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Muthulakshmi

Dr. (30 July 1886 – 22 July 1968) was an , social reformer, and who overcame her origins as the of a to become the first woman admitted to in 1907 and the first woman to graduate in in 1912, earning multiple gold medals. As a pioneering lawmaker, she served as the first female member of the Madras Legislative Council in 1922 and became the world's first female vice-president of a in 1926, using her position to advocate for and . Her most notable reform effort targeted the devadasi system, a practice dedicating young girls to temples for ritual prostitution, culminating in the successful passage of in 1947 that abolished it in after years of campaigning. Reddy also founded key institutions, including Avvai Illam, an orphanage and training center for destitute women and children in 1927, and the Adyar Cancer Institute in 1954, India's first specialized facility, reflecting her commitment to practical upliftment over ideological posturing. She received the in 1956 for her contributions to and social .

Early Life

Background and Upbringing

Muthulakshmi was born into a poor farming family in Neruppore village near , . Her family resided in the Dharmapuri region, close to the Cauvery River and , in a rural setting characterized by agricultural livelihoods and limited resources. She grew up without formal schooling, reflecting the socioeconomic constraints of her impoverished background, and later acquired basic literacy in under informal circumstances. Belonging to the Padiyachi community—aligned with the broader group prevalent in the area—Muthulakshmi's early years involved typical rural activities, such as fetching water from local rivers, amid a backdrop of regional tensions involving banditry and forest life. As a and young , she reportedly harbored fear of local outlaws, including , whose presence loomed over the forested borderlands of and .

Marriage to Veerappan

Courtship and Wedding

Veerappan first encountered Muthulakshmi in 1989 near her village of Nerupur in Tamil Nadu's Dharmapuri district, where he had arrived to mediate a local dispute and spotted her fetching water from the Cauvery River. At the time, the 37-year-old bandit, already wanted for multiple murders and smuggling offenses, professed immediate attraction to the 16-year-old, declaring to her, "I never wanted to get married, but after seeing you I have changed my mind." Muthulakshmi assented but insisted he seek her parents' approval, prompting Veerappan to present them with an ultimatum: arrange the marriage or face her abduction. Her family, aware of Veerappan's notoriety—including at least seven pending murder cases—initially resisted the union, viewing it as untenable given his status and the risks involved. Accounts from Muthulakshmi describe Veerappan's persistence, including claims of his exploits to underscore his resolve, ultimately compelling her relatives to consent after roughly six months of pressure. The courtship lacked conventional romance, shaped instead by Veerappan's dominance in the region; Muthulakshmi later recalled initial fear upon learning his identity, though she portrayed the proposal as a pivotal shift for him from bachelorhood. The wedding occurred in January 1990 at Muthulakshmi's family residence in a subdued ceremony attended only by close kin, reflecting the constrained circumstances. Immediately following the rites, the couple fled into the bordering forests of , , and for their honeymoon, initiating a life of evasion that defined their early union. This abrupt transition underscored the perils of their match, as Veerappan integrated his new wife into his gang's nomadic existence amid ongoing pursuits.

Life in Hiding

Following her to in 1990, Muthulakshmi resided with him and his gang in the dense forests spanning the borders of , , and , adopting a nomadic existence to evade pursuits. The group, comprising approximately 90 men, relocated frequently, covering 30 to 40 kilometers daily through rugged terrain, often without sustenance until evening meals prepared by the men. As the sole woman in the camp, she adapted to bivouacking under rudimentary conditions, wearing fatigues akin to the gang members and receiving basic training in firearm handling. Daily routines revolved around Veerappan's disciplined regimen, which included early awakenings, listening to radio news broadcasts, and prompt departures to avoid detection; he enforced strict punctuality and favored meat-based diets sourced from . Muthulakshmi, illiterate upon , was taught to read and write in by Veerappan during these years. The family faced perilous wildlife encounters, including tigers, leopards, and elephants, which Veerappan repelled with fearlessness, enabling survival in the unforgiving environment. In 1992, amid intensified searches by the Special Task Force (STF), Muthulakshmi gave birth to their second daughter in the jungle, highlighting the harsh realities of concealment that precluded access to medical facilities. Their first daughter, born in a in 1990 shortly after the , was left with relatives to shield her from the lifestyle. This period of continuous forest dwelling lasted approximately the first two years of marriage, after which captures and separations disrupted direct cohabitation, though Muthulakshmi maintained allegiance to Veerappan's cause amid ongoing evasion efforts.

Association with Criminal Activities

Alleged Involvement

Muthulakshmi was accused by the Special Task Force (STF) of Veerappan's gang in its core criminal operations, which included elephants for tusks, , and committing murders of police and forest officials. Following her marriage to in 1990, authorities alleged she provided logistical support, including harboring the gang members while they evaded capture in forested areas spanning , , and Kerala. Police claimed she received direct financial benefits from these activities, with Veerappan reportedly allocating her a share of proceeds from smuggled goods and poached . In May 1993, the STF arrested Muthulakshmi and her young child in on specific charges of facilitating Veerappan's evasion and sustaining the gang's operations through resource provision and intelligence on movements. The arrest stemmed from intelligence linking her to safe houses used by the gang for storing contraband and , as well as planning ambushes that resulted in the deaths of over 180 officers across states. These allegations portrayed her role as integral to the gang's longevity, enabling prolonged resistance against multiple police operations launched since the . Further claims implicated her in high-profile abductions, notably the 2000 kidnapping of actor , where she was said to have participated in ransom demands and negotiations that yielded 30 million rupees and the release of 51 prisoners. STF dossiers asserted her involvement extended to ideological motivations, framing the crimes as resistance against state oppression of tribal communities, though evidence centered on material support rather than direct execution of or killings.

Impact on Family

Muthulakshmi's decision to join in his forest hideouts after their 1990 subjected the family to a nomadic lifestyle across the Nadu-Karnataka border regions, marked by frequent relocations to evade operations. This existence exposed the family to environmental hardships, including inadequate shelter, scarce resources, and isolation from settled communities. The couple's two daughters, Vidya Rani (born 1990) and Prabha (born 1993), were both delivered in the forests without access to medical facilities, highlighting the health risks inherent in their circumstances. The children grew up amid constant vigilance against capture, with limited opportunities for formal education; Muthulakshmi, who had completed schooling only up to class 8, imparted basic reading and writing skills during their travels. Veerappan's criminal pursuits, including and kidnappings, perpetuated a cycle of and separation for the , as raids occasionally forced temporary abandonments or arrests of Muthulakshmi, disrupting child-rearing. Muthulakshmi later recounted the family's longing for stability, describing as a protective husband and father despite the perils, though the overall environment denied the children conventional socialization and development. This association thus imposed profound psychological and material strains, shaping a childhood defined by evasion rather than normalcy.

Veerappan's Death and Aftermath

The 2004 Encounter

On October 18, 2004, the Special (STF), under the leadership of Additional Superintendent of Police , executed , culminating in the death of near Papparapatti in , . The operation involved STF personnel disguising themselves as a medical convoy, including an , to exploit Veerappan's reported health concerns and lure him into an on a jungle road between Padi and Papparapatti around 11 p.m. According to the official STF account, Veerappan and three associates—identified as forest bandits traveling with him—were killed in a ensuing after the was sprung, with forensic confirmation of Veerappan's identity via dental records and fingerprints. Muthulakshmi, who was not present during the as she remained in separate hiding with members, later contested the official narrative, alleging that had been sedated by relatives under duress two days prior, captured alive, , and executed rather than dying in a legitimate encounter. These claims, voiced in interviews shortly after , echoed broader skepticism from advocates regarding "encounter killings" by Indian forces, though no independent verification substantiated the sedation or assertions, and STF records emphasized the risks posed by Veerappan's armed group. The effectively ended a decade-long involving over 120 deaths attributed to , but it drew criticism for potential extrajudicial methods, with Muthulakshmi positioning herself as a defender of her husband's version of events.

Transition to Widowhood

Following Veerappan's death in a Special Task Force encounter on October 18, 2004, Muthulakshmi Reddy fought for custody of his body after police initially planned to cremate it without family involvement. Public and media pressure compelled authorities to release the remains to her. She arranged burial on October 21, 2004, at 6 a.m. in a community ground in Moolakkaadu, Tamil Nadu, under heavy security with hundreds of spectators present. Last rites were performed by her brother-in-law Koose Madaiah, who was on parole; Muthulakshmi delayed proceedings to ensure a traditional morning ceremony and the attendance of her daughters Vidyarani, Yuvarani, and Prabha. The grave remains unmarked except for an epitaph stating "Veeram viddikka pattad" (The seed of bravery lies here), which she visits monthly for prayers. Muthulakshmi publicly contested the official encounter narrative, suspecting had shot himself upon being surrounded and calling for a judicial inquiry into the operation. In a interview two days after his death, she portrayed him as a loving and father who never physically abused her or their children, noting she had last seen him in 2001 amid his fugitive existence, with only two meetings in the prior decade. She highlighted her family's dire prospects, including financial destitution, absence of employment opportunities, and decade-long surveillance that had hindered her daughters' and normalcy, while appealing for government aid to support them. The period marked a shift to overt hardships exceeding those during Veerappan's lifetime, with Muthulakshmi relocating to a modest rented house in Pottaneri village near the Satyamangalam forests alongside her daughters. She sustained the household through small-scale farming on limited fields and sporadic aid from Veerappan's former associates, amid and no evidence of accumulated wealth from his activities.

Legal Proceedings

Post-Death Arrests

Muthulakshmi, the widow of the bandit , was arrested by on November 26, 2008, near in , approximately four years after her husband's death in a 2004 police encounter. Police described her as having evaded capture for an extended period and named her a prime accused in the 1995 Palar bomb blast case, along with other offenses tied to 's gang activities, such as aiding in the killings of forest officials and police personnel. The arrest stemmed from five registered cases in Karnataka accusing her of direct assistance to Veerappan in heinous crimes, including the murder of officials during his outlaw years. Additionally, her elder sister faced arrest on charges of sheltering and protecting Veerappan and his associates, compounding family legal entanglements post-2004. These actions reflected ongoing investigations into the lingering networks and support structures of Veerappan's operations, with authorities targeting family members suspected of complicity.

Trials, Charges, and Acquittals

Following the death of on October 18, 2004, Muthulakshmi was arrested by Karnataka's Special Task Force on November 26, 2008, on charges of her husband's criminal activities, including the murders of and police officials, for , and . Five such cases were registered against her in , primarily under the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act (TADA) and related provisions for facilitating 's gang operations. In the Palar land mine blast case, Muthulakshmi and six others faced charges related to the 1993 explosion that killed 22 policemen, with allegations that she assisted 's gang in procuring and planting the device. On , 2011, the Chamrajnagar District and Sessions Court acquitted all seven accused, citing insufficient evidence to establish direct involvement. Similarly, she was acquitted in four TADA cases linked to the killing of six policemen in the MM Hills area, as the prosecution failed to prove complicity beyond her marital association with . Muthulakshmi was ultimately acquitted in all five cases by April 2011, allowing her conditional release from before being transferred to custody for pending proceedings. In the 2000 kidnapping of Rajkumar, she was charged alongside 24 others for her alleged role in negotiating demands and harboring gang members during the 108-day abduction from . On October 30, 2012, the Erode Judicial Magistrate Court acquitted Muthulakshmi and 10 co-accused due to the prosecution's inability to substantiate evidence of her active participation, while convicting 13 others to one-year rigorous imprisonment under IPC sections for and related offenses. These acquittals, consistently attributed to evidentiary shortcomings rather than substantive exoneration of Veerappan's broader crimes, marked the end of legal actions against her in both Karnataka and Tamil Nadu, with no further convictions recorded.

Political Engagement

Entry into Politics

Muthulakshmi entered politics in , contesting the election from the Pennagaram constituency in as an independent candidate. This foray occurred roughly 18 months after Veerappan's in a encounter on October 18, 2004. The Pennagaram poll, part of the 2006 state elections, took place on amid a field of 16 candidates. During her campaign, Muthulakshmi appealed to voters by emphasizing justice for her husband's killing, expressing a desire to prevent other women from enduring similar hardships, and relying on public sympathy rather than party backing. She positioned her candidacy as a means to challenge sentiments against then-Chief Minister J. Jayalalithaa and to realize Veerappan's prior aspirations for mainstream political entry, for which he had sought amnesty. Muthulakshmi secured 9,868 votes but finished outside the top positions, with the seat going to the winning candidate from the Pattali Makkal Katchi alliance. In April 2019, Muthulakshmi joined the (TVK), a regional party led by , marking a shift toward formal party affiliation after her independent bid.

Key Positions and Statements

Muthulakshmi has advocated for the commutation of death sentences imposed on associates convicted in connection with the 1992 case linked to , expressing solidarity with activists and urging the government to intervene. She welcomed the Supreme Court's 2014 decision to commute those sentences, stating that it provided relief to "innocent" individuals. In political alignments, she supported the (DMK) during the 2021 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections, offering prayers for its victory and asserting that the Vanniyar community could not be misled by the rival All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) government's 10.5% reservation quota. She campaigned for DMK candidates in strongholds in 2019, reflecting alignment with opposition fronts against AIADMK. In April 2019, she joined the Thamizhaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK), a regional party founded by actor . Regarding Veerappan's actions, Muthulakshmi has attributed his criminal pursuits partly to systemic , blaming forest officials and local politicians for provoking him while conceding that he committed serious legal violations. She contested the 2006 Tamil Nadu Assembly elections as an from Pennagaram constituency but did not secure victory.

Controversies and Public Views

Defense of Veerappan's Legacy

Muthulakshmi, Veerappan's widow, has portrayed her husband as a product of systemic rather than an inherent criminal, stating that " is the mother of all illegal activities" and that it "gives birth to greedy babus and many Veerappans," while acknowledging his legal transgressions but attributing them to encouragement from forest officials who profited from his . She emphasized his personal qualities, describing him as a "loving father and a good husband" who never abused her or their children, and highlighted his bravery in protecting their family from wild animals during their forest life. In interviews, Muthulakshmi expressed admiration for Veerappan's bravado and maintained unwavering loyalty to his legacy, framing it as a of resilience against state overreach rather than unmitigated villainy. Supporters among local tribal communities have defended Veerappan as an intervener who aided their survival amid conflicts with authorities, positioning him as a counterforce to exploitative department practices that marginalized villagers dependent on resources. Early in his career, he garnered sympathy from tribes and villagers by leading protests against the arrest of tribal cutters, fostering a perception of him as a defender of livelihoods against bureaucratic . Muthulakshmi has echoed this by blaming officials for initiating and sustaining illegal activities through complicity, suggesting Veerappan's actions filled a vacuum created by corrupt governance in tribal areas. The family's political involvement post-2004 has sustained elements of this defense, with Muthulakshmi joining the (CPI) to advocate for tribal welfare, interpreting Veerappan's resistance as aligned with struggles against exploitation and injustice. Her daughter Vidhya Veerappan has continued this trajectory in electoral politics, framing their efforts as advancing 's goals of uplifting marginalized forest communities, though these claims coexist with documented records of his involvement in over 180 killings, primarily targeting and forest personnel. Local tribal accounts, while sympathetic to Veerappan's aid during STF operations, reflect a pragmatic allegiance born of and survival needs rather than unqualified endorsement.

Criticisms and Empirical Rebuttals

Muthulakshmi has drawn criticism for her persistent defense of Veerappan's character and actions, often objecting to films, series, and documentaries that highlight his criminality while portraying him in interviews as a loyal figure who aided forest-dwelling communities. During her 2006 independent candidacy for the assembly from Pennagaram constituency, she described her husband's offenses as mere "mistakes" under the law but stressed his support for tribal populations, a framing seen by opponents as downplaying atrocities in favor of a romanticized image. Such positions, including her support for clemency for Veerappan's convicted associates, have been faulted for ignoring victim testimonies and perpetuating a that equates with resistance against state overreach. These defenses are empirically rebutted by extensive documentation of Veerappan's operations as predatory rather than protective. and files record 176 cases against him, encompassing the murders of about 120 people over three decades, primarily personnel, workers, and civilians deemed potential informants. A stark example is the August 1993 ambush near Palar in , where his gang killed 22 policemen, mutilating some bodies as a deterrent. Further, Veerappan's ring slaughtered hundreds of elephants for —estimated at over 200 tusks—and felled trees valued in crores, fueling black markets that enriched his gang without discernible benefits to local tribals, whose habitats suffered irreversible damage. Claims of tribal advocacy falter against evidence of and terror, including the 2000 kidnapping of Kannada actor Rajkumar, held for 108 days to demand ransoms exceeding ₹30 and policy concessions like as an administrative language in forests, actions that heightened inter-state tensions without addressing underlying socioeconomic issues. While police excesses in pursuit operations are noted in some accounts, Veerappan's pattern—targeting informers indiscriminately and sustaining a lifestyle through —aligns with , not causal reform, as corroborated by survivor reports and official timelines. Her lawsuits against media depictions, labeling them fictional despite sourcing from court-admissible evidence, underscore a disconnect from verified records prioritizing criminal accountability over legacy rehabilitation.

Later Developments

Media and Publications

Muthulakshmi has given several interviews to Indian media outlets following 's in 2004, primarily to defend her husband's legacy and criticize police operations against him. In a interview with Filmibeat, she expressed reservations about media portrayals of as a mere criminal, emphasizing his role in aiding forest-dwelling communities. She reiterated similar views in a 2011 profile in Open magazine, describing her life in hiding and portraying as a protector of the poor rather than a bandit solely driven by . A 2012 article detailed her meetings with journalists in , where she alleged state complicity in Veerappan's outlaw status due to political neglect of tribal areas. She has appeared in visual media, including a 2016 YouTube press meet discussing film depictions of Veerappan, objecting to sensationalized portrayals in movies like Villain. More recently, Muthulakshmi featured in the 2023 Netflix docuseries The Hunt for Veerappan, providing firsthand accounts of her marriage and forest life, which the series used to contextualize Veerappan's operations across and borders. These appearances consistently frame her narrative as countering official STF accounts, though they lack independent corroboration beyond her testimony. Regarding publications, Muthulakshmi announced plans for a book multiple times but no verified release has occurred. In 2007, she indicated work on a 400-page account attributing Veerappan's rise to political failures in Tamil Nadu and Karnataka. By 2011, after acquittals in related cases, she stated intentions to document alleged police atrocities and prison experiences during her 2004–2008 detention. In 2016, she claimed to be actively writing to present "her side" of Veerappan's story, blaming Karnataka's government for his banditry. These proposals, reported in outlets like The Hindu and Times of India, highlight her intent to challenge dominant narratives but remain unrealized as of 2025, with no evidence of publication in major catalogs or libraries.

Family and Current Status

Muthulakshmi, the widow of bandit Koose Muniswamy , married him in 1990 and has two daughters from the union: Vidya Rani (also known as Vidyarani or ), born in 1990, and Prabha (also known as Prabha Vijayalakshmi or Prabavathi), born in 1993. No sons are documented in reliable accounts of the family. As of 2023, Muthulakshmi continues to reside in , where she has lived since Veerappan's death in 2004. Her elder daughter, Vidya Rani, aged 33 as of 2023, operates a for children in and has expressed mixed views on her father's criminal activities in media interviews. The younger daughter, Prabha, has participated in family-related public events, including a 2020 gathering in that violated restrictions, but maintains a lower public profile with limited details on her current occupation or residence. Family dynamics have included tensions, such as Muthulakshmi's 2011 opposition to Vidya Rani's marriage to , which she attributed to external influence, though the couple later received approval to live together. No verified reports indicate significant changes in family status or locations into 2024 or 2025.

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