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Radama I

Radama I (c. 1793–1828) was the king of the Merina Kingdom in central Madagascar, reigning from 1810 to 1828 after succeeding his father, Andrianampoinimerina, and expanding its domain through relentless military campaigns to dominate much of the island's highlands and eastern coasts.^[1]^[2] His conquests subjugated groups such as the Betsileo, Antanosy, and Betsimisaraka, incorporating approximately two-thirds of Madagascar under Merina authority by leveraging a professionalized army equipped with firearms obtained via alliances.^[3]^[4]^[5] Radama forged diplomatic ties with Great Britain, receiving military support from the governor of Mauritius in exchange for halting slave exports, which facilitated the arrival of London Missionary Society members who taught literacy, printing, and technical skills, while he personally learned to read and established nascent bureaucratic structures.^[6]^[4]^[7] As the first Malagasy ruler recognized as King of Madagascar by a European state, his modernization efforts and pro-British orientation laid groundwork for external influences, though his death on 27 July 1828—possibly from alcohol excess or intrigue—led to succession by his widow, Ranavalona I, who reversed many reforms.^[1]^[3]^[8]

Early Life and Ascension

Birth, Family, and Upbringing

Radama I was born circa 1793 in the vicinity of Ambohimanga, a sacred hilltop site in the central highlands of Madagascar that served as an early capital of the expanding Merina kingdom.^[9] His father, Andrianampoinimerina, ruled as king from approximately 1787 to 1810 and focused intensely on unifying disparate Merina clans through military campaigns, administrative centralization, and symbolic rituals that emphasized collective identity and loyalty to the throne.^[10] This context of aggressive state-building amid inter-clan rivalries shaped the young prince's early environment, where royal authority was asserted via both conquest and cultural integration of highland communities. Radama was the son of Andrianampoinimerina and one of his principal wives, Rambolamasoandro, who held influence in the royal household and reportedly enjoyed significant personal autonomy within Merina polygamous norms.^[9] The king had numerous offspring—historical accounts note up to eleven sons and thirteen daughters from multiple unions—but designated Radama as his favored heir, overriding primogeniture traditions by eliminating older brothers to preempt succession challenges and consolidate power in a single line.^[10] This act reflected the intense court intrigues typical of Merina royalty, where familial alliances and betrayals intertwined with political strategy to maintain dynastic stability. His upbringing occurred within the fortified royal compounds of the Merina highlands, immersed in customs such as communal labor obligations (fanompoana), ancestral veneration, and the sorabe script adapted from Arabic influences for recording oral histories and edicts.^[9] As a prince, Radama received training in warfare and governance, essential for Merina elites amid ongoing clan consolidations, fostering a formative exposure to the martial ethos that defined highland society and prepared him for leadership in a kingdom reliant on military prowess for expansion.^[10]

Influences and Preparation for Rule

Radama I's preparation for rule was profoundly shaped by the centralizing reforms of his father, Andrianampoinimerina, who consolidated power in the Imerina highlands from around 1787 to 1810 through conquests of rival factions and strategic appointments of kin-based governors to administer conquered territories.^[11] These measures emphasized hierarchical loyalty and resource mobilization, including forced labor systems (fanompoana) to construct irrigation terraces that boosted rice production, enabling a more reliable food supply for military endeavors.^[12] Andrianampoinimerina's emphasis on unity via kinship ties (fihavanana) and ritual oaths further instilled in Radama a model of authoritative rule grounded in ancestral legitimacy and collective obligation. Intellectual foundations included the promotion of the sorabe script, an adaptation of Arabic letters to Malagasy phonetics, which Andrianampoinimerina utilized for transcribing oral histories, kabary speeches, and administrative records to enhance governance coherence across provinces.^[13] This scripting practice, inherited from coastal influences like the Antaimoro scribes, facilitated the documentation of royal edicts and genealogies, preparing Radama for a bureaucracy that prioritized written verification over purely oral traditions.^[14] As crown prince, Radama imbibed the Merina noble ethos of martial prowess and expansionist ambition, participating in his father's unification campaigns that honed skills in leadership and combat tactics suited to highland warfare.^[7] Limited pre-accession exposure to European traders occurred indirectly via coastal intermediaries trading in slaves and goods, sparking initial awareness of foreign technologies and diplomacy, though substantive engagements awaited his reign.^[1] These elements collectively equipped Radama with a blend of indigenous strategic realism and nascent external curiosity, distinct from mere upbringing rituals.

Ascension to the Throne in 1810

Radama I ascended the throne of the Merina Kingdom in 1810 following the death of his father, King Andrianampoinimerina, who had designated him as successor during his lifetime.^[1]^[15] At approximately 18 years of age, Radama underwent the traditional coronation ceremony, which formalized his rule and involved rituals centered at the royal residence of Ambohimanga before its relocation to Antananarivo.^[15] To consolidate power amid potential noble opposition, Radama adhered to Merina custom by eliminating several rivals through execution, thereby neutralizing immediate threats to his authority.^[16] A key element of early consolidation was Radama's marriage to Rasalimo (later Ranavalona I), arranged by Andrianampoinimerina prior to his death to secure alliances with her family's influential lineage; her father had reportedly saved the king from an assassination attempt, prompting the betrothal as a reward.^[17] This union, though politically motivated and ultimately childless, reinforced Radama's position by binding him to a powerful faction within the court.^[18]

Military Expansion and Unification

Key Conquests and Territorial Gains

Radama I's military expansion commenced in 1817 with the conquest of Toamasina (formerly Tamatave), a vital eastern port city controlled by fragmented Betsimisaraka principalities. This operation subdued local rulers and secured Merina access to the Indian Ocean coastline, facilitating trade and further incursions eastward.^[19]^[20] The capture integrated the port into the Merina domain, marking the initial breach of coastal resistance and enabling projection of power beyond the central highlands. Following Toamasina, Radama targeted the Betsileo in the southern central highlands, overcoming their decentralized polities through sustained campaigns that imposed Merina overlordship. This victory extended territorial control southward, incorporating fertile agricultural lands and subjugating an ethnic group previously independent of Imerina influence.^[21] Concomitantly, expeditions against eastern coastal groups, including remaining Betsimisaraka segments and the Antanosy, consolidated dominance over fragmented littoral societies, yielding tribute and manpower for the expanding kingdom.^[20] Western advances focused on the Sakalava kingdoms, where Radama's forces overpowered multiple principalities, reaching as far as the northwest coast by the mid-1820s. These operations dismantled Sakalava resistance, centered in Boina and other realms, and absorbed their territories into the Merina sphere, significantly broadening the empire's footprint.^[21] Conquered populations were systematically integrated via obligatory fanompoana corvée service, which mobilized labor for military logistics—including supply transport and infrastructure—while embedding Merina administrative oversight to prevent revolts.^[7] By 1828, these efforts had unified approximately two-thirds of Madagascar's interior and coasts under central authority, though peripheral regions like the southeast remained nominally tributary.^[21]

Role of British Military Aid and Training

The Anglo-Merina treaty of 23 October 1817, negotiated by British agent James Hastie, established a formal alliance that included British commitments to supply Radama I with muskets, gunpowder, uniforms, and military instructors in exchange for Radama's recognition as sovereign over Madagascar and cooperation against the slave trade.^[22] Hastie, a former sergeant dispatched from Mauritius, arrived at the Merina court in Tananarive and directly facilitated the training of Merina troops, emphasizing European drill and organization to create a disciplined standing army.^[22] This aid enabled a pivotal transition in Merina weaponry from predominantly spears and traditional arms to firearms, allowing for the equipping and training of larger formations capable of volley fire and sustained engagements.^[23] British instructors, including Hastie and later figures like Jean Robin, integrated gunpowder tactics into Merina warfare, enhancing firepower and logistical capacity for extended campaigns beyond previous limitations of close-quarters melee.^[23] The influx of British-supplied arms and expertise markedly amplified Merina military effectiveness, professionalizing forces that numbered in the tens of thousands and supporting Radama's unification efforts through superior ranged combat advantages over adversaries reliant on indigenous weapons.^[24] ^[23] This external intervention thus causally elevated the scale and reach of Merina operations, distinct from internal reforms in tactics or recruitment.

Scale and Methods of Warfare

Radama I expanded the Merina standing army from an initial strength of approximately 10,000 royal troops at the beginning of his reign to around 30,000 by 1828, primarily through mandatory conscription of able-bodied free men and the integration of enslaved individuals into combat and support roles.^[25] In late 1821, he established a formalized standing force numbering 13,000 soldiers, including 1,000 dedicated to artillery and cannon operations.^[26] Military expeditions frequently swelled these numbers with temporary levies and corvée laborers for logistics, as evidenced by the mobilization of 70,000 to 80,000 personnel for the 1821 campaign against the Menabe.^[23] Conscription was enforced rigorously, with public executions for deserters to maintain discipline. Merina military methods under Radama relied on mass infantry formations organized into hierarchical units, emphasizing speed and surprise through rapid marches across varied terrain to overwhelm decentralized foes.^[27] Troops, armed predominantly with spears for close-quarters assaults, targeted enemy fortifications—often rudimentary wooden stockades—via direct charges or circumvention maneuvers. Psychological elements played a key role, with the army's reputation for unrelenting advances and selective brutality fostering preemptive submissions among adversaries, reducing the need for prolonged sieges.^[23] Post-1810 ascension, the frequency of campaigns escalated, with multiple offensives launched in quick succession during the early 1810s and 1820s to exploit momentum and secure supply lines, underscoring the logistical demands of sustaining large forces over extended operations.^[27] This operational tempo was supported by corvée systems providing porters and provisions, enabling the projection of power beyond the central highlands.^[28]

Domestic Policies

Administrative and Bureaucratic Reforms

Radama I centralized governance by developing a nascent bureaucracy that integrated European influences with Merina traditions, establishing appointed officials to oversee provincial administration and resource flows from conquered territories. This structure supplanted decentralized tribal loyalties with direct royal oversight, enabling systematic tribute collection to fund military expansions and court functions. Key innovations included the appointment of high-ranking civil administrators, such as Ratefinanahary (commonly known as Ratefy), who assumed principal roles in both military and civilian hierarchies as Radama's chief deputy, coordinating provincial compliance and logistical support.^[7] These positions facilitated efficient extraction of goods and labor from outlying provinces, minimizing intermediaries and curbing elite resistance through merit-based promotions tied to loyalty and competence.^[7] A pivotal reform involved standardizing record-keeping with the Roman alphabet, supplanting the Arabic-derived sorabe script previously used for astrological and limited administrative purposes. In 1820, Radama codified a 21-letter Latin-based Malagasy orthography, developed in collaboration with Welsh missionary David Jones of the London Missionary Society, which permitted printing and broader documentation.^[29] By the mid-1820s, Roman script proficiency became a prerequisite for bureaucratic advancement, with written directives in this system dispatched to generals across Madagascar by 1825, enhancing command coordination and archival precision over vast distances.^[7] This shift not only accelerated administrative efficiency but also aligned documentation with British alliances, supporting verifiable audits of tribute inflows that sustained the regime's fiscal stability.^[7]

Economic Initiatives and Resource Management

Radama I advanced the Merina kingdom's agricultural base by extending intensive wet-rice cultivation, or hydraulic riziculture, into conquered territories, building on prior innovations to produce surpluses that supported demographic expansion and state needs. This involved irrigated terraced fields worked through communal systems, yielding sufficient rice to provision internal markets and military campaigns.^[30]^[13] Cattle management complemented rice production, with zebu herds serving as vital resources for traction in farming, protein supply, and trade value. Radama's campaigns enabled the acquisition of livestock from subdued regions, integrating these into the kingdom's pastoral economy and enhancing herd sizes across provinces.^[30]^[13] Post-conquest control of interior-to-coast trade routes, including access to ports like Toamasina and Mahajanga by 1825, centralized resource flows and bypassed local intermediaries. This oversight regulated provincial markets for goods exchange via silver imports and local commodities, while tributes from fiefs—organized by clan structures—generated revenues that financed the standing army established after 1820.^[30]^[13] The Merina social hierarchy under Radama I (r. 1810–1828) preserved the stratified caste system inherited from preceding rulers, comprising three primary strata: the Andriana nobility, who held hereditary privileges as warriors, landowners, and administrators; the Hova commoners, constituting the majority of free citizens engaged in agriculture and crafts; and the Andevo, a subordinate class of laborers and slaves often derived from conquered populations or debtors.^[31]^[32] This structure enforced endogamy and occupational specialization, with Andriana dominance reinforced through royal patronage and ritual authority, enabling efficient delegation of governance tasks to noble overseers while binding the populace to the monarchy.^[33] Central to labor mobilization was the fanompoana corvée system, which required Hova and Andevo subjects to provide unremunerated service to the crown for fixed periods, typically spanning infrastructure projects such as road construction, canal digging, and rice terrace maintenance essential for agricultural surplus and administrative connectivity.^[34]^[32] Originally rooted in ritual obligations to the sovereign, fanompoana under Radama expanded into a structured levy, with households allocated quotas based on capacity—often one adult male per family for durations of weeks to months—facilitating state-directed resource extraction without reliance on taxation or markets.^[34] Nobles supervised these levies, receiving exemptions or compensatory grants, which intertwined social rank with labor enforcement and perpetuated hierarchy as the scaffold for centralized authority.^[33] This framework of caste-based obligations and corvée underpinned the Merina state's capacity for large-scale coordination, as fanompoana generated the surplus labor needed for public works that integrated territories and sustained elite control, distinct from private economic activities.^[34] By embedding service within social norms, the system minimized resistance through customary legitimacy, allowing Radama's regime to harness demographic resources for infrastructural foundations of governance.^[32]

Foreign Relations

Primary Alliance with Great Britain

In 1817, Radama I established a formal alliance with Great Britain through negotiations led by James Hastie, a British agent dispatched by Sir Robert Townsend Farquhar, the Governor of Mauritius. Farquhar, motivated by Britain's post-1807 abolition efforts to curb the international slave trade, sought to leverage British naval influence in the Indian Ocean to suppress exports from Madagascar, a significant source of slaves to French Réunion and other markets. Hastie arrived in Madagascar earlier that year and, after discussions with Radama, facilitated the treaty's conclusion at Toamasina (Tamatave) on 23 October 1817.^[35]^[36] The treaty's core provisions included Britain's official recognition of Radama as sovereign over the entirety of Madagascar, granting him enhanced legitimacy for his unification campaigns beyond the Merina heartland. In exchange, Radama committed to prohibiting the export of Malagasy subjects as slaves, effectively halting foreign slave trading operations on the island's coasts. Britain reciprocated by supplying firearms, ammunition, and military instructors to bolster Radama's forces, aligning with his expansionist ambitions while advancing London's anti-slave trade objectives through diplomatic pressure rather than direct coercion.^[35]^[37] This alliance reflected Britain's strategic calculus: by exchanging material support for trade restrictions, Farquhar aimed to enforce compliance without immediate military intervention, capitalizing on Radama's need for external validation and weaponry amid internal rivals. For Radama, the pact provided not only arms to equip his standing army—estimated at tens of thousands by contemporary observers—but also a bulwark against French encroachments, as Britain viewed Madagascar's stability as key to regional anti-slaving patrols. The agreement was renewed in 1820, underscoring its foundational role in Merina foreign policy.^[37]^[36]

Interactions with France and Other European Powers

During Radama I's reign, French interactions with Madagascar were characterized by exploratory trade and diplomatic overtures aimed at countering British influence, though these efforts yielded limited success due to Radama's strategic alignment with Britain. French interests stemmed from their control of Réunion (Île Bourbon), which facilitated merchant voyages to Madagascar's coasts for cattle, slaves, and provisions, creating economic competition with British traders from Mauritius.^[38] Radama permitted some French vessels to trade but rebuffed formal alliances, viewing British military aid as more reliable against potential French expansionism from nearby islands.^[1] Evidence of cultural engagement includes Radama's study of the French language using imported textbooks before 1828, reflecting his admiration for Napoleonic military tactics and European modernization, though this did not translate into political concessions. French agents occasionally visited Antananarivo, but Radama leveraged these contacts to extract gifts and intelligence while prioritizing British envoys, such as James Hastie in 1817, to bolster his army against regional threats.^[4] Tensions arose over French attempts to influence Sakalava kingdoms on Madagascar's west coast, where Réunion-based traders sought exclusive trading posts, prompting Radama to expel unauthorized French operatives to maintain sovereignty.^[39] Relations with other European powers remained marginal, with sporadic Portuguese trader contacts along the northwest coast focused on ivory and slaves but lacking diplomatic depth or treaties.^[39] Radama's court hosted no formal Portuguese or Dutch missions, as these powers held minimal strategic interest in the island compared to Anglo-French rivalries. His empirical preference for British partnerships—evidenced by the exclusion of rival European advisors from military reforms—underscored a pragmatic calculus favoring arms, training, and recognition over diversified but weaker ties.^[1]

Diplomatic Treaties and Recognitions

On 23 October 1817, Radama I signed the Anglo-Merina Treaty at Tamatave (present-day Toamasina), negotiated by British agent James Hastie on behalf of Governor Robert Farquhar of Mauritius, establishing a formal alliance between the Kingdom of Imerina and the British Crown.^[40]^[37] The agreement included Britain's recognition of Radama as sovereign over Madagascar, marking the first such European acknowledgment of unified rule across the island's territories under Merina authority.^[41] Key provisions committed Radama to prohibiting the export of slaves from his dominions, aiming to suppress the external slave trade while permitting internal practices, and opened avenues for British commercial access and technical exchanges.^[40]^[32] The treaty was provisionally enacted pending ratification by British authorities and renewed in 1820 through additional protocols and an edict reinforcing the suppression of slave exports from Merina-controlled regions.^[37] This renewal, confirmed during Hastie's return mission, expanded provisions to include the dispatch of approximately 100 Malagasy youths for training in Britain, fostering diplomatic ties via educational exchanges.^[42] Outcomes facilitated the permanent posting of British agents, such as Hastie, at Radama's court in Antananarivo to oversee compliance and coordinate relations, while curbing illicit slave shipments to European and Arab traders.^[37]^[32] These agreements positioned the Merina kingdom as a recognized entity in European diplomacy, enabling Radama's expansion through allied support while redirecting economic focus from slave exports to alternative trade in goods like cattle and rice with British ports.^[41] No comparable formal recognitions or treaties were extended by other European powers during Radama's reign, underscoring Britain's singular role in elevating Merina sovereignty on the international stage.^[37]

Cultural and Religious Changes

Promotion of Christianity and Missionary Activities

Radama I facilitated the entry of Protestant missionaries from the London Missionary Society (LMS) into Madagascar as part of his broader alignment with British interests, beginning with their arrival at Toamasina on August 18, 1818. Influenced by British Governor of Mauritius Sir Robert Farquhar, who urged the invitation of educators and religious instructors, Radama permitted Welsh missionary David Jones and Thomas Bevan to proceed inland after initial quarantine. Bevan died of malaria in 1819, leaving Jones to establish initial operations, including the opening of a school on September 8, 1818, with eight students. Jones's efforts expanded, with David Griffiths joining in 1821 to aid Bible translation, which commenced on September 10, 1823, using the Roman alphabet endorsed by Radama that year for Malagasy script.^[43]^[44] In 1824, Radama explicitly authorized public preaching of the Gospel in Antananarivo, enabling Sunday services that drew large crowds and filled chapels by the mid-1820s. He personally inspected missionary schools, which grew to 37 institutions enrolling 2,309 students by 1828, integrating Christian teachings with literacy and basic Western knowledge. Radama's support stemmed from pragmatic motives: access to British firearms, technical expertise, and diplomatic recognition enhanced his military campaigns and centralized authority, while selective endorsement of Christian texts lent symbolic legitimacy to his reforms without undermining ancestral customs.^[45]^[43] Conversions remained confined to a small elite circle at court, with no evidence of widespread baptisms or coercive mass policies during Radama's reign. Missionaries adhered to a deliberate "go slow" strategy, prioritizing gradual influence over rapid proselytization to avoid alienating traditional chiefs and risking social upheaval, as Radama prioritized political stability. This restraint reflected causal realities: Christianity's appeal was intellectual and administrative for the king, who showed personal curiosity in the Bible but rejected personal conversion, viewing it as incompatible with his sovereign role in Merina ancestor veneration. By the late 1820s, emerging tensions over converts' perceived irreverence toward royal edicts hinted at tightening controls, though outright prohibition occurred only under his successor.^[43]

Introduction of Western Education and Literacy

Under the sponsorship of Radama I, London Missionary Society (LMS) missionaries David Jones and David Griffiths established the first formal school in Antananarivo on 8 December 1820, initially instructing children of the royal family in basic literacy and numeracy using the Malagasy language transcribed in a newly devised Latin-based orthography.^[43] This orthography, developed primarily by Jones, replaced the traditional Sorabe script—a derivative of Arabic numerals and letters used by coastal scribes—for its phonetic simplicity and compatibility with European printing technologies, enabling more efficient written communication across the expanding Merina bureaucracy.^[26] Radama personally endorsed this system, promulgating a royal decree on 26 March 1823 mandating the adoption of the Latin alphabet for official Malagasy writing, which facilitated administrative record-keeping, military orders, and centralized governance rather than supplanting indigenous knowledge systems.^[46] The curriculum in these early schools emphasized reading and writing Malagasy in Roman script, supplemented by elementary English for select noble and military trainees to support diplomatic and technical exchanges with Britain.^[47] By 1821, the initiative had expanded to 23 schools enrolling approximately 2,300 students, primarily aristocrats and civil servants, with Radama inspecting facilities to ensure alignment with state needs like literate secretaries for tax collection and provincial oversight.^[48] This rapid proliferation—reaching 38 schools and over 4,000 students by 1828, plus 300 at the palace school—stemmed from Radama's pragmatic view of literacy as a tool for enhancing administrative efficiency and unifying the kingdom's disparate regions under written edicts, thereby reducing reliance on oral traditions prone to distortion in a vast territory. In 1825, the arrival of a printing press from the LMS marked a pivotal advancement, allowing the production of the first printed materials in Malagasy, including portions of translated texts that served as primers for mass literacy instruction.^[49] This technology, operated initially by missionary technicians, enabled the duplication of educational tracts and official documents, accelerating script standardization and bureaucratic literacy among officials; for instance, government correspondences increasingly employed the Romanized system to streamline resource allocation and legal enforcement.^[48] Such innovations prioritized functional governance—evidenced by literate elites managing expanded trade and military logistics—over wholesale cultural transformation, as traditional practices persisted alongside the new literacy tools.^[26]

Technological and Scriptural Innovations

In 1823, Radama I promulgated a royal decree mandating the adoption of the Latin alphabet for the Malagasy language, supplanting the Sorabe script, which was based on Arabic characters and had been used sporadically for religious and administrative purposes.^[46] This shift, influenced by collaborations with European missionaries, standardized orthography and facilitated more efficient written records essential for centralized governance and bureaucracy.^[50] The Latin script's phonetic alignment with Malagasy phonology reduced ambiguities inherent in the cursive Sorabe, enabling broader literacy and documentation among elites.^[51] Complementing this scriptural reform, the introduction of a printing press occurred late in Radama's reign through the efforts of London Missionary Society personnel, who imported the equipment to produce texts in the newly adopted script.^[52] Although full operational use commenced in 1828 following Radama's death, the press's arrival under his patronage marked a pivotal technological advancement, allowing mechanical reproduction of documents for administrative and instructional needs.^[4] This innovation enhanced the scalability of record-keeping, supporting the kingdom's expanding administrative demands without reliance on manual copying.^[53] These developments prioritized practical utility in governance, with the Latin script and printing technology enabling precise, reproducible documentation that bolstered central authority, distinct from broader educational or religious applications. Empirical evidence from missionary accounts underscores how such tools improved the accuracy and speed of bureaucratic processes in Imerina.^[54]

Controversies and Criticisms

Human and Demographic Costs of Campaigns

Radama I's expansionist military campaigns from 1810 to 1828, aimed at unifying disparate Malagasy polities under Merina hegemony, exacted substantial human tolls through direct combat losses, logistical strains, and ancillary hardships on highland subjects. Armies mobilized tens of thousands for expeditions against groups such as the Betsileo, Sakalava, and Betsimisaraka, resulting in numerous soldier fatalities from battle, disease, and privation, though precise casualty figures remain undocumented in contemporary records.^[32]^[55] The campaigns' demands amplified fanompoana—state-imposed corvée labor—diverting adult males from subsistence farming to porterage, fortification, and provisioning, which precipitated agricultural shortfalls and famines across the Imerina core in the mid-1820s. Highland communities, reliant on rice cultivation, faced acute food scarcity as fields lay untended, exacerbating vulnerability to endemic diseases like malaria and dysentery.^[55]^[32] Demographically, these pressures inverted prior growth trends; prior to the 1820s, highland birth rates likely matched or exceeded deaths, fostering modest expansion, but intensified mobilization thereafter elevated mortality while impairing fertility through chronic malnutrition, exhaustion, and family separations, yielding net stagnation or contraction in affected populations.^[55]^[32] Conquered peripheries endured further disruptions via reprisal massacres against resistors and coerced relocations of communities, fostering localized depopulation and refugee influxes that strained highland resources.^[26]^[32]

Nuances of Slavery Policy and Internal Practices

Radama I proclaimed the prohibition of slave exports from Madagascar on October 23, 1817, following negotiations with British agent James Hastie, who promised arms and diplomatic recognition in exchange. ^[56] This policy, formalized in the 1820 Anglo-Merina treaty, successfully suppressed international slave shipments from the island, redirecting prior trade revenues—previously used to fund court and expansion—toward British-supplied munitions that bolstered Merina military power.^[32] ^[22] The export ban, however, left domestic slavery and internal trading intact, with enslaved captives from Radama's conquests—estimated in the thousands—integrated into Merina society for labor and military service.^[32] The army depended heavily on these slaves, alongside fanompoana corvée levies from free subjects, for recruitment, portering, and combat support, as standing forces formed post-1820 drew on both systems to sustain expansionist campaigns.^[13] ^[34] Royal estates and elites owned vast numbers of slaves, often war prisoners, whose exploitation intensified to compensate for lost export income, effectively channeling external pressures into heightened internal coercion.^[57] Abolitionist narratives, including British missionary reports, portrayed the ban as a civilizing triumph, yet overlooked how the arms-for-trade deal causally amplified domestic enslavement by enabling conquests that generated more captives for state use, rather than reducing overall unfree labor.^[58] ^[59] Fanompoana duties, nominally distinct but practically akin to slavery in their involuntary nature and severity, further blurred boundaries, imposing rotational forced labor on non-slaves for infrastructure and warfare, thus sustaining the regime's demands amid the export prohibition.^[34]

Erosion of Sovereignty Through Foreign Dependencies

Radama I's alliance with Great Britain, formalized through the 1817 treaty negotiated by British agent James Hastie, introduced resident foreign advisors who exerted significant influence over internal decision-making. Hastie, dispatched by the British government via Mauritius, arrived at Radama's court in Antananarivo in 1817 and remained as a civil agent for approximately nine years, accompanying the king on military campaigns and advising on reforms aligned with British priorities, such as curbing the export slave trade to secure arms shipments.^[60]^[61] This advisory role extended to shaping Radama's foreign policy, where concessions like permitting missionary access and pledging to suppress slave exports were exchanged for recognition as sovereign and matériel support, thereby subordinating Merina strategic autonomy to external imperatives.^[62] Military dependency on British-supplied firearms further compromised Radama's sovereignty, as his expansionist campaigns against coastal kingdoms relied on imported muskets and training that Merina forces could not independently replicate or sustain. By 1817, British aid modernized the army to counter French influence, enabling conquests that unified roughly two-thirds of Madagascar under Imerina control, but this created a causal vulnerability: ammunition and weaponry inflows were contingent on compliance with treaty stipulations, including anti-slave trade enforcement, which diverted resources from internal consolidation to appeasing London.^[1] Empirical records indicate that prior to these alliances, Radama's priorities emphasized slave acquisition over territorial garrisons, a shift post-treaty suggesting foreign leverage redirected indigenous ambitions toward British-favored outcomes like regional hegemony to offset rival powers.^[63] While these dependencies yielded short-term gains in military projection—evidenced by Radama's absorption of eastern and Sakalava territories through 1820s campaigns—they fostered long-term structural weaknesses, as the court's increasing reliance on external validation and supplies eroded the king's unmediated authority and exposed Merina governance to disruption upon shifts in foreign patronage. Hastie's embedded presence, for instance, facilitated negotiations that embedded British commercial interests, such as free trade access, into Merina policy, prioritizing extraterritorial gains over self-reliant development and rendering Radama's rule causally beholden to imperial contingencies rather than endogenous power dynamics.^[7] This pattern of influence, while not overt domination, incrementally hollowed sovereign discretion, as decisions on warfare, trade, and diplomacy pivoted toward sustaining alliance-derived advantages amid an absence of viable domestic alternatives for advanced armaments.^[64]

Death, Succession, and Legacy

Circumstances of Death in 1828

Radama I died suddenly on 27 July 1828 at the age of 35 while at his residence, the Tranovola palace in Antananarivo.^[1] Historical accounts from European observers and official declarations attribute his death primarily to the effects of chronic alcohol abuse, which had progressively undermined his physical constitution amid a pattern of heavy drinking, including preferences for strong spirits like gin.^[65] ^[66] Contemporary reports noted that Radama's intemperance exacerbated vulnerabilities from prior military exertions and illnesses, leading to a rapid decline rather than a prolonged ailment.^[67] Although some at court harbored suspicions of poisoning—prompting subsequent trials via the tangena ordeal for perceived threats—no empirical evidence substantiated foul play, with eyewitnesses and medical observations aligning instead on the causal role of excessive alcohol consumption in precipitating organ failure or acute intoxication.^[68] This personal vice, observed in his daily habits and documented by missionaries and traders, thus represented a self-inflicted erosion of the vigor that had sustained his expansive campaigns.^[66]

Immediate Succession and Power Transition

Following Radama I's death on 27 July 1828, which created a power vacuum due to the absence of a direct male heir under Merina succession customs favoring matrilineal lines, his senior wife Ramavo (later crowned Ranavalona I) swiftly claimed the throne.^[16] In August 1828, she declared herself sovereign, asserting that Radama had verbally designated her successor and that ancestral spirits (sampy) confirmed her divine right, thereby rallying support from traditionalist priests and anti-foreign factions within the court.^[16] This maneuver preempted challenges from pro-European elites aligned with Radama's westernizing policies, amid widespread fears of coups exploiting the instability.^[69] Ranavalona's consolidation relied on loyal military officers, including Andriamamba and Rainijohary, who seized control of the Rova palace in Antananarivo to neutralize opposition.^[16] She adhered to established Merina royal precedent by ordering the systematic execution of rivals to eliminate threats, targeting Rakotobe—the prime minister and presumed heir as son of Radama's eldest sister—along with his immediate family, other royal kin, and dissenting nobles.^[69]^[16] These purges, commencing immediately after her declaration and intensifying post-coronation on 12 August 1829, despatched key figures such as governors and cousins of Radama to forestall rebellions, reflecting her insecurity despite initial administrative continuity in tax collection and military structure.^[70] The transition signaled an abrupt policy pivot, as Ranavalona invalidated Radama's treaties with Britain within months, isolating the kingdom from foreign influences and foreshadowing broader reversals, though elite executions prioritized short-term stability over long-term governance reforms.^[71] This ruthless stabilization, involving the deaths of dozens of high-ranking individuals in the initial phase, entrenched her autocratic rule but decimated the bureaucracy Radama had built.^[69]^[70]

Historical Assessments and Long-Term Effects

Historians credit Radama I with achieving the first effective unification of much of Madagascar under a single ruler by 1828, extending Merina control over approximately two-thirds of the island through military conquests and centralized administration, which fostered island-wide recognition of Merina hegemony.^[7] This consolidation laid initial groundwork for modernization, including bureaucratic innovations and exposure to European technologies via British alliances, marking a shift from fragmented chiefdoms to an imperial structure.^[72] However, assessments highlight the unsustainability of Radama's militarism, as expansionist campaigns from the 1820s onward intensified corvée labor (fanompoana) demands, contributing to demographic stagnation between 1820 and 1895 through elevated rates of disease, malnutrition, infertility, and infant mortality among the Merina population.^[55] Slave holdings within Imerina expanded fivefold from 1833 to 1862, comprising up to 66% of the population by the latter date, underscoring internal reliance on coerced labor despite the 1820 Anglo-Merina treaty banning slave exports—a policy enforced unevenly that masked domestic exploitation rather than eradicating it.^[55] These strains exhausted resources and social structures, precipitating policy reversals under Ranavalona I, who prioritized sovereignty by expelling foreign agents and missionaries to avert perceived European encroachment facilitated by Radama's dependencies.^[8] Long-term effects reveal how Radama's conquests, while imposing a top-down nationalism, sowed vulnerabilities through overextension and violence-based integration, fostering resentments that fragmented imperial cohesion in the mid-19th century and eased French incursions by the 1880s. The demographic crisis initiated under his regime bridged pre-colonial and colonial eras, hindering sustained development and contributing to the Merina empire's eventual collapse despite early unifying gains.^[55]

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