics like floggings and tar-and-feathering, with over 60 documented whippings in Putnam County alone by 1926, some resulting in deaths.^[29] These efforts extended to voter intimidation, as Klan parades and threats in Jacksonville and Orlando deterred black participation in elections during the era.^[29] Empirical analyses of Klan activities reveal correlations between such intimidation and tangible outcomes, including suppressed black voter turnout and diminished civil rights activism in targeted Southern counties, with historical violence data linking KKK terror to reduced registration rates persisting into the 20th century. Broader causal effects included contributions to the Great Migration, as sustained threats prompted black exodus from high-Klan areas, though effectiveness waned against federal interventions like those during Freedom Summer in 1964. Cross burnings, while evocative, represented a minor fraction of Klan operations compared to whippings and beatings, which dominated incident reports from the period, underscoring their role within a multifaceted repertoire rather than as the primary mechanism of control.^[30]^[29]

Counterarguments from Klan Ideology and Context

From the standpoint of Klan ideology, cross burning constituted a ritual of communal signaling and spiritual affirmation, intended to rally Protestant whites against perceived invasions of their cultural and religious domain by non-Protestant influences, including Catholic immigrants and Reconstruction-era federal impositions. Adherents invoked the fiery cross as a symbol of Christ's illuminating presence, representing vigilance, purity, and collective defense rather than aggression, with roots in their self-proclaimed Protestant orthodoxy that positioned the practice as a bulwark against moral and societal erosion.^[31]^[32] Sympathetic historical interpretations, such as those from the early 20th-century Dunning school of historiography, contended that the original post-Civil War Klan temporarily reestablished Southern stability amid the lawlessness and administrative failures attributed to Reconstruction policies, including corrupt carpetbagger rule and spikes in interracial crime that contemporaneous Southern accounts documented as destabilizing. William Archibald Dunning portrayed Klan interventions as a pragmatic restoration of prewar social hierarchies and order, countering modern dismissals of these claims as apologia by emphasizing causal links to the era's documented governance breakdowns and vigilante responses that preceded or paralleled federal crackdowns.^[33]^[34] The second Klan's 1920s employment of the ritual further diversified its ideological framing beyond race, targeting Catholic institutions and urban vice as threats to native-born Protestant dominance, with cross lightings at rallies and near churches serving as declarative affirmations of resolve akin to effigy burnings in other nativist or labor protests, devoid of pagan intent. This contextual usage challenges reductive characterizations in prevailing scholarship, which often attributes the symbol exclusively to racial animus while sidelining primary Klan emphases on religious nativism, a omission attributable to progressive historiographical priorities that privilege marginalized narratives over era-specific causal dynamics of demographic shifts and institutional frictions.^[35]^[36]^[2]

Cultural and Media Depictions

The Birth of a Nation and Early 20th-Century Influence

The Birth of a Nation (1915), directed by D.W. Griffith, depicted burning crosses as heroic signals used by the Ku Klux Klan to rally against perceived threats during the Reconstruction era, framing the group as saviors of white Southern civilization. Adapted from Thomas Dixon Jr.'s novel The Clansman (1905), which invoked Scottish fiery cross traditions for dramatic inspiration, the film introduced this element as a fictional innovation to heighten tension and symbolize urgent calls to action in its narrative of post-Civil War turmoil. Premiering in Los Angeles on February 8, 1915, and achieving wide release thereafter, it became one of the era's biggest box-office successes, earning between $10 million and $100 million (in unadjusted dollars) through innovative marketing and spectacle.^[37] The film's portrayal directly influenced the revival of the Klan, with organizer William J. Simmons founding the second iteration on November 25, 1915, atop Stone Mountain, Georgia—site of a screening and the inaugural cross burning modeled after the movie's scenes. This practice, undocumented in the original 1860s Klan, was thereby mainstreamed through cinematic fiction, contributing to a cultural reframing of the symbol as one of defiant patriotism rather than isolated terror. The second Klan's membership exploded to an estimated 4 to 5 million by the mid-1920s, with the film's romanticized heroism credited for boosting recruitment by normalizing the organization as a fraternal defender of traditional values amid urbanization and immigration.^[38] Though pioneering film techniques like close-ups and cross-cutting, The Birth of a Nation's Reconstruction account included verifiable distortions, such as attributing cross burning to historical Klan activity when it originated as a narrative device in Dixon's work and Griffith's adaptation. This artistic liberty fostered an early 20th-century perception linking the act to redemption narratives for white Southerners, temporarily overshadowing its intimidation connotations in popular discourse before broader reevaluations.^[39]^[37]

Later Representations and Public Perception

In the decades following the Civil Rights Movement, depictions of cross burning in American media shifted markedly toward portraying it as an unequivocal symbol of racial terror and white supremacy, diverging from the more sympathetic or neutral coverage in some 1920s Southern and Midwestern newspapers that framed the Ku Klux Klan's rituals as patriotic or fraternal expressions of Protestant identity.^[40]^[41] For instance, films such as Mississippi Burning (1988) presented cross burnings as horrifying acts of intimidation amid investigations into 1960s civil rights murders, reinforcing a narrative of Klan violence that emphasized victimhood and law enforcement heroism without exploring ritualistic or symbolic defenses offered by participants.^[42] Similarly, documentaries like PBS's Klansville U.S.A. (2015) highlighted cross burnings in North Carolina during the 1960s as tools of public intimidation, contributing to a broader cultural consensus viewing the practice as inherently threatening rather than multifaceted.^[43] This evolution aligned with post-1960s public sentiment, where surveys and cultural indicators reflected near-universal condemnation of Klan-associated symbols; by the 2000s, KKK membership had plummeted to a few thousand nationwide, and hate group tracking organizations noted the Klan's marginalization amid widespread societal rejection of its imagery as emblematic of bigotry.^[44] News media and literature further entrenched this perception, often framing cross burnings in isolation from historical contexts like Scottish clan signals or early 20th-century Klan claims of Christian evangelism, instead prioritizing accounts of empirical harm such as targeted threats against Black communities and civil rights activists.^[45] Such portrayals, while grounded in documented intimidation cases, infrequently incorporated Klan assertions that "cross lightings" represented a biblical call to faith—drawing from interpretations of scriptural fire imagery—rather than malice, a perspective advanced in Klan publications and court testimonies but sidelined in mainstream narratives.^[46] Critics of dominant media framings argue that this selective emphasis reflects institutional biases in journalism and academia, which privilege emotive victim-centered accounts over causal analyses of how cross burnings functioned variably across eras—as communal signaling in the 1920s Klan's peak versus targeted terror in the 1960s—potentially distorting public understanding by omitting data on non-violent ritual uses or regional sympathies that once sustained Klan influence. Empirical studies of media-Klan interactions in the 1970s, for example, show persistent "hick" stereotypes that overshadowed ideological appeals to nativism or anti-communism, fostering a caricatured view that endures in contemporary reporting despite the practice's rarity post-1980s.^[45] This has cemented cross burning's status as an archetypal hate symbol in public discourse, with rare counter-narratives limited to fringe outlets or academic deconstructions that highlight the ritual's pre-Klan roots in Celtic traditions repurposed for modern intimidation.^[39]

Legal Dimensions

United States: Key Supreme Court Cases

In R.A.V. v. City of St. Paul (1992), the U.S. Supreme Court addressed a St. Paul, Minnesota, ordinance prohibiting the placement of symbols, such as a burning cross or Nazi swastika, on public or private property to arouse anger, alarm, or resentment based on race, color, creed, religion, or gender.^[47] The case arose when petitioner R.A.V., a juvenile, and accomplices allegedly burned a cross made of broken chair legs in the yard of a Black family's home, leading to charges under the ordinance as a "fighting words" regulation.^[48] In a unanimous decision authored by Justice Antonin Scalia, the Court held the ordinance facially unconstitutional under the First Amendment, ruling that even unprotected categories of speech, like fighting words, cannot be regulated through content- or viewpoint-based discrimination.^[49] The ordinance's selective prohibition—targeting disfavored messages of racial bias while permitting others, such as glorifying violence against certain groups—failed strict scrutiny, as narrower alternatives existed to achieve the government's interest in preventing real harm without suppressing expression.^[47] The Court revisited cross burning in Virginia v. Black (2003), consolidating cases involving Ku Klux Klan members convicted under a Virginia statute making it a felony to burn a cross on another's property or in a public place "with the intent of intimidating any person or group," where the act itself served as prima facie evidence of such intent.^[50] Barry Black burned a 25- to 30-foot cross at a private Klan initiation on his own property in 1997, while Richard Elliott and Jonathan O'Mara ignited a smaller cross at a 1998 public campground near Black families, prompting complaints of fear.^[51] In a 5-4 decision with Justice Sandra Day O'Connor writing for the plurality, the Court upheld bans on cross burning intended as a "true threat" to intimidate, distinguishing it from protected symbolic speech under R.A.V. by emphasizing historical context: cross burning's association with Klan terrorism rendered it unprotected when conveying intent to place victims in fear of bodily harm, akin to unprotected threats rather than mere political advocacy.^[10] However, the prima facie clause was invalidated as overbroad, as it risked punishing protected ceremonial cross burnings at Klan rallies without individualized proof of intimidating intent, potentially chilling First Amendment rights.^[50] These rulings established that cross burning receives First Amendment scrutiny based on context and purpose, with prosecutions viable only upon evidence of true threats or intimidation, not the act alone.^[51] Post-Black, federal and state authorities have pursued cases requiring demonstration of specific intent, such as targeting individuals or public displays evoking imminent harm, while private or ceremonial Klan events absent such evidence remain protected expression.^[52] For instance, the U.S. Department of Justice continues to prosecute cross burnings linked to conspiracies for intimidation under statutes like 18 U.S.C. § 241, but outcomes hinge on contextual proof rather than presumptions, aligning with causal distinctions between symbolic ritual and targeted terror.^[53]

International Comparisons, Including France

In France, cross burning is not explicitly codified as a distinct offense but falls under expansive hate speech prohibitions that criminalize public provocation to discrimination, hatred, or violence against persons or groups based on origin, ethnicity, nation, race, or religion. Article 24 of the July 29, 1881, Freedom of the Press Law, as amended, imposes penalties of up to five years' imprisonment and a €45,000 fine for such incitement when disseminated via speech, writing, or imagery, including symbolic acts intended to intimidate or demean. Similarly, Penal Code Article R. 625-7 targets non-public but deliberate displays of hateful intent, with fines up to €1,500, reflecting a regime that interprets contextual symbolism—such as a burning cross evoking racial supremacy—as inherently provocative without necessitating evidence of immediate physical threat. Unlike the U.S. standard, which permits symbolic expression absent a "true threat" of imminent harm as clarified in cases involving Klan rituals, French jurisprudence prioritizes prevention of dignitary harms in a multicultural society, extending protections beyond direct violence to encompass offensive ideologies. The 1990 Gayssot Act exemplifies this by criminalizing denial or minimization of Holocaust crimes against humanity, with over a dozen convictions by 2000 for public statements challenging historical narratives, penalties reaching one year in prison and €45,000 fines; such measures have no U.S. equivalent, where viewpoint-neutral scrutiny limits symbolic bans to proven intimidation. Empirical outcomes include annual hate speech prosecutions exceeding 1,000 cases since the 2000s, often involving online or visual symbols, yet far-right incidents persist, with neo-Nazi groups adapting to bans by using alternative emblems like the Celtic cross at rallies, suggesting restrictions displace rather than eradicate expressive extremism.^[54]^[55] This European model, including France's, contrasts American individualism by embedding causal assumptions that symbolic hatred erodes social cohesion in diverse polities, justifying preemptive suppression; however, data from bodies like the European Court of Human Rights indicate uneven enforcement, with convictions for anti-Semitic or anti-Muslim symbols outpacing those for other ideologies, potentially signaling selective application amid institutional pressures to counter perceived threats from nationalism. No major French precedents for cross burning exist, underscoring its rarity outside U.S. contexts, as local extremists favor Reich-era iconography over Klan-derived rituals, yet the legal framework would treat any occurrence as prosecutable incitement, absent the expressive leeway afforded stateside.^[56]^[57]

Modern Incidents and Debates

Notable Cases from 2000 to 2025

In December 2020, Axel Cox, a 24-year-old resident of Gulfport, Mississippi, burned a cross in his front yard visible to his Black neighbors, admitting he did so to intimidate them due to their race and proximity to his property, violating the Fair Housing Act.^[58] Cox was sentenced in March 2023 to 42 months in federal prison, three years of supervised release, and ordered to pay $7,810 in restitution.^[58] The case was prosecuted as a federal hate crime, with Cox pleading guilty after using racially derogatory language alongside the act.^[59] In June 2020, a charred cross-like object was discovered in the yard of 17-year-old Travon Brown's home in Marion, Virginia, hours after he organized a Black Lives Matter protest against racial injustice.^[60] The FBI and local police investigated it as a potential hate crime, amid death threats received by Brown.^[61] Separately but concurrently in Marion, 41-year-old James Brown pleaded guilty in April 2021 to burning a cross on June 14, 2020, in the yard of an African-American family, an act tied to racial intimidation.^[62] On August 24, 2021, a charred cross was found in the yard of Tom and Merrie Bigham, a Jewish couple in Mountainair, New Mexico, who believed they were targeted due to their faith after prior antisemitic harassment.^[63] Local police investigated it as a suspected hate crime, with the Anti-Defamation League condemning the act as an intimidation tactic historically linked to the Ku Klux Klan.^[64] No arrests were publicly reported, but the incident heightened fears for the family in their rural community.^[63] In November 2023, Worden Butler and Alexis Hartnett, a white couple in Horry County, South Carolina, erected and set fire to a cross facing their Black neighbors' home on Corbett Drive, amid a property line dispute and prior harassment including racial slurs.^[65] The FBI executed a search warrant on their property, treating it as a potential hate crime, though no federal charges ensued; a local judge in March 2025 issued an order barring Butler from future nuisances and deeming the property uninhabitable for such activities.^[66] Victims Shawn and Monica Williams reported the cross burning about eight feet from their fence during Thanksgiving weekend.^[67] On July 23, 2025, an unknown individual set fire to an eight-foot wooden cross outside Crossroads Christian Fellowship Church in Kingston, New York, destroying the structure but sparing the building.^[68] Police launched an arson investigation, with the cross having been a memorial gift from a late congregant; the pastor reported no known motive or threats, and it was not immediately classified as a hate crime.^[69] These cases, drawn from federal and local prosecutions, typically involve individuals rather than organized groups like the Klan, with convictions hinging on proof of intent to intimidate under standards from Virginia v. Black (2003), which distinguishes protected symbolic speech from true threats.^[70] Reported incidents remain sporadic, often in rural or suburban settings targeting perceived racial or religious minorities, though comprehensive frequency data is limited to prosecutorial records rather than uniform national tracking.^[71]

Ongoing Controversies Over Symbolism and Regulation

Contemporary debates over cross burning's symbolism center on its classification as either an enduring emblem of racial intimidation or a form of protected expressive or religious conduct. Organizations such as the Anti-Defamation League designate the burning cross as a core hate symbol, emphasizing its historical deployment by the Ku Klux Klan to instill terror in targeted communities, particularly African Americans and Jews, thereby perpetuating its association with white supremacist ideology in public perception.^[72] In contrast, remnant Klan factions and affiliated fringe Christian Identity groups maintain that cross burning derives from pre-Klan traditions, including Scottish clan signals or biblical references to light as a divine symbol, framing non-threatening instances as religious rituals rather than inherent malice, a position echoed in judicial rulings distinguishing symbolic acts from intimidation.^[1] These divergent interpretations underscore a lack of consensus, with mainstream advocacy groups prioritizing the intimidation legacy while defenders invoke contextual intent to challenge blanket stigmatization. Critiques of regulatory approaches highlight tensions between symbolic purity and free speech protections. Following the 2017 Charlottesville rally, which featured white nationalist displays including fiery symbols, progressive commentators and civil rights organizations called for expanded hate speech restrictions, arguing that such icons inherently provoke harm and warrant proactive curbs beyond existing intent-based laws.^[73] These proposals faced rebuke from free speech advocates, who decry them as politically motivated overreach that erodes First Amendment safeguards, potentially conflating offensive expression with actionable threats and reflecting institutional biases toward censoring dissenting viewpoints under the guise of combating bigotry.^[74] Conservative and libertarian analyses, drawing on Klan historical records, further contend that not all cross burnings equate to universal hatred, citing instances of political or ceremonial use devoid of targeted aggression, thus advocating contextual evaluation over presumptive bans.^[1] Empirical evidence suggests limited deterrent effects from current regulations, which prohibit cross burning only when accompanied by intent to intimidate, as upheld in Virginia v. Black (2003). Federal data indicate persistence of such acts post-legislation; for instance, the FBI documented at least 20 cross burnings nationwide from October 2005 onward, often in rural or Klan-influenced areas, demonstrating that symbolic prohibitions alone fail to eradicate occurrences without addressing underlying motivations. This persistence aligns with causal assessments prioritizing verifiable threats—such as direct incitement or violence—over broad symbolic regulation, as generalized bans risk inefficacy against ideologically committed actors while chilling non-malevolent expression. Judicial and policy focus thus remains on provable harm rather than perceptual offense, mitigating overregulation's potential to undermine speech freedoms amid polarized societal views.^[10]

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Sep 2, 2011 · Her books include the Choice Outstanding Academic Title Gospel According to the Klan: The KKK's Appeal to Protestant America, 1915-1930 (2011).
[33]
[PDF] Reconstruction: The Unfinished Revolution and Historiography (2nd ...
Dunning even justified the actions of the Ku Klux Klan as an understandable method of restoring white's rightful control of Southern politics and society.<|separator|>
[34]
William Dunning Explains the Restoration of Peace (and White ...
Jul 9, 2019 · In the spring of 1867 elaborate organi zations were effected by the Ku-Klux Klan, or In visible Empire, at Nashville, and the Knights of the ...
[35]
How 1920s Catholic Students Fought the Ku Klux Klan - JSTOR Daily
Feb 15, 2020 · As historian William Vance Trollinger Jr. reveals, the Klan hit the campus of the University of Dayton with a dozen bombs and a burning cross in December 1923.
[36]
100 years ago, the KKK planted bombs at a US university
Dec 15, 2023 · This version of the KKK, known as the Second Ku Klux Klan, harassed Catholics, Jews and immigrants – including students and staff at Catholic ...Missing: context | Show results with:context
[37]
“The Birth of A Nation” opens in L.A., glorifying the KKK - History.com
For all the gross historical inaccuracies, certain scenes, such as meetings of Congress, Civil War battles, and the assassination of Abraham Lincoln, were ...Missing: cross | Show results with:cross
[38]
Deride the lightning: assessing The Birth of a Nation 100 years on
Mar 5, 2015 · As a telling signifier of cinema's cultural impact, even in its earliest days, The Birth of a Nation prompted a huge upsurge in Ku Klux Klan ...
[39]
[PDF] The Birth of a Nation: Media and Racial Hate - Scholars at Harvard
Jul 22, 2022 · At the time of the movie's release, the KKK did not exist. The Reconstruction-era Klan depicted in the film was founded by former Confederate.
[40]
The media and the Ku Klux Klan: a debate that began in the 1920s
Mar 5, 2018 · Dr Felix Harcourt, author of Ku Klux Kulture, breaks down the 'mutually beneficial' relationship between the Klan and the media.Missing: southern | Show results with:southern
[41]
When The KKK Was Mainstream : NPR History Dept.
Mar 19, 2015 · Wait a minute. The Ku Klux Klan once had a baseball team? Imagine: There was a time when the KKK was an out-in-the-open, ...Missing: coverage positive
[42]
FILM; Fact vs. Fiction in Mississippi - The New York Times
Dec 4, 1988 · Churches and homes are torched in the film, and that, too, is very much the way much of it happened. From June of 1964 to January of '65, just ...
[43]
Watch Klansville U.S.A. | American Experience | Official Site - PBS
Jan 13, 2015 · Narrator: The North Carolina Klan's favorite form of intimidation was cross burning -- in neighborhoods, in front of public buildings, even on ...
[44]
Hate groups grow more popular even as Ku Klux Klan ... - ABC News
Feb 20, 2019 · The number of hate groups in the US has reached an all-time high, even as membership in the Ku Klux Klan and neo-Nazi outfits have fallen.
[45]
[PDF] Mass media, the Ku Klux Klan, and the optics of populism, 1970-1979.
KKK's “Invisible Empire.” Ultimately, however, the Civil Rights era Klan could not shake their “hick” image, as evidenced by an anti-communist rally held in ...
[46]
SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
On August 22, 1998, Barry Black led a Ku Klux Klan rally in Carroll County, Virginia. Twenty-five to thirty people attended this gathering, which occurred on ...Missing: sources | Show results with:sources<|separator|>
[47]
R.A.V., Petitioner, v. CITY OF ST. PAUL, MINNESOTA.
Syllabus *. After allegedly burning a cross on a black family's lawn, petitioner R.A.V. was charged under, inter alia, the St. Paul, Minnesota, ...
[48]
R.A.V. v. City of St. Paul | 505 U.S. 377 (1992)
R. A. V. v. St. Paul: The First Amendment does not permit a state to use content discrimination to achieve a compelling interest if it is not necessary to ...
[49]
R.A.V. v. City of St. Paul | Oyez
A case in which the Court found a Minnesota ordinance violated the First Amendment because the ordinance was overly broad in the content-based speech it ...
[50]
VIRGINIA v. BLACK | Supreme Court - Law.Cornell.Edu
Defendants sought to discourage blacks from using public park by burning a cross in the park, as well as by “waving baseball bats, axe handles, and knives.Missing: summary | Show results with:summary
[51]
Virginia v. Black | 538 U.S. 343 (2003)
Granted, activities like cross burning are particularly evil and are traditionally associated with the intimidating behaviors of the Ku Klux Klan. States ...Missing: voter | Show results with:voter
[52]
U.S. Supreme Court Upholds VA Cross-Burning Ban But Sends Law ...
Apr 7, 2003 · The United States Supreme Court today ruled that KKK member Barry Black could not be convicted of a crime under Virginia's cross-burning statute.<|control11|><|separator|>
[53]
Virginia v. Black - Amicus (Merits) - Department of Justice
Oct 21, 2014 · The United States, like the Commonwealth of Virginia, prosecutes persons who burn crosses, or conspire to do so, in order to intimidate others.<|control11|><|separator|>
[54]
Robert Faurisson v. France, Communication No. 550/1993, UN Doc ...
... Gayssot Act was intended to serve the struggle against racism and anti-semitism. It also noted the statement of a member of the French Government, the then ...Missing: extensions symbols
[55]
Hate Speech Laws: Ratifying the Assassin's Veto | Cato Institute
May 24, 2016 · ”31 It has since upheld a state law that prohibited cross burning when done for purposes of racial intimidation, but it also held that ...
[56]
[PDF] The European legal framework on hate speech, blasphemy and its ...
... hate speech applicable to. EU institutions. 145. ANNEX III – National studies hate speech and hate crime. 150. BELGIUM. 150. GERMANY. 180. GREECE. 208. FRANCE.<|separator|>
[57]
Tuning into Hate: Uncovering Risks Associated with Far Right Music ...
Jul 2, 2024 · This analysis will explore the fundraising, networking, and recruiting opportunities that music festivals and concerts represent for RWE movements.
[58]
Mississippi Man Sentenced for Federal Hate Crime for Cross Burning
Mar 9, 2023 · Axel Cox, 24, violated the Fair Housing Act when he used threatening and racially derogatory language toward his Black neighbors and burned a cross to ...
[59]
Mississippi Man Pleads Guilty to Federal Hate Crime for Cross Burning
Dec 2, 2022 · Axel C. Cox, 24, of Gulfport, admitted to violating the Fair Housing Act when he used threatening and racially derogatory remarks toward his Black neighbors.
[60]
Possible burned cross found on front yard of 17-year-old activist's ...
Jun 18, 2020 · A Virginia police department and the FBI are investigating a possible cross burning at the home of a 17-year-old activist the morning after he helped organize ...
[61]
A teen led a Black Lives Matter protest in his small town. A cross was ...
Jul 16, 2020 · Travon Brown, 17, organized the march in Marion, Va. Then came death threats, a neighbor's arrest and another, even bigger demonstration.Missing: activist | Show results with:activist
[62]
Marion man pleads guilty following 2020 cross burning - WDBJ7
Apr 22, 2021 · June 14, 2020, 41-year-old James Brown burned a cross in the front yard of an African-American family's home. A member of the family had ...Missing: activist | Show results with:activist
[63]
Mountainair Jewish couple believes they were target of hate crime
Aug 25, 2021 · Tom and Merrie Bigham moved to Mountainair just over a year and a half ago. They say it's been an adjustment settling into the small New Mexico ...
[64]
ADL Condemns Alleged Cross Burning at NM Jewish Family's Home
Aug 26, 2021 · The Anti-Defamation League Mountain States Region (ADL), responding to reports of a cross burned on the lawn of a Jewish New Mexico family, ...
[65]
White South Carolina couple 'harassed Black neighbors with ...
Dec 20, 2023 · The FBI has searched a house in South Carolina after a white couple allegedly put up a cross that faced their Black neighbors and set it on fire.
[66]
Man who burned cross next to Black neighbors' home near Conway ...
Mar 25, 2025 · The November 2023 cross-burning occurred at a property on Corbett Drive, where Worden Butler lived with his girlfriend, Alexis Hartnett. A ...
[67]
Hate in South Carolina: Victims of Conway-area cross-burning ...
Dec 3, 2024 · It's been over a year since Shawn and Monica Williams found a burning cross facing their Conway-area home over Thanksgiving weekend.<|separator|>
[68]
8-foot cross at Kingston church set on fire by unknown person
Jul 23, 2025 · A fire set by an unknown person destroyed the cross but not the building at Crossroads Christian Fellowship, formerly known as First Baptist ...
[69]
Cross burnt outside Kingston church was gift to congregation from ...
Jul 24, 2025 · Cross burnt outside Kingston church was gift to congregation from late ... Church on Albany Avenue in Kingston on Wednesday, July 23, 2025.
[70]
High Court Upholds Cross-Burning Ban - CBS News
Apr 7, 2003 · A divided Supreme Court upheld a state ban on cross burning, ruling Monday that the history of racial intimidation attached to this symbol outweighs the free ...<|separator|>
[71]
FBI — Cross Burnings in the 21st Century
Apr 30, 2007 · A Florida man doused a six-foot tall makeshift cross in his yard with flammable liquid and set it on fire. Then, he told a 15-year-old ...Missing: 2000-2025 | Show results with:2000-2025
[72]
Burning Cross - ADL
The image of the burning cross is one of the most potent hate symbols in the United States, popularized as a terror image by the Ku Klux Klan since the early ...Missing: first | Show results with:first
[73]
Opinion | Free Speech Is Killing Us - The New York Times
Oct 4, 2019 · Noxious speech is causing tangible harm. Yet this fact implies a question so uncomfortable that many of us go to great lengths to avoid asking it.<|separator|>
[74]
Free Speech In The Crosshairs - Hoover Institution
Aug 29, 2017 · Instead, Epstein appears to be calling for a bizarre interpretation of the Constitution; that free speech only holds for those who are unarmed ...Missing: burning bans criticism