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Nandyal Assembly constituency


is a state legislative assembly constituency in of , , that elects one member to represent its electorate in the through .
Designated as constituency number 139, it forms one of the seven assembly segments within the and encompasses urban and rural areas centered around town, the district headquarters.
In the 2024 Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly election, Nasyam Mohammed Farook of the emerged victorious, securing 103,075 votes and defeating the 's Silpa Ravi Chandra Kishore Reddy, who received 90,742 votes, by a margin of 12,333 votes. The seat had previously been held by the since the 2019 election, when Silpa Ravi Chandra Kishore Reddy won with 108,868 votes.

Geography and Administration

Mandals and Boundaries

The Nandyal Assembly constituency, designated as constituency number 139, encompasses the mandals of Nandyal and Gospadu within Nandyal district. This territorial extent includes the urban areas of Nandyal town, serving as the district headquarters, alongside surrounding rural villages in both mandals. The boundaries define a mixed urban-rural jurisdiction focused on the central part of the former Kurnool district region. These boundaries were established under the Delimitation of Parliamentary and Assembly Constituencies Order, 2008, which redefined assembly segments to ensure approximate equal population distribution based on the 2001 census. Prior to this delimitation, the constituency's scope differed, incorporating additional areas, but the 2008 order specifically assigned and Gospadu mandals to form the core of the segment. Following the bifurcation of on June 2, 2014, under the , the Nandyal Assembly constituency remained intact within the residual state of , with no adjustments to its mandal composition. The formation of in 2022 from parts of further aligned administrative divisions but preserved the pre-existing electoral boundaries.

Physical and Cultural Features

Nandyal Assembly constituency lies in the region of , characterized by the undulating terrain of the with elevations typically ranging from 200 to 500 meters above . The area is situated inland, away from coastal influences, and forms part of the drought-prone upland plateau, with its northern boundary marked by the , which serves as a natural divide between and . This riverine proximity provides limited seasonal moisture but does not mitigate the region's overall dry landscape, which lacks direct access to the ' higher rainfall zones located further westward. The local climate is semi-arid, featuring hot summers with temperatures often exceeding 40°C and low annual rainfall averaging around 600-700 mm, predominantly during the monsoon season, leading to recurrent . Groundwater levels fluctuate significantly, with rapid depletion in summer exacerbating shortages across villages, as evidenced by directives for borewell deepening and repairs to address crises. This arid underscores the area's vulnerability to moisture stress, influencing agricultural patterns reliant on rainfed crops like in semi-arid ecosystems. Culturally, Nandyal derives its name from "Nandi Alayam," signifying the abode of Nandi, the sacred bull associated with Lord , reflecting its historical role as a central pilgrimage hub amid the Nava Nandi temples—nine ancient Shiva shrines encircling the town. Key sites include Temple, dating to the 7th century and renowned for its perennial springs and intricate architecture, and Yaganti Uma Maheswara Temple, featuring historical inscriptions and cave structures from the 10th century or earlier. These temples, embedded in the fringes, embody Shaivite traditions and draw devotees for rituals tied to Shiva worship, fostering a rooted in religious heritage rather than secular landmarks.

Demographics

Population and Socio-Economic Indicators

According to the , the Nandyal Assembly constituency, which corresponds to mandal, recorded a total of 269,368. This figure encompassed an urban of 211,424 residents, primarily concentrated in town, representing approximately 78.5% of the total, while the rural numbered 57,944, or 21.5%. Such a distribution highlights a pronounced urban dominance, exceeding the state urbanization rate of about 33% at the time. The in the constituency was 992 females per 1,000 males, marginally below the average of 993 but indicative of relative gender balance compared to national figures. rates stood at 73.8%, surpassing the average of 67.0% and reflecting urban-driven educational access, with male literacy contributing disproportionately to the overall figure. These metrics suggest socio-economic progress aligned with urban concentration, though rural lags persist in basic indicators relative to benchmarks. Electoral data provides insights into adult population engagement; in the 2019 assembly elections, approximately 76% was recorded among an estimated 190,000-200,000 electors, consistent with patterns in urban-heavy constituencies. By the 2024 elections, elector numbers had risen to around 250,000, reflecting population growth and registration drives, with turnout aligning with the state's overall rate exceeding 80%.
Indicator (2011 Census)Nandyal Constituency State
Total Population269,36849,386,799
Urban Share (%)78.533.3
Sex Ratio (females/1,000 males)992993
Literacy Rate (%)73.867.0

Caste, Religious, and Linguistic Composition

The Nandyal Assembly constituency exhibits a caste composition reflective of broader patterns, with Scheduled Castes forming a substantial portion of approximately 18.91% and Scheduled Tribes around 2.79%. Forward castes such as and hold influential positions in the social hierarchy, often intertwined with land ownership and local leadership, while Backward Classes including Vysyas contribute to economic and factional networks. These demographics foster enduring factional loyalties, where inter-caste rivalries—evident in historical conflicts among , , and Scheduled Caste groups—shape community alignments and dispute resolutions independent of formal political affiliations. Religiously, the area is overwhelmingly Hindu, comprising over 80% of the in the encompassing , with forming a significant minority of about 17.4% concentrated in urban pockets like town. Christians account for roughly 0.7%, while other faiths remain negligible. This religious distribution reinforces social cohesion among but also sustains distinct community institutions among , influencing patterns of and resource allocation that underpin factional tensions. Linguistically, Telugu predominates as the mother tongue for the vast majority, aligning with its status as the official language of and serving as the medium for local administration, education, and daily interactions. Urdu persists among the Muslim minority in municipal areas, facilitating religious and cultural practices, though bilingualism in Telugu-Urdu is common in mixed settings. These linguistic lines occasionally mirror and religious divides, with Telugu dialects varying subtly across rural mandals to reflect sub-regional identities.

Economy

Agriculture and Primary Sectors

Agriculture remains the dominant primary sector in the Nandyal Assembly constituency, employing approximately 72% of the and serving as the backbone of the local economy. The constituency, encompassing mandals within , features predominantly agrarian activities with small and marginal landholdings reliant on cultivation of food grains, pulses, and cash crops. Government extension services focus on promoting high-yielding varieties, management through cards, and integrated nutrient practices to enhance productivity. Major crops include (accounting for about 12% of Kharif sown area), as a key oilseed, , jowar, and pulses such as gram, with cultivation spanning both Kharif and Rabi seasons. and dominate cash crop production, while benefits from limited irrigated patches. Farming practices heavily depend on rainfed systems, supplemented by from canals (comprising around 50% of irrigated sources), tanks, dug wells, and borewells, though overall coverage remains low, exacerbating dependency on patterns. The region faces significant vulnerabilities due to its drought-prone nature, with recurrent deficits in rainfall leading to crop failures and farmer distress, as evidenced by reduced Kharif and Rabi operations in affected mandals. Problematic soils and prompt initiatives like zero-budget and , yet challenges persist, including low productivity in tankfed areas and the need for efficient moisture conservation techniques such as application. Government reports highlight the slow-onset impacts of on yields, underscoring the constituency's exposure to climatic risks without adequate buffering from diversified sources.

Infrastructure, Industry, and Development Initiatives

The Nandyal Assembly constituency hosts a modest industrial base dominated by the sector, with key facilities including the JSW operationalized in 2012 at Bilakalaguduru village, contributing to local output through state-of-the-art processes. In September 2022, the Ramco Cements integrated with a 2 million tonnes per year capacity was inaugurated at Kalvatala village in Kolimigundla mandal, marking a significant addition to the area's secondary industry amid efforts to bolster employment in limestone-rich regions. Smaller-scale persists, though the constituency's economy remains secondary to , with units leveraging proximity to raw materials in . Transportation infrastructure centers on Nandyal Junction railway station, a critical hub connecting to broader networks, including the introduction of the Nandyal-Renigunta Express in January 2024 to enhance passenger and freight links to southern . Road connectivity integrates with 's national highway expansions, part of 96 ongoing projects spanning 1,980 km as of July 2025, facilitating goods movement from industrial sites. Development calls persist for station upgrades, such as additional platforms and escalators at Nandyal, underscoring gaps in rail capacity despite electrification advances across South Central Railway zones. Irrigation and water infrastructure initiatives have emphasized Rayalaseema's arid challenges, with (TDP) administrations in the 1980s-2010s advancing projects like the Sujala Sravanthi (HNSS) scheme to divert Godavari waters, culminating in Phase-1 canal expansions releasing water in by July 2025 for agricultural and augmentation. The Banakacherla reservoir project, aimed at storage for local supply, saw renewed momentum under TDP governance, contrasting with (YSRCP) tenure from 2019-2024, which prioritized welfare distributions over large-scale capital works, leading to claims of project delays amid a state GSDP growth slowdown to 7.02% in 2022-23 from prior highs. metrics reflect Andhra Pradesh's broader , with variations highlighting uneven uptake, though specific data indicate reliance on state grids without notable local generation surges post-2019.

Political Dynamics

Historical Formation and Delimitation Changes

The Nandyal Assembly constituency was established in as part of the inaugural elections to the , which included 375 single-member constituencies drawn primarily along linguistic and administrative lines in the post-independence period. It covered territories in the region, reflecting the integration of areas like the former Nizam's dominions into the electoral framework. Elections were held between January 2 and 25, , with results declared on March 27, demonstrating early democratic representation in what was then a Telugu-majority segment of . Following the , which linguistically reconfigured states effective January 1, 1957, Nandyal was transferred to the newly formed , retaining its core territorial extent amid the merger of with Telugu areas from . This transition preserved continuity in local representation while aligning the constituency with the boundaries of the emerging . The seat has operated as a general category constituency since inception, without periodic shifts to Scheduled Caste , unlike neighboring segments such as . Boundary adjustments occurred primarily through the Delimitation of Parliamentary and Assembly Constituencies Order, 2008, which redefined (constituency number 258) based on the 2001 Census to equalize population and electorate sizes across 's 294 assembly seats. This exercise incorporated the Nandyal mandal and excluded or adjusted peripheral areas previously under earlier 1976-era delimitations, aiming for an approximate average of 200,000-250,000 voters per seat while respecting administrative mandal units. The 2014 Andhra Pradesh Reorganisation Act, splitting the state into and , left Nandyal unaffected, as its location ensured no territorial reallocation to the new state.

Dominant Influences: Parties, Castes, and Factions

The political contest in Nandyal Assembly constituency is primarily bipolar, dominated by the (TDP) and the (YSRCP), reflecting broader patterns where TDP has historically drawn support from development-oriented voters emphasizing infrastructure and regional autonomy, while YSRCP relies on populist welfare distributions targeting rural and lower-income groups. This dynamic shifted in the 2019 elections when YSRCP secured the seat amid a statewide welfare-driven mandate, only for TDP to reclaim it in as part of a regional sweep fueled by dissatisfaction with YSRCP's governance failures, including unfulfilled promises and economic stagnation. Caste structures underpin these party alignments, with the Reddy community forming a dominant voting bloc in Rayalaseema constituencies like , where Reddy candidates from both TDP and YSRCP frequently contest, channeling factional loyalties that prioritize community solidarity over ideology. Kamma influences, more pronounced in , play a secondary but strategic role through alliances, often tipping balances in multi-caste negotiations, though Reddys' numerical and economic edge in amplifies their sway in candidate selection and poll strategies. Minority castes such as and Vysyas also hold pivotal leverage in faction-ridden polls, consolidating behind parties offering targeted patronage amid Reddy-dominated rivalries. Deep-seated factions, often intertwined with and familial ties, perpetuate volatility, as local power brokers enforce bloc through or inducements, evident in Nandyal's history of violent by-elections where against incumbents exploits these divisions to mobilize opposition. exacerbate this, with hereditary claims from influential families—predominantly —locking in voter bases across cycles, yet rendering seats susceptible to waves of resentment when dynastic figures fail to deliver, as seen in the reversal against YSRCP's entrenched networks. These structural forces prioritize relational over policy coherence, sustaining TDP's resilience in through adaptive faction management despite periodic populist disruptions.

Notable Local Leaders and Their Impact


, serving as MLA from 2014 to his death on March 12, 2017, advanced infrastructure by spearheading the Yerraguntla-Nandyal railway line project, fulfilling a persistent local demand that improved transportation and economic links in the region. His advocacy extended to broader development appeals, including roads and public amenities, reflecting sustained voter backing as demonstrated by the intense 2017 turnout exceeding 166,000 votes after his passing.
N. Md. Farooq, elected TDP MLA in with a margin of 12,333 votes, has prioritized promise fulfillment, notably aiding youth employment placements and local infrastructure like temple facilities in . As Law and Minorities Welfare Minister, he promotes education-driven progress among minorities, contributing to welfare schemes tied to his constituency's socio-economic needs. His repeated electoral successes, including prior roles, indicate enduring influence in balancing development with community outreach.

Representatives and Governance

Chronological List of MLAs

Election YearMLA NamePartyTermNotes
2014 (TDP)2014–2017Elected in the 2014 election; served until death from cardiac arrest on March 12, 2017.
2017 ()Bhuma Brahmananda Reddy (TDP)2017–2019Won the held on August 23, 2017, necessitated by the death of the previous incumbent.
2019Shilpa Ravi Chandra Kishore Reddy (YSRCP)2019–2024Elected in the 2019 election.
2024Nasyam Mohammed Farook (TDP)2024–presentElected in the 2024 election.
A by-election occurred in 1959 due to vacancy, though specific details on the winner are documented in historical records. Earlier MLAs from the 1952 formation of the constituency through the mid-20th century are recorded in official state legislative archives, reflecting shifts between parties such as the and others during the post-independence period.

Key Achievements and Criticisms of Past MLAs

, elected in 2014 initially on a YSRCP ticket before defecting to TDP in 2016, prioritized local during his tenure until his death in March 2017; subsequent TDP initiatives honored his focus by sanctioning ₹3 crore for additional classrooms, compound walls, and toilets in 32 schools, alongside ₹60 lakh for community facilities in . His defection, however, fueled accusations of from YSRCP leaders, though no formal probes directly implicated him in constituency matters. Bhuma Brahmananda Reddy, TDP candidate who won the 2017 bypoll with nearly 1 lakh votes, represented Nandyal until 2019 amid efforts to advance irrigation under TDP governance, including progress on the Sujala Sravanthi (HNSS) project to supply water to drought-prone areas encompassing the constituency. The bypoll itself drew criticisms for alleged money distribution and electoral malpractices, with reports of voters receiving cash from both TDP and YSRCP camps, though investigations yielded no convictions against Reddy personally. Shilpa Ravi Chandra Kishore Reddy, YSRCP MLA from 2019 to 2024, oversaw implementation of state welfare programs like Navaratnalu, distributing pensions and subsidies to local beneficiaries, and supported cultural recognitions such as Urdu's status as Andhra Pradesh's second language in 2023. However, his tenure coincided with persistent infrastructure gaps, including acute drinking water shortages and delays in irrigation projects like Veligonda, despite a 2023 launch of a lift irrigation initiative in Nandyal district; these shortfalls, attributed by TDP to YSRCP policy delays and fund mismanagement, contributed to voter dissatisfaction evident in the 2024 defeat. Corruption allegations against YSRCP figures, including halted payments to TDP-era contractors, were raised but lacked specific evidence tied to Reddy's local fund utilization.

Electoral History

Early Post-Independence Elections (1950s-1960s)

In the inaugural post-independence election of 1952, conducted under the framework, Nandyal constituency witnessed Seshagiri Rao triumph as an candidate with 67,905 votes, equivalent to 27.7% of the polled votes, edging out the contender Sura Rami Reddy's 61,301 votes (25.0%). This narrow margin highlighted the fragmented voter preferences in the agrarian belt, where local leadership and familial networks exerted significant sway over nascent party structures, amid broader state-level Congress sweeps in districts. The linguistic reorganization via the States Reorganisation Act of 1956 integrated Nandyal into the newly formed , following the 1955 Andhra State assembly poll where Gopavaram Rami secured victory as an with 20,404 votes (56.51% share), decisively defeating 's Mallu Subba 's 8,828 votes from a total of 36,107 valid votes cast. Turnout reached 63.06% among 57,257 electors, reflecting moderate engagement driven by promises of land redistribution to tackle tenancy inequities and irrigation enhancements for drought-prone farmlands. A subsequent in 1959 shifted dynamics, with candidate G. V. clinching the seat, signaling the party's deepening organizational foothold through appeals to and administrative stability post-reorganization. By the 1962 Andhra Pradesh assembly election, Mallu Subba Reddy reclaimed the constituency as an Independent, underscoring persistent localist tendencies where candidates leveraged caste alliances and factional loyalties over strict party banners, despite Congress's statewide haul of 177 seats out of 300. Electoral patterns in this era were shaped by foundational issues like zamindari abolition implementation, which aimed to redistribute excess lands but faced resistance from entrenched rural elites, and infrastructural pledges for roads and power to foster economic integration, though actual delivery lagged due to fiscal constraints in the nascent state. Voter behavior prioritized verifiable local commitments over ideological appeals, with Independents often functioning as de facto Congress proxies in a landscape dominated by the national party's patronage networks.

Mid-to-Late 20th Century Elections (1970s-1990s)

In the 1978 election, Bojja Venkata of the secured victory in with 37,470 votes, defeating the (I) candidate Nabi Saheb S.B., who received 35,777 votes, by a narrow margin of 1,693 votes out of 75,206 valid votes cast, reflecting a poll percentage of approximately 76%. This outcome aligned with the national anti-Congress wave following the 's success in the 1977 general elections, though Congress retained influence in constituencies like amid local factional dynamics. Voter turnout and close margins underscored the constituency's competitive nature, influenced by caste-based mobilization among and Kamma communities prevalent in the region. The formation of the (TDP) by in 1982 disrupted dominance, culminating in TDP's statewide landslide in the 1983 assembly elections, where it captured 202 of 294 seats by emphasizing Telugu regional identity, anti-corruption, and populist welfare promises against perceived central neglect under Indira Gandhi's . In , Sanjeeva Reddy, contesting as an independent but aligned with TDP's wave, won with 51,608 votes against former Janata incumbent Bojja Venkata Reddy of , securing a margin reflective of the party's broad appeal in , where irrigation shortages and factional rivalries amplified grievances over governance. Incumbency effects from the fragmented Janata era weakened opposition cohesion, enabling TDP's consolidation of Kamma and backward support. Subsequent elections in 1985 and 1989 saw TDP retain amid intra-party factionalism and challenges from resurgence, with TDP's statewide majority of 202 seats in 1985 reinforcing NTR's control despite defections and administrative instability. By 1994, TDP faced erosion as capitalized on over unfulfilled promises tied to projects like , where inter-state disputes with limited water allocation to drought-prone farmlands, polarizing voters along lines with Reddys shifting allegiances. Factional , endemic to Rayalaseema's feudal legacies, marred contests, with reports of clashes exacerbating as parties leveraged networks for .
YearWinnerPartyVotesMargin
1978Bojja Venkata Reddy37,4701,693
1983Sanjeeva Reddy (TDP-aligned)51,608N/A
These trends highlighted TDP's role in channeling regional discontent, though persistent factionalism and constrained developmental gains, fostering volatile voter shifts by the .

21st Century Elections (2000s-2010s)

In the early 2000s, the Nandyal Assembly constituency experienced strong support for the , driven by the implementation of populist welfare schemes under Chief Minister , such as free electricity for farmers and financial aid for the poor, which appealed to rural and lower-income voters in this agrarian region. In the 2004 election, candidate won with approximately 89,612 votes, defeating the (TDP) contender. This victory marked a continuation of dominance, with vote shares favoring the party amid criticisms of TDP's prior governance for insufficient . The 2009 election reinforced this trend, as again secured a convincing win for , capturing 45.6% of the votes (66,060) against TDP's Nasyam Mohammed Farook's 24.8% (35,846), resulting in a margin of over 30,000 votes. The appeal of expanded welfare initiatives, including the Aarogyasri scheme, contributed to a vote swing toward , with turnout reflecting high engagement in a constituency where dynamics, particularly among and backward classes, aligned with the party's outreach. However, underlying critiques emerged regarding over-reliance on subsidies at the expense of , setting the stage for post-YSR fragmentation. Following Andhra Pradesh's in and the formation of (YSRCP) by Y. S. Jaganmohan Reddy, the constituency saw a transition of the pro-welfare base to YSRCP. won the seat for YSRCP in , defeating TDP's candidate and capitalizing on lingering loyalty to the YSR legacy amid voter dissatisfaction with TDP's handling of state reorganization. This shift highlighted a vote swing of former supporters to YSRCP, with welfare promises contrasting TDP's emphasis on industrial development and projects, though exact margins reflected competitive urban-rural divides.
YearWinnerPartyVotesVote %Runner-upPartyMargin
2004Silpa Mohan Reddy~89,612N/ATDP candidateTDPSignificant
2009Silpa Mohan Reddy66,06045.6%Nasyam Mohammed FarookTDP>30,000
2014YSRCPN/AN/ATDP candidateTDPN/A
The 2017 by-election, triggered by Bhuma Nagi Reddy's death after defecting to TDP, saw TDP's Bhuma Brahmananda Reddy reclaim the seat with nearly 100,000 votes, defeating YSRCP's by over 27,000 votes—the first TDP win in Nandyal in 18 years. YSRCP leader Jaganmohan Reddy alleged TDP deployed excessive financial influence, estimating Rs 200 crore in expenditures and misuse of police to intimidate voters, claims TDP dismissed as sour grapes amid their pro-development campaign. This outcome signaled a partial TDP resurgence, with vote swings attributed to localized promises outweighing YSRCP's rhetoric in a high-turnout poll (around 80%).

Recent Elections and By-Elections (2017-2024)

The Nandyal Assembly constituency held a on August 23, 2017, following the death of incumbent MLA , who had switched from YSRCP to TDP shortly before his passing in March 2017. TDP candidate Bhuma Brahmananda Reddy won decisively, securing approximately 89,472 votes against YSRCP's Silpa Mohan Reddy's 62,469 votes, for a margin of over 27,000 votes. The contest was marred by mutual allegations of electoral malpractices, including cash distribution; over 20 individuals were arrested for vote-buying, with TDP accusing YSRCP while the latter claimed TDP benefited from large-scale money influence and sympathy votes linked to the deceased MLA's family. In the 2019 Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly election held on April 11, YSRCP candidate Shilpa Ravi Chandra Kishore Reddy captured the seat with 108,868 votes, defeating TDP's nominee and reflecting YSRCP's statewide sweep under Y. S. Jagan Mohan Reddy. The 2024 election on May 13 marked a reversal amid evident against the YSRCP government, as TDP's Nasyam Mohammed Farook triumphed over incumbent Reddy with 103,075 votes to 90,742, a narrow margin of 12,333 votes. TDP's victory aligned with its NDA alliance strategy alongside BJP and JSP, contributing to YSRCP's retention of only 11 seats statewide and underscoring voter shift toward opposition promises of economic revival.

Controversies and Challenges

Electoral Malpractices and By-Election Disputes

The 2017 by-election for the Nandyal Assembly constituency, held on August 23 following the death of the incumbent MLA , was marred by cross-allegations of electoral irregularities between the (TDP) and the (YSRCP). The YSRCP accused the TDP-led state government of deploying money power, estimating expenditures up to ₹200 crore on voter inducements, and engaging in voter intimidation through misuse of official machinery. YSRCP leaders further claimed that N. Chandrababu Naidu's frequent visits and administrative pressures constituted systematic voter coercion, prompting protests and tensions that led to clashes between party workers. Despite these claims, the TDP candidate Bhuma Brahmananda Reddy secured victory by a margin of over 27,000 votes, with no formal (ECI) intervention resulting in poll invalidation or prosecution for proven malpractices. In contrast, the 2024 Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly elections saw enhanced ECI scrutiny in , exemplified by directives against local police for permitting an unauthorized roadshow by actor in support of a YSRCP , leading to action against the Nandyal Superintendent of Police. This intervention highlighted stricter enforcement of model code violations amid broader state-wide complaints of discrepancies, though no constituency-specific evidence of widespread money distribution or emerged to the extent alleged in prior contests. Historical records indicate no documented ECI-declared malpractices or court-upheld disputes in earlier by-elections, such as any in the , underscoring that partisan accusations in have rarely translated to substantiated legal outcomes or process reforms.

Governance and Development Shortfalls

Despite repeated promises of irrigation enhancements, Nandyal has faced chronic water scarcity, exacerbating agricultural distress and daily hardships for residents. In April 2024, nearly three lakh people in Nandyal district headquarters encountered an acute shortage despite the nearby Kundu River's flow, highlighting failures in water management infrastructure. Groundwater levels plummeted to 25 feet in mandals like Dhone and Peapully by March 2025, prompting ministerial interventions but underscoring persistent neglect in maintenance and recharge systems. This scarcity, linked to inadequate investment in projects like canal improvements, has directly fueled rural-to-urban migration, with farmers accumulating debts and abandoning lands, as observed in local sustainability initiatives. Industrial development in the constituency remains stagnant, with no major projects materializing post-2014 bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh, leaving the economy reliant on agriculture vulnerable to droughts. During the YSRCP's tenure from 2019 to 2024, industrial activity halted amid policy paralysis and a shift toward welfare schemes over capital investments, resulting in lost job opportunities and an estimated statewide economic damage of ₹7 lakh crore. Critics attribute this to governance prioritizing short-term subsidies, contrasting with TDP-led periods that emphasized infrastructure like roads and power, though even then, Nandyal saw limited industrial inflows due to regional backwardness. Big-ticket proposals, such as those floated pre-2017 bypolls, devolved into unexecuted plans, perpetuating a cycle where political transitions stall progress rather than build on prior efforts. Unemployment and out-migration rates reflect these governance lapses, with local youth seeking work elsewhere amid absent local opportunities; surveys from 2017 bypolls cited drought-induced joblessness as a primary , a pattern persisting into the . State-level data shows Andhra Pradesh's hovering at 4-5% from 2017-2022, but constituency-specific complaints point to higher effective rates due to in rain-fed farming. This , driven by unaddressed deficits, undermines long-term , as returning migrants find no causal improvements from electoral promises—evident in the YSRCP era's focus yielding temporary relief but no sustainable growth. Public discontent, voiced in district reviews, ties these shortfalls to administrative inertia, where debt accumulation post-2019 crowded out developmental spending.

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