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Holy laughter

Holy laughter refers to a form of ecstatic expression in Pentecostal and charismatic Christian worship, wherein participants experience involuntary, prolonged bouts of laughter, often accompanied by physical manifestations such as bodily shaking, weeping, or collapsing, which adherents attribute to an overpowering encounter with the joy of the . The phenomenon traces its modern prominence to the 1990s revival, initiated at the Toronto Airport Vineyard Church in January 1994 following ministry by South African evangelist , whose services featured similar laughter outbreaks that quickly spread to the congregation under pastors and Arnott. This event drew international attention, with reports of thousands visiting the church and similar manifestations occurring in charismatic gatherings worldwide, including shaking, roaring, and claims of spiritual renewal or healing. Proponents frame it as a legitimate outpouring akin to biblical joy (e.g., Psalm 126:2) or Spirit baptism, emphasizing its role in fostering emotional release and communal revival. However, holy laughter has sparked significant controversy within , with critics arguing it lacks direct scriptural precedent—absent from accounts of the Holy Spirit's work—and contradicts emphases on (Galatians 5:22-23) and orderly (1 Corinthians 14:33, 40). Observers, including some evangelicals, attribute it to psychological mechanisms like mass or in suggestible, high-arousal group settings, akin to patterns in historical revivals such as the Great Awakenings, where similar behaviors emerged without verified validation. No peer-reviewed empirical studies substantiate a distinct etiology, distinguishing it from testable physiological responses to suggestion or collective excitement; instead, it persists as a subjective debated along cessationist-charismatic divides, with cessationists viewing it as excess emotionalism potentially distracting from doctrinal edification.

Definition and Characteristics

Core Description

Holy laughter denotes a in charismatic wherein participants exhibit involuntary bursts of , interpreted by those experiencing it as an of the Holy Spirit's presence. These episodes arise spontaneously during services, prayer gatherings, or revival meetings, frequently initiating in a single individual before contagiously affecting others nearby, independent of any comedic trigger. Observers and participants alike note the laughter's uncontrollable nature, often persisting for minutes or longer, evoking a profound sense of likened to spiritual rather than ordinary amusement. Distinct from humor-induced responses, holy laughter manifests as an intense, joyous release, with individuals reporting an inner compulsion beyond voluntary control, sometimes coupled with bodily effects like trembling or . Proponents characterize it as divine overflowing, a non-verbal expression of encounter that transcends rational explanation or emotional elicitation. The designation "holy laughter" emerged prominently in the to encapsulate this specific behavior within charismatic contexts, emphasizing its purported otherworldly origin over psychological or social dynamics.

Associated Behaviors and Manifestations

Associated behaviors with holy laughter include involuntary physical movements such as shaking, jerking, and spasmodic convulsions, often observed during services in the 1990s. Participants frequently collapse to the floor, a phenomenon termed "," remaining prostrate for extended periods while exhibiting these traits. Emotional responses commonly pair with laughter, including bouts of weeping or , described in eyewitness accounts from meetings. Episodes of laughter itself are reported as uncontrollable and distinct from deliberate or humorous expressions, erupting spontaneously amid or preaching. Some instances extended for three to four hours continuously, according to contemporary reports from 1996. Unusual vocalizations, such as barking like dogs, roaring like lions, or braying like donkeys, have been documented alongside laughter in gatherings during the mid-1990s. These manifestations were noted as involuntary by observers, differing from voluntary speech or song. Following such episodes, participants in services claimed sensations of renewal and spiritual empowerment upon recovery, reporting heightened energy or refreshed states.

Historical Origins and Development

Precursors in Earlier Revivals

The , held from August 6 to 12, 1801, in , featured reports of ecstatic laughter amid other physical "exercises" such as jerking, barking, dancing, and fainting, affecting thousands of attendees over multiple days. Contemporary observer described participants breaking into "hysterical fits of laughter," while a "laughing exercise" involved loud, hearty outbursts limited to those already religiously inclined, often occurring alongside shouting and singing but secondary to the primary focus on preaching and conversions. These manifestations drew from earlier frontier camp meetings but were not doctrinally elevated as a distinctive sign of the , with empirical accounts emphasizing their sporadic nature rather than widespread normativity. Preceding this, the (1730s–1740s) across the American colonies included isolated instances of laughter intertwined with weeping, roaring, trembling, and falling under conviction, as noted in reports from figures like James Davenport during revivals around 1742. Such behaviors surfaced in response to itinerant preaching by Jonathan Edwards and , yet historical records indicate laughter was not systematically documented or promoted as a core spiritual indicator, remaining ancillary to conversions and moral awakenings amid critiques of excess emotionalism. In the (1906–1909) in , early Pentecostal gatherings under recorded holy laughter alongside trembling, shaking, jerking, and "drunkenness in the Spirit," with participants exhibiting uncontrollable mirth during prolonged worship sessions. However, primary accounts from the Apostolic Faith newspaper and eyewitnesses prioritize glossolalia, healings, and as defining features, with laughter appearing as one of many bodily responses rather than a hallmark manifestation emphasized in revival doctrine or propagation. Verifiable evidence from these periods shows physical joy expressions like laughter recurring in revival contexts but lacking the centralized, normative role seen in later developments, often tied causally to intense communal preaching rather than isolated spiritual impartation.

Emergence Through Rodney Howard-Browne

, born on June 12, 1961, in , , developed his early ministry within Pentecostal circles in the and regions before emigrating to the in December 1987 with his family. His Pentecostal heritage emphasized supernatural manifestations, setting the stage for later developments in his evangelistic work. Upon arrival in the U.S., Howard-Browne's ministry gained momentum during a series of meetings in April 1989 at a in , where participants reported an outbreak of featuring signs, wonders, and unusual physical responses, including laughter attributed to the . Influenced by proponents such as , who had previously taught and demonstrated "laughter in the Spirit" at Rhema Bible Training Center, Howard-Browne incorporated similar emphases on and spiritual intoxication into his preaching. The phenomenon of holy laughter became more prominently associated with Howard-Browne's services in the early , particularly during extended in starting in 1992. At Carpenter's Home Church in Lakeland, under pastor Karl Strader, attendees during Howard-Browne's meetings experienced outbreaks of uncontrollable , barking, and other manifestations, with 13 weeks of such services occurring in the first few months of 1993 alone. These events marked a shift in charismatic circles toward interpreting as a legitimate sign of , documented through video recordings that captured crowds dissolving into mid-sermon. Howard-Browne's conferences facilitated the initial spread within U.S. networks, as leaders from various churches witnessed and emulated the phenomena, viewing it as a fresh outpouring akin to biblical . By 1993, similar responses appeared in other venues like Calvary Cathedral, reinforcing laughter's role as a hallmark of his ministry's without prior precedents in his South African work.

The Toronto Blessing and Global Spread

The originated at the Toronto Airport Church on January 20, 1994, when Randy Clark, a from , , delivered a message during a four-day visit invited by senior John Arnott. That evening, attendees experienced intense physical manifestations, including uncontrollable laughter, shaking, and weeping, which Clark attributed to the Holy Spirit's outpouring based on his prior encounters. Meetings extended indefinitely, shifting to nightly sessions that drew local participants and soon international visitors, with reports of over 120 initially affected expanding to hundreds per service by February. By mid-1994, the church relocated to a larger to accommodate growing crowds, as phenomena like holy laughter persisted and reportedly impacted thousands through extended prayer ministries. In May 1995, the movement's leadership, under , disassociated the church due to concerns over the manifestations' excesses and theological emphases, prompting the congregation to operate independently. The church rebranded as later that year, continuing operations while dispatching ministry teams to export the renewal. This separation facilitated broader dissemination, as returning visitors and emissaries carried the practices to regions including the —where British media first termed it the ""—, and parts of Europe and Asia by late 1994. The phenomenon peaked in the mid-1990s through amplified media outreach, including video recordings of services distributed worldwide and books such as Guy Chevreau's Catch the Fire (1995), which documented personal testimonies and reached charismatic audiences. Conferences modeled on 's format emerged in host countries, with cumulative attendance at the Toronto site exceeding 600,000 by September 1995, many of whom disseminated the experiences upon return. This diffusion via missionary networks and word-of-mouth reportedly influenced millions indirectly through replicated meetings in Pentecostal and charismatic circles across continents.

Theological and Biblical Perspectives

Proponents' Scriptural Justifications

Proponents of holy laughter primarily draw on Old and New Testament passages depicting divine joy and ecstatic responses to 's presence as biblical warrant for the phenomenon. Psalm 126:2, recounting the exiles' return from captivity, states: "Then was our mouth filled with laughter, and our tongue with singing." Advocates, including those associated with Ministries International, interpret this as evidence of sovereignly inducing communal laughter as an expression of and blessing. Similarly, Proverbs 17:22 affirms that "a merry heart doeth good like a ," which supporters extend to portray holy laughter as a Spirit-orchestrated means of physical and emotional healing. In the New Testament, Galatians 5:22 lists joy as a fruit of the Holy Spirit, alongside love, peace, and other attributes. Proponents argue that intense, uncontrollable laughter constitutes an overflow of this supernatural joy, distinguishing it from mere human amusement by its involuntary and collective nature during worship or ministry settings. This aligns with broader charismatic emphases on experiential encounters with the Spirit manifesting in exuberant, bodily responses. A central analogy invoked is the Pentecost narrative in , where the disciples, filled with the , appeared to bystanders as intoxicated: "These men are not drunk, as you suppose" (:15). Figures like , credited with sparking the laughter revival in the early 1990s, equate such "drunkenness in the Spirit" with behaviors including laughter, viewing it as a normative sign of Spirit baptism rather than aberration. During the starting in 1994, leaders further claimed these manifestations echoed 's latter rain, signaling an end-times outpouring preparatory for global revival.

Cessationist and Traditional Critiques

Cessationists, who hold that the miraculous sign gifts of the apostolic era—such as tongues, prophecy, and —ceased with the completion of the canon and the maturation of the , view holy laughter as an unbiblical innovation lacking any foundation in Scripture as a marker of the Holy Spirit's activity. This perspective emphasizes that the extraordinary gifts served to authenticate the apostles' message during the foundational period of ( 2:3-4), after which the church is normatively guided by the sufficient revelation of Scripture (2 Timothy 3:16-17), rendering subsequent claims of supernatural manifestations like uncontrollable laughter suspect absent explicit biblical warrant. Holy laughter, proponents of cessationism argue, does not align with the enumerated gifts in passages such as 1 Corinthians 12:8-10 or :6-8, which make no provision for laughter as a spiritual endowment, and its emergence in the late represents a departure from the post-apostolic pattern where such phenomena are empirically absent from credible church historical records. Traditional critiques further highlight the absence of precedent for interpreting laughter—particularly involuntary or disruptive outbursts—as evidence of the Holy Spirit's presence, contrasting sharply with the apostle 's mandate for orderly worship in 1 Corinthians 14:33, which states, "For is not a God of confusion but of ." In the Corinthian context, where charismatic excesses already threatened edification, prioritized intelligibility, , and the building up of the over emotional displays that could mimic disorder (1 Corinthians 14:26-40); cessationist interpreters apply this principle to holy laughter, seeing its chaotic manifestations—such as congregants rolling on floors or barking—in gatherings as quenching the Spirit's intended fruit of (Galatians 5:22-23) rather than exemplifying it. John MacArthur, a prominent cessationist theologian, has described these events as "pure rooted in feeling, not objective truth," underscoring how they prioritize subjective experience over doctrinal fidelity and scriptural . Critics also invoke Ephesians 5:18, which contrasts being filled with the with drunkenness—"And do not get drunk with wine, for that is debauchery, but be filled with the "—to argue that holy laughter's resemblance to inebriated behavior undermines its claimed divine origin, as the 's filling produces sober , psalmody, and thanksgiving (Ephesians 5:19-20), not hysteria that hinders rational engagement with truth. From a first-principles standpoint, of these texts reveals a causal emphasis on the 's work conforming believers to Christ's orderly, edifying image rather than inducing physiological disruptions without parallel in the apostolic record, such as (Acts 2:1-21), where baptism resulted in comprehensible proclamation, not laughter. The empirical rarity of such phenomena in the 2,000-year , outside fringe or revivalist episodes often later critiqued for excess (e.g., by figures like Jonathan Edwards distinguishing genuine revival from bodily agitations), reinforces the view that holy laughter deviates from the normative biblical pattern of reverence and restraint in corporate .

Reception and Impact

Embrace in Charismatic and Pentecostal Movements

Holy laughter gained significant acceptance within charismatic and Pentecostal movements following its prominence in the starting January 20, 1994, where it was viewed as a divine outpouring restoring vitality and joy to participants. In these circles, the phenomenon was integrated into worship practices as evidence of the Holy Spirit's transformative power, often accompanying for renewal and leading to extended sessions of spontaneous laughter interpreted as emotional and release. Leaders such as John and Carol Arnott, pastors of what became Airport Christian Fellowship, actively endorsed holy laughter as a catalyst for revival, describing it as part of God's "massive party" that empowered believers to overcome hurts and engage in outreach. This embrace extended to independent charismatic churches and select congregations, where it featured in services emphasizing experiential encounters with the . Renewal conferences sustained this momentum, with events at the Toronto church drawing over 2,000 nightly attendees and registering more than 6,000 participants by late 1999. Testimonies from attendees linked episodes to reported s and conversions, including 20% claiming physical and heightened priorities among 82% of surveyed visitors, which correlated with church growth from 360 to over 1,000 members by mid- and attracted approximately 200,000 visitors. These accounts boosted at sympathetic gatherings, reinforcing holy 's role in fostering communal renewal and expansion within affirming Pentecostal and charismatic networks.

Resistance and Denunciations in Broader Evangelicalism

Prominent figures in conservative evangelical circles, including cessationists, denounced holy laughter as an unbiblical excess diverging from scriptural norms of worship and Spirit manifestation. John MacArthur, pastor of , organized the Strange Fire conference from October 16-18, 2013, explicitly critiquing phenomena like uncontrollable laughter promoted by as "strange fire" akin to unauthorized offerings in Leviticus, arguing they misrepresented the Holy Spirit's work and encouraged disorderly emotionalism unsupported by precedents. Hank Hanegraaff, then president of the Christian Research Institute, further rejected holy laughter in his 1997 book Counterfeit Revival, characterizing the Toronto Blessing and associated manifestations—including laughter induced by Howard-Browne—as counterfeit spiritual experiences lacking biblical validation and rooted in manipulative revivalism rather than genuine revival. Similarly, Henry Blackaby, Southern Baptist director of prayer and spiritual leadership, stated in 1995 that reports of the Toronto Blessing, encompassing holy laughter, bore "none of the marks of the Bible," reflecting denominational wariness within bodies like the Southern Baptist Convention toward such practices as deviations from orderly, doctrine-centered spirituality. Critics also highlighted risks of ecumenical compromise, contending that endorsements of holy laughter blurred boundaries and facilitated alliances with movements espousing unorthodox teachings, such as elements of the Latter Rain theology or emphases, thereby diluting evangelical . These denunciations underscored broader evangelical apprehensions that prioritizing subjective phenomena over propositional could erode doctrinal fidelity, prompting institutional pushback through sermons, publications, and resolutions against integrating such elements into mainstream worship.

Criticisms and Controversies

Allegations of Emotional Manipulation

Critics have alleged that holy laughter phenomena were induced through techniques that heightened , such as extended periods of repetitive worship music and sermons emphasizing anticipated spiritual outpourings. In services at the Toronto Airport Vineyard Church, typical meetings from 1994 onward featured over one hour of followed by sessions lasting two to four hours, fostering an of emotional and among attendees. Eyewitness accounts from investigative visits in 1995 described patterns of leader-modeled behaviors propagating through crowds. , credited with popularizing holy laughter in the early 1990s, would often initiate laughter himself before laying hands on participants and commanding joy to "bubble out" from their bellies, with reports of physical prompting such as placing a foot on a person's to elicit responses if initial reactions were absent. In meetings, leaders and early responders demonstrated manifestations like staggering or roaring, after which others, including teenagers mimicking adults with contrived actions such as imitating drunkenness while holding a , appeared to follow suit, suggesting imitation under group observation. Further allegations included coercive elements to encourage participation, such as ridiculing non-responders as "sad" or exerting to conform, with participants sometimes touching one another to amplify spasms or laughter. These practices, documented in 1995 critiques, were said to create dynamics where initial modeled responses spread via suggestion rather than spontaneous occurrence, though proponents denied and attributed all to divine impartation.

Concerns Over Doctrinal Deviations and Excesses

Critics within evangelical circles have argued that the prominence of holy laughter fosters a theological imbalance by subordinating scriptural authority to personal experiences, potentially opening the door to untested doctrines that diverge from orthodox . This experiential primacy, they contend, lacks direct biblical precedent and risks elevating phenomena over the Bible's doctrinal standards, as seen in the absence of comparable manifestations in accounts of the Holy Spirit's work. A notable doctrinal concern involves associations with the (NAR), a movement emphasizing restored apostles and prophets, where holy laughter is portrayed as a marker of elite spiritual authority and new revelatory insights. , credited with introducing holy laughter in the early , has organized NAR-aligned events, linking the phenomenon to a purported apostolic revival that critics view as introducing novel hierarchies and prophecies not grounded in scripture. Such ties raise alarms of heresy, as NAR teachings often prioritize ongoing revelations—including those validated by laughter-like signs—over , echoing warnings in 1:8 against preaching "another gospel." Reports from Toronto Blessing aftermaths, where holy laughter proliferated, include instances of unfulfilled prophecies by associated figures, such as predictions of widespread revival or societal upheavals that failed to materialize, prompting scrutiny of the movement's spiritual fruit. These outcomes, critics assert, demonstrate how experiential excesses can yield doctrinal instability, including moral and prophetic lapses that undermine claims of divine origin, as evaluated against biblical tests of prophecy in Deuteronomy 18:20-22.

Psychological and Sociological Analyses

Explanations Involving Emotional Contagion and Hysteria

theory posits that holy laughter spreads through unconscious mimicry of facial expressions and vocalizations, driven by systems that activate both when producing and observing , much like the contagion of yawning. studies reveal that exposure to social triggers endorphin release in regions such as the and anterior insula, fostering affiliation and amplifying the behavior in group settings. In charismatic services, where participants share high expectations of spiritual encounter, this mechanism is heightened by close physical proximity and synchronized activities, leading to rapid outbreaks without individual volition. Factors exacerbating include prolonged sessions inducing fatigue, which lowers cognitive resistance to , and repetitive that synchronizes emotional states across the group. on Pentecostal-Charismatic styles demonstrates that such facilitates intense emotional responses, correlating with altered rather than independent cognitive processing. Observational patterns in services show initiating from a focal individual—often a leader or early participant—and propagating outward, consistent with models over spontaneous or external causation. Parallels to (MPI), formerly termed , frame holy laughter as a collective symptom expression in cohesive groups under stress, devoid of organic . Historical analyses of religious revivals, such as the in the 1730s-1740s, document similar contagious ecstatic behaviors attributed to shared anxiety, expectation, and environmental triggers like fervent preaching, mirroring modern outbreaks. In MPI cases, symptoms resolve post-removal from the suggestive context, with no enduring physiological changes, suggesting holy laughter's transience aligns with psychogenic dynamics rather than persistent supernatural influence. Peer-reviewed examinations emphasize that while emotionally validating in the moment, such phenomena lack verifiable correlates to long-term behavioral or spiritual transformations beyond placebo-like expectation effects.

Comparisons to Historical Mass Psychological Events

The of 1962 exemplifies a secular parallel to collective outbreaks of involuntary laughter, beginning on January 30 in a girls' at Kashasha village near , where three students initiated uncontrollable bouts lasting hours, rapidly spreading to over 95% of the school's 154 pupils and forcing its closure. The phenomenon extended to nearby communities, affecting approximately 1,000 individuals across multiple schools in the district, with symptoms including extended laughing fits accompanied by crying, fainting, and respiratory distress, leading to the temporary shutdown of 14 schools for periods of six to eighteen months. Classified by medical observers as , the event resolved without identifiable organic pathology or lasting societal restructuring, yielding only transient emotional release amid educational disruption rather than enduring psychological or communal benefits. Medieval dancing manias in , such as the 1518 Strasbourg outbreak, present analogous patterns of compulsive, group-induced physical expressions, where between 50 and 400 residents engaged in nonstop dancing for days or weeks, often collapsing from exhaustion amid screams, hallucinations, and occasional laughter-like vocalizations. Documented from the 14th to 17th centuries along the Rhine River valley, these episodes involved hundreds per incident in stressed populations facing , , and social upheaval, with participants forming circles and mimicking each other's movements in a contagious manner akin to suggestion-driven . Interventions like or separation eventually quelled the outbreaks, but historical records indicate no verifiable long-term doctrinal advancements or societal gains, only acute fatigue, injuries, and fatalities in some cases, underscoring a cycle of temporary without sustained transformative effects. These historical precedents share with holy laughter the dynamics of rapid symptom dissemination in enclosed groups under strain, featuring involuntary motor and vocal behaviors without biomedical , as evidenced by the absence of pathogens or toxins in post-event analyses. Empirical patterns reveal consistent outcomes: short-term followed by upon dispersal or routine restoration, devoid of empirical documentation for permanent doctrinal enrichment or institutional progress beyond the immediate emotional peak. Such parallels highlight recurring motifs in mass psychogenic events, where collective amplifies individual predispositions into group phenomena, irrespective of cultural or interpretive framing.

Legacy and Recent Developments

Long-Term Influence on Worship Practices

The , originating in 1994 at the Toronto Airport Vineyard Church and featuring holy laughter as a prominent , prompted lasting shifts in charismatic toward prolonged experiential encounters. This included the adoption of extended sessions emphasizing spontaneous expressions of joy and the Holy Spirit's presence, which became normalized in many Pentecostal and charismatic congregations globally by the early 2000s. Such practices altered traditional service structures, prioritizing immersive over rigidly timed segments. A key enduring element was the integration of soaking prayer, a contemplative form of resting in the Spirit's presence, which emerged directly from teachings and spread through affiliated networks. By 2004, Catch the Fire (formerly Toronto Airport Christian Fellowship) outlined plans to establish soaking prayer centers worldwide, embedding this practice into broader Pentecostal norms and influencing service formats in regions from to and beyond. Soaking sessions, often lasting 30 minutes or more, encouraged participants to lie down and absorb spiritual impartation, diverging from sermon-focused models prevalent in earlier evangelical worship. Media dissemination, including video recordings and conference materials from events, played a role in perpetuating these elements into the , allowing churches to replicate atmospheric styles remotely. DVDs and online clips of laughter-filled services circulated among charismatic leaders, fostering in assemblies and sustaining a legacy of manifestation-oriented gatherings. Outcomes were mixed, with some denominations reporting attendance surges—such as hundreds weekly at affiliated sites—but concurrent critiques highlighting a dilution of doctrinal preaching in favor of emotional highs. Observers documented growth in experiential participation yet noted reduced emphasis on biblical exposition, potentially prioritizing subjective encounters over systematic teaching in long-term service designs. This tension reflected broader charismatic adaptations, where holy laughter's influence endured as a catalyst for innovation amid uneven theological balance.

Current Occurrences and Assessments as of

By the mid-2020s, holy laughter has largely diminished in visibility within charismatic and Pentecostal communities, transitioning from the widespread revivals of the and early to occasional, localized reports without the scale or institutional endorsement of prior decades. The Blessing's epicenter, rebranded as Catch The Fire , sustains weekly services and conferences emphasizing worship and encounters, but current ministry descriptions omit references to uncontrollable laughter or related manifestations, prioritizing and leadership training across 170 global sites. Isolated occurrences persist in niche settings, including a 2023 outbreak of during a , , revival event and brief 2025 video clips from U.S. services depicting "drunk in the " laughter, often shared on platforms like and . These lack verification through peer-reviewed or denominational reporting, appearing confined to small gatherings rather than prompting broader movements, with online critiques framing them as echoes of past emotionalism critiqued for lacking doctrinal depth. Contemporary evangelical evaluations, drawn from cessationist and continuationist perspectives alike, advocate rooted in biblical criteria over experiential validation, viewing holy laughter as a potential aberration susceptible to psychological contagion rather than a normative sign of . Sources like ministry blogs and reflective articles note its marginalization amid calls for scriptural sobriety, with no resurgence documented in major outlets such as or Desiring God publications from 2020 onward.

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