Fact-checked by Grok 2 weeks ago

SAAP

The Society for the Advancement of American Philosophy (SAAP) is a scholarly organization established in 1973 as the American Philosophy Group, dedicated to advancing research, teaching, and discourse on the history and contemporary applications of American philosophical traditions, including pragmatism, idealism, transcendentalism, naturalism, and process philosophy.^[1]^[2] It emphasizes the practical implications of these traditions for addressing issues such as injustice, environmental challenges, and social inequities, while fostering intersections with feminism, indigenous thought, African American philosophy, and Latinx perspectives.^[2] SAAP's core activities include hosting annual meetings that serve as forums for exchanging ideas among philosophers, with the 2025 conference scheduled for March 13–15 in Washington, D.C., focusing on themes like practices, organizations, and readings in American philosophy.^[3] The society supports emerging scholars through graduate student travel grants and promotes excellence via awards such as the Herbert Schneider Award for distinguished contributions to American philosophy and the Douglas Greenlee Prize for the best paper by a younger scholar.^[1] It also encourages international engagement and pluralism by offering research and travel grants ranging from $500 to $1,000.^[1] Through its newsletter and collaborative initiatives, SAAP sustains a commitment to original creative work in the spirit of American philosophy's emphasis on empirical inquiry and practical problem-solving, bridging historical figures like Charles Sanders Peirce and John Dewey with modern applications.^[4]^[2]

Overview

Purpose and Objectives

The Supported Accommodation Assistance Program (SAAP) aims to deliver transitional supported accommodation and associated services to individuals experiencing homelessness or at imminent risk thereof, with the explicit goal of fostering self-reliance and preventing long-term reliance on assistance. Enacted under the Supported Accommodation Assistance Act 1994, the program's objectives center on providing short-term crisis intervention to enable participants to achieve stable housing outcomes independently, rather than offering indefinite support.^[5] This transitional focus distinguishes SAAP from permanent housing initiatives, prioritizing immediate relief from housing crises alongside targeted support to address underlying vulnerabilities such as family breakdown or domestic violence.^[6] SAAP addresses three distinct categories of homelessness as defined in Australian policy frameworks: primary homelessness, where individuals lack any conventional shelter and reside on streets, in parks, or improvised dwellings; secondary homelessness, involving repeated short-term stays in institutional or crisis facilities like refuges or hostels; and tertiary homelessness, marked by precarious arrangements such as couch-surfing or overcrowding in substandard private accommodations that fail to meet minimum habitability standards.^[6] By targeting these groups through coordinated services, SAAP seeks to mitigate acute housing instability and facilitate pathways to self-sufficiency, including reconnection with family networks where feasible and resolution of precipitating crises.^[7] Operated via a joint funding and administrative partnership between the Commonwealth and state/territory governments since its inception, SAAP consolidates national efforts to standardize responses to homelessness, ensuring equitable access to support across diverse jurisdictions while emphasizing evidence-based, outcome-oriented interventions over ad-hoc aid.^[8] This collaborative structure underpins the program's objective of systemic efficiency in homelessness alleviation, drawing on shared resources to deliver accommodation and ancillary services like counseling and case management tailored to individual needs.^[9]

Scope and Target Populations

The Supported Accommodation Assistance Program (SAAP) encompassed crisis and short-term supported accommodation services nationwide, targeting individuals and families who were homeless or at imminent risk of homelessness owing to acute circumstances such as eviction, relationship breakdown, or financial hardship.^[7] At its peak utilization, SAAP agencies assisted approximately 100,000 clients annually, with over 90,000 clients supported in 1999–2000 alone across more than 1,200 agencies delivering around 157,000 support periods.^[10] These services operated through state and territory-specific implementations under joint Commonwealth and state funding, ensuring broad geographic coverage while adapting to regional needs.^[11] SAAP prioritized assistance for vulnerable subpopulations, including young people, victims of domestic violence, and those with mental health challenges or disabilities, with agencies often specialized by primary client groups such as families, single women escaping violence, or youth at risk. For instance, services for women fleeing domestic violence formed a dedicated category, reflecting the program's emphasis on crisis response for those facing immediate threats.^[12] However, eligibility excluded individuals requiring long-term institutional or residential care, as SAAP focused on transitional support rather than ongoing institutionalization.^[7] National oversight of program scope relied on the SAAP National Data Collection, operational from 1996 to 2011, which aggregated client demographics, service requests, and outcomes across jurisdictions to monitor reach without evaluating long-term efficacy.^[11] This framework captured data on accommodation requests and support needs, highlighting the program's concentration on short-term interventions for at-risk adults, families, and youth amid broader homelessness pressures.^[13]

History

Establishment in 1985

The Supported Accommodation Assistance Program (SAAP) was established on 1 January 1985 through bilateral agreements between the Australian Commonwealth government and state/territory governments, consolidating eight separate pre-existing programs that had provided fragmented assistance to homeless individuals or those at imminent risk of homelessness.^[14]^[15] This unification addressed policy gaps in prior ad-hoc arrangements, where services varied widely by jurisdiction and lacked national coordination, often resulting in inconsistent coverage amid rising demand driven by economic downturns.^[16] The early 1980s recession, characterized by high unemployment rates peaking at around 10% and reduced housing affordability due to interest rate hikes and industrial restructuring, contributed to spikes in homelessness by disrupting employment stability and increasing evictions among low-income households.^[17] SAAP's initial framework emphasized transitional support services—such as crisis accommodation, outreach, and case management—intended to enable participants to achieve independent living rather than foster long-term dependency on public aid.^[7]^[18] Funding operated on a jointly financed model via these bilateral pacts, with the Commonwealth providing the majority of resources to community-based organizations for delivering targeted interventions, while states handled local administration and matched contributions to align with regional needs.^[10] This structure marked a departure from purely reactive measures, incorporating principles of self-sufficiency by prioritizing medium-term rehabilitation over perpetual crisis response, though early implementation revealed challenges in scaling services to match causal drivers like structural unemployment.^[9]

Expansion and Policy Developments (1985–2000)

Following the establishment of SAAP in 1985, the program underwent gradual expansion through increased service provision and funding allocations in the late 1980s and early 1990s, consolidating disparate state and Commonwealth initiatives into a more coordinated national framework for crisis accommodation and support. By the mid-1990s, the number of funded services had grown to over 1,500 agencies nationwide, reflecting efforts to address rising demand amid persistent homelessness, with Australian Bureau of Statistics data indicating approximately 105,000 people enumerated as homeless in the 1996 census despite these developments.^[19] The Supported Accommodation Assistance Act 1994 formalized SAAP's objectives, mandating transitional accommodation and targeted support services—such as crisis intervention and training for self-sufficiency—to enable homeless individuals to regain independence, while requiring periodic reviews of funding agreements between the Commonwealth and states/territories.^[20]^[16] This legislative update aligned with broader policy emphases on coordinated responses, though implementation remained decentralized across jurisdictions. Recurrent funding rose steadily, reaching AUD 224 million by 1997–98, supporting enhancements in service delivery models.^[7] Commencement of the national data collection in 1996 by the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare revealed patterns of high unmet demand and frequent short-term service use, highlighting challenges like client recidivism to homelessness programs and prompting targeted adjustments, including the formalization of case management practices in 1997 via the SAAP Case Management Resource Kit to improve ongoing support and linkages to housing and employment services.^[11]^[21] These insights informed minor expansions in support offerings, such as enhanced referral systems, amid budget growth to approximately AUD 268 million by 2000–01, coinciding with the 1999 renewal of intergovernmental agreements that integrated SAAP with broader housing strategies under the Commonwealth-State Housing Agreement framework.^[22]^[23] Despite these measures, program data underscored ongoing trends of capacity constraints and repeat service episodes, indicating limited progress in reducing underlying homelessness drivers.^[24]

Reforms and Challenges (2000–2011)

In the early 2000s, parliamentary inquiries into poverty and service provision identified notable gaps in SAAP coverage, particularly for under-serviced Indigenous populations who faced barriers to accessing crisis accommodation and support in both urban and remote settings.^[25] These assessments underscored disparities in service availability for Indigenous clients, who comprised a disproportionate share of SAAP users yet experienced higher rates of unmet needs due to geographic isolation and cultural mismatches in program delivery. Similar challenges emerged in rural areas, where sparse infrastructure and transport limitations exacerbated delays in emergency responses, prompting calls for enhanced regional outreach.^[11] To mitigate these deficiencies, federal and state governments initiated targeted funding reallocations within SAAP frameworks, prioritizing Indigenous-specific services and rural expansion through the allocation of additional resources to non-metropolitan providers between 2004 and 2008.^[26] However, implementation faced hurdles, including administrative silos that hindered effective distribution, as evidenced by persistent reports of capacity shortfalls in high-need locales.^[27] The 2008 National Partnership Agreement on Homelessness (NPAH) marked a pivotal reform effort, integrating SAAP operations with complementary systems like employment services and Centrelink to rectify coordination failures that had fragmented client pathways and prolonged housing instability.^[28] This agreement facilitated data-sharing transitions from SAAP collections to emerging specialist homelessness metrics, aiming to streamline referrals and reduce service overlaps, though early rollout revealed ongoing integration bottlenecks in states with decentralized administration.^[29] Preceding the 2011 program transition, independent evaluations highlighted SAAP's limited efficacy, with national homelessness enumerated at approximately 105,000 individuals on census night in 2006—a figure reflecting only marginal decline from prior years despite expanded service episodes.^[30] Stagnant rates, coupled with rising demand pressures from economic downturns, underscored systemic challenges in achieving sustained exits from homelessness, fueling advocacy for structural overhauls beyond incremental adjustments.^[11]

Program Operations

Service Delivery Model

The Supported Accommodation Assistance Program (SAAP) operated through a decentralized framework, with administration delegated to state and territory governments, which funded and oversaw services delivered primarily by non-government organizations and community agencies.^[31]^[7] These entities provided targeted interventions such as crisis accommodation for immediate shelter, outreach to identify and assist at-risk individuals, and advocacy to secure additional resources like legal aid or income support.^[26] This structure allowed for localized adaptation to regional needs, such as urban versus rural service gaps, while maintaining national eligibility criteria focused on homelessness or imminent risk.^[7] Services emphasized transitional support rather than indefinite housing, categorizing accommodations into crisis or short-term options—typically lasting days to several months for stabilization—and medium to long-term arrangements aimed at fostering independence through linked interventions like counseling, life skills training, and referrals to employment or health services.^[32]^[33] Unlike permanent housing subsidy models, such as Commonwealth Rent Assistance, SAAP prioritized on-site or proximate support to address acute crises, with stays in crisis facilities often limited to 1-3 months and medium-term up to 6-12 months to encourage progression toward self-sufficiency. This differentiated approach focused on temporary crisis resolution over ongoing financial aid, integrating case management to coordinate wraparound services without mandating behavioral changes.^[21] Delivery adhered to a client-centered protocol, tailoring assistance to individual circumstances such as family violence escape or youth disconnection, with participation remaining fully voluntary and free of enforcement mechanisms.^[34] Agencies assessed needs upon intake, offering advocacy for court appearances or benefit applications alongside accommodation, but protocols prohibited compulsory treatment or residency extensions beyond assessed requirements.^[35] This model relied on agency discretion within guidelines, promoting flexibility for diverse client profiles while avoiding coercive elements that could deter engagement.^[36]

Funding and Administration

The Supported Accommodation Assistance Program (SAAP) was jointly funded by the Australian Commonwealth government and state and territory governments through recurrent annual allocations, with the Commonwealth typically contributing a significant portion matched by state contributions under bilateral agreements. For SAAP V (2005–2010), the Commonwealth allocated AUD 932 million over five years, equating to approximately AUD 186 million annually, supplemented by state and territory funding to support over 1,200 service providers nationwide.^[37]^[11] By 2010, combined funding across jurisdictions exceeded AUD 400 million per year, directed toward operational costs including staff wages, accommodation maintenance, and client support delivery.^[26] Administration occurred via departmental oversight, primarily through the Commonwealth Department of Families, Housing, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs (FaHCSIA), in coordination with state housing and welfare departments, ensuring funds were disbursed to non-government organizations and community agencies under performance-based service agreements.^[11]^[7] Accountability mechanisms included mandatory reporting requirements embedded in funding triennials, focusing on compliance with national standards for service equity and accessibility across jurisdictions.^[38] The Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW) managed the SAAP National Data Collection, compiling annual reports on program inputs such as total bed-nights occupied (e.g., over 1.5 million in 2007–08) and support episodes delivered, though these emphasized volume metrics over long-term client outcomes.^[39]^[40] This federated approach, while enabling localized delivery, introduced administrative complexities from varying state protocols and data harmonization needs, as evidenced by ongoing efforts to standardize reporting under Commonwealth-state pacts.^[11]^[41]

Types of Accommodation and Support Services

SAAP accommodation services primarily consisted of crisis options for urgent relief, transitional housing for stabilization, and supported boarding arrangements. Crisis accommodation encompassed emergency shelters and refuges providing short-term stays, often limited to 1-14 nights, to protect clients from immediate risks such as exposure or violence. Transitional housing offered medium-term residences, typically 3-6 months, in dedicated facilities or scattered units with embedded support to facilitate personal recovery and planning for independent living. Supported boarding houses supplied supervised rooming in private or communal settings, emphasizing ongoing monitoring for vulnerable populations like those with mental health issues, without constituting permanent housing.^[26]^[7] Support services operated within a case management framework, beginning with intake assessments to identify individual barriers such as unemployment, substance use, or domestic issues. Case managers then coordinated bespoke interventions, including tenancy skills training focused on lease obligations, financial literacy, and household management; referrals to external providers for medical treatment, psychological counseling, or legal aid; and targeted family reunification efforts, such as mediation for estranged relatives, when aligned with client goals and safety. These services prioritized practical empowerment over indefinite aid, drawing on agency staff and partnerships to address acute needs.^[42]^[6]^[16] Direct cash payments to clients and long-term rental subsidies fell outside SAAP's scope, as funding supported agency-delivered interventions rather than individual financial transfers, aiming instead to build capacities for private market engagement.^[16]^[43]

Effectiveness and Outcomes

Empirical Data on Participant Assistance

From 1996 to 2011, the Australian Institute of Health and Welfare's (AIHW) SAAP National Data Collection documented substantial service uptake, with annual closed support periods reaching approximately 300,000–400,000 by the late 2000s, cumulatively exceeding 1 million episodes of assistance provided to participants facing homelessness or housing crisis.^[11]^[44] Women comprised a majority of adult clients nationally, around 60% in many reporting periods, driven by high demand from domestic violence services where female clients predominated.^[12] Repeat usage rates were elevated, with 30–40% of clients experiencing recurrent support needs within a year, as indicated by multiple support periods in agency records, underscoring immediate post-assistance vulnerabilities. Short-term exit metrics revealed that 70–80% of participants achieved initial placement in stable or medium-term housing upon leaving services, though outcomes were notably lower (often below 60%) for subgroups with co-occurring substance use disorders, where retention challenges persisted.^[45]^[26] Service coverage exhibited gaps, particularly for Indigenous Australians—who faced homelessness rates 8–10 times higher than non-Indigenous yet represented only 16–18% of clients in aggregate data—and rural populations, where agency distribution favored urban centers, limiting immediate access in remote areas despite elevated local needs.^[46]^[47]

Long-Term Impact on Homelessness Rates

Census data from the Australian Bureau of Statistics indicate that the prevalence of homelessness remained stable at approximately 0.5% of the population—equating to around 100,000 to 105,000 individuals—across the 1996, 2001, 2006, and 2011 enumerations, despite the SAAP's growth in service capacity and annual client support exceeding 200,000 by 2009–10.^[48]^[49] This persistence occurred as Australia's population expanded from 17.9 million in 1996 to 21.5 million in 2011, suggesting no substantial population-level decline attributable to the program. The SAAP's emphasis on temporary crisis accommodation and support services mitigated immediate housing instability for participants but did not appreciably alter overarching trends, as evidenced by the program's own evaluation, which determined it had reached operational limits in curbing homelessness without complementary structural interventions.^[50] Longitudinal patterns reflect unaddressed root causes, including mental health deinstitutionalization since the 1980s, which halved psychiatric bed numbers while community housing options lagged, elevating risks for individuals with severe conditions who comprised a disproportionate share of the homeless population.^[51]^[52] Concurrently, regulatory constraints on housing development, such as zoning and planning restrictions, constrained supply and intensified affordability pressures, perpetuating inflows into homelessness amid rising private rental costs.^[53]^[54] In comparative contexts, analogous accommodation-focused initiatives in Canada and the UK during the 1990s–2010s produced limited aggregate reductions, with Canadian shelter demands rising despite policy expansions and UK efforts yielding modest drops in rough sleeping but stable or increasing overall rates without parallel boosts in affordable stock.^[55]^[56]^[57] These outcomes underscore scalability challenges for symptom-oriented programs absent reforms targeting supply-side barriers and preventive supports, aligning with Australia's experience under SAAP.^[58]

Cost-Benefit Analysis

The Supported Accommodation Assistance Program (SAAP) entailed significant government expenditures, with recurrent funding totaling AUD 224 million nationally in 1997–98 and rising to AUD 400.4 million in 2007–08, comprising both federal and state contributions directed to non-government agencies for service delivery.^[7]^[59] Per-client recurrent costs averaged AUD 1,929 in 1997–98, varying by jurisdiction from AUD 1,163 in the Northern Territory to AUD 2,541 in Tasmania, while later estimates for supported accommodation services reached AUD 4,890–5,957 per client in 2010–11, equating to approximately AUD 56 per client-day.^[7]^[60] These inputs funded crisis, medium- to long-term, and outreach accommodations, but included opportunity costs such as capital tied up in properties (AUD 66 per client-night at an 8% user cost rate) that could otherwise support preventive interventions like employment training.^[60] Verifiable benefits centered on short-term cost offsets from stabilized clients, including reductions in health service utilization (AUD 1,559 per client overall, with AUD 9,295 for single women) and justice system contacts (AUD 2,397 mean per client, or AUD 6,447 for single men).^[60] Economic evaluations indicated potential annual savings exceeding twice program costs in some cases, with net per-client savings of AUD 5,076–5,587 for single men and domestic violence-affected women after accounting for offsets against baseline homeless costs (e.g., AUD 8,947 annual excess health costs for single men).^[61] However, tenancy support clients experienced net health cost increases (AUD 3,448–3,534 per client), linked to heightened service engagement during support periods.^[60] Net return on investment varied by cohort, exceeding 100% for single women through full cost offsets, but ranging 30–50% for single men, with overall analyses sensitive to data limitations like 30% follow-up rates and outlier effects.^[60] While short-term stabilizations yielded fiscal recoveries via deferred hospitalizations and reduced incarceration referrals, the program's emphasis on accommodation over root-cause prevention implied opportunity costs, as funds allocated to recurrent support (e.g., AUD 25,923 per family in medium- to long-term services) potentially displaced investments in skill-building measures that could yield higher long-term societal returns.^[61]^[60]

Criticisms and Controversies

Inefficiencies and Dependency Issues

The Supported Accommodation Assistance Program (SAAP) faced critiques regarding administrative inefficiencies, including significant service fragmentation that resulted in repeated client handoffs between agencies, undermining coordinated support and increasing operational overhead. Reports highlighted poor coordination among the hundreds of independent service providers funded under SAAP, leading to gaps in continuity and duplicated efforts that diverted resources from direct client assistance.^[62] ^[63] Evidence of dependency was evident in high rates of repeat service utilization, with approximately 12% of SAAP clients experiencing three or more support periods annually, indicating short-term resolutions followed by recidivism into homelessness. The average client received 1.7 support periods per year, often without mandatory conditions such as work requirements or time limits, which critics contended perpetuated reliance on temporary aid rather than fostering self-sufficiency.^[64] ^[60] Proponents of SAAP emphasized its role in delivering crisis intervention for vulnerable populations, arguing that immediate accommodation and support prevented worse outcomes like street homelessness. However, libertarian-leaning analyses of similar welfare structures maintained that such programs subsidized idleness by prioritizing accommodation over incentives for employment or personal responsibility, contributing to long-term entrapment in the welfare system without addressing behavioral disincentives.^[65]

Failure to Address Root Causes

The Supported Accommodation Assistance Program (SAAP), operational from 1985 to 2008, primarily delivered crisis accommodation and short-term support without systematically intervening in underlying contributors to homelessness, such as family and relationship breakdowns, which accounted for 36% of circumstances leading clients to seek assistance.^[66] This approach overlooked how domestic violence and familial dysfunction often precipitated entry into homelessness, with no integrated policies under SAAP to bolster family stability or preventive social services. Similarly, regulatory constraints on housing development, including zoning restrictions and protracted approval processes, exacerbated supply shortages that trapped individuals in cycles of instability, yet SAAP neither advocated for nor incorporated reforms to these barriers.^[67] Among SAAP clients, substance abuse affected approximately 43% of the broader homeless population served, often preceding or co-occurring with housing loss, but program data indicated limited treatment integration, with only select agencies addressing addiction as a primary need rather than providing mandatory or upstream rehabilitation pathways.^[68] Mental health issues were reported in 12% of cases per Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW) collections, though critics noted underreporting due to methodological limitations and the fact that substance misuse frequently exacerbated or masked psychiatric conditions without targeted de-institutionalization follow-up or compulsory care options.^[69] These gaps perpetuated recidivism, as evidenced by repeated service use among clients with comorbid disorders, highlighting SAAP's symptom-focused model over causal interventions like enforced sobriety conditions or family reconciliation programs. In contrast, Nordic strategies, such as Finland's Housing First initiative implemented from 2008, achieved a 35% reduction in long-term homelessness by 2019 through immediate permanent housing paired with voluntary but intensive support for addiction and mental health, demonstrating superior outcomes via supply expansion and integrated care without preconditions for sobriety.^[70] Mainstream Australian discourse, often amplified by advocacy groups, emphasized increased SAAP-style funding despite stagnant root-cause progress, while alternative analyses stressed personal accountability measures, such as conditional welfare tied to treatment compliance, akin to elements in Norway's policy framework that halved homelessness rates since 2012 by prioritizing prevention over reactive aid.^[71] This divergence underscores how SAAP's design, reliant on non-judgmental accommodation, neglected empirically supported levers like regulatory deregulation for housing abundance and accountability-driven reforms.^[72]

Political and Fiscal Critiques

The Supported Accommodation Assistance Program (SAAP), while enjoying bipartisan endorsement across Australian federal governments, faced ideological scrutiny from fiscal conservatives who argued that its expansionary model risked fostering welfare dependency by prioritizing short-term crisis accommodation over incentives for self-reliance. Coalition policymakers, particularly during the Howard administration (1996–2007), critiqued passive welfare approaches like SAAP for insufficiently linking support to mutual obligation principles, such as employment activation, echoing broader concerns that unconditioned aid could disincentivize exits from homelessness into sustainable housing and work.^[73]^[74] This perspective aligned with the government's 1999 welfare review, which advocated systemic reforms to curb long-term reliance on programs like SAAP amid rising caseloads.^[75] Fiscal hawks raised sustainability issues in Howard-era assessments, noting SAAP's escalating costs—reaching approximately AUD 300 million annually by the mid-2000s—against evidence of inefficiencies, including low client throughput (averaging 20–30% achieving housing stability) and high per-client expenditures exceeding AUD 10,000 per support period.^[76] The 2004 National Evaluation of SAAP IV underscored these pressures, reporting that demand outstripped capacity by 50% in major jurisdictions, straining budgets without commensurate reductions in recidivism rates, which hovered at 40–50% within 12 months.^[77] Critics within the Liberal Party contended this model exemplified moral hazard in welfare expansion, diverting resources from preventive measures like job training while perpetuating cycles of institutional reliance.^[78] Controversies extended to funding allocations, with allegations of pork-barrelling in state-level distributions favoring electorally strategic regions over evidence-based needs, as documented in parliamentary debates on federal-state funding pacts under SAAP IV agreements.^[79] Indigenous-specific implementations drew sharp rebukes for failing to dent elevated baseline homelessness rates—Indigenous clients comprised 12–15% of SAAP users despite representing 2–3% of the population—attributed to inadequate integration of cultural factors and remote service gaps, despite targeted funding streams.^[80] In contrast, Australian Labor Party advocates lauded SAAP's equity focus, crediting it with broadening access for vulnerable groups like women fleeing domestic violence, who accounted for 40% of clients by 2004.^[81] Liberals countered by pushing for workfare-aligned reforms, such as mandatory case management tied to Centrelink obligations, to embed personal responsibility.^[74] Independents and policy analysts highlighted urban biases, with 70–80% of services concentrated in metropolitan areas, exacerbating regional disparities in rural and remote homelessness response.^[82]

Replacement and Legacy

Transition to Specialist Homelessness Services (2011)

The Supported Accommodation Assistance Program (SAAP) was discontinued and replaced by the Specialist Homelessness Services (SHS) program on 1 July 2011, marking the culmination of reforms under the National Partnership Agreement on Homelessness (NPAH).^[83]^[84] This shift reflected an implicit recognition of SAAP's inadequacies in achieving sustained reductions in homelessness, as the prior program had primarily delivered crisis-oriented support without sufficiently scaling prevention or long-term housing outcomes.^[85] The NPAH, agreed upon by the Council of Australian Governments in 2008, provided $800 million in total funding over four years (2009–10 to 2012–13), with the Australian Government contributing $400 million matched by state and territory governments, to support over 180 new or expanded service initiatives nationwide.^[86] The rationale for the transition emphasized a broader service scope, incorporating enhanced prevention and early intervention measures alongside crisis accommodation, to address not only those already homeless but also those at imminent risk.^[84] However, SHS retained fundamental structural flaws from SAAP, including an absence of requirements to tackle root causes such as housing supply shortages, welfare dependency incentives, or individual behavioral factors contributing to chronic homelessness; funding remained directed toward episodic support rather than systemic reforms.^[87] This continuity suggested the replacement served more as an administrative expansion than a fundamental overhaul, admitting SAAP's partial failure in curbing recidivism while perpetuating reliance on service provision over causal interventions. In the first year of operation (2011–12), SHS agencies assisted approximately 230,000 clients, representing a substantial uptick from SAAP's preceding annual figures of around 200,000, driven by increased service capacity and outreach.^[88] Yet, early SHS data revealed operational patterns mirroring SAAP's challenges, with average client support periods holding steady at 1.7 episodes per person and no evident decline in re-engagement rates, underscoring persistent high recidivism and limited long-term housing stability.^[85] These outcomes highlighted the transition's immediate limitations in breaking cycles of homelessness despite expanded resources.

Comparative Analysis with Successor Programs

The Specialist Homelessness Services (SHS), which succeeded the Supported Accommodation Assistance Program (SAAP) in July 2011, maintained comparable volumes of client assistance, supporting nearly 230,000 individuals in its inaugural 2011–12 year, akin to SAAP's annual caseloads exceeding 200,000 in preceding years.^[89] While SHS introduced an expanded emphasis on family and domestic violence support—accounting for over 40% of client needs by the mid-2010s—core metrics on accommodation and advocacy services showed continuity rather than marked improvement in housing outcomes.^[90] National homelessness enumeration via the 2016 Census revealed 116,000 people experiencing homelessness, equating to a rate of 50 per 10,000 population, with no discernible reduction attributable to the program transition.^[91] Key structural differences in SHS included enhanced data collection through the Specialist Homelessness Services Collection (SHSC), enabling monthly reporting and analytics on client pathways, which SAAP's National Data Collection lacked in granularity.^[92] However, this shift coincided with a broader client base, where over 57% of SHS engagements by 2017–18 involved individuals "at risk" of homelessness rather than currently homeless, potentially inflating service reach without proportionally addressing acute cases.^[93] Critics, including analyses from the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute (AHURI), argue this definitional expansion obscures inefficacy, as sustained support periods often failed to yield lasting exits from homelessness, mirroring SAAP's patterns of repeat service use.^[85] Empirical trends post-transition indicate no causal decline in homelessness rates linked to either program; census data showed a 5% rise from 2011 to 2016, persisting into 2021 with 122,000 affected.^[94] SHS client rates peaked at 119.2 per 10,000 in 2016–17 before a slight dip, but aggregate evaluations attribute stability to external factors like housing supply constraints rather than programmatic impact.^[95] In contrast, targeted pilots of rapid rehousing models—emphasizing immediate private-market leasing with time-limited support—demonstrated superior outcomes in select trials, such as the Axial Housing First program, where participants achieved 80–90% housing retention rates over 12–24 months, outperforming SHS's average 40–50% exit-to-stability for similar cohorts.^[96]^[97] These findings underscore causal limitations in both SAAP and SHS, where extended crisis interventions yielded marginal reductions in chronic homelessness compared to streamlined, market-oriented alternatives.

Broader Lessons for Welfare Policy

Transitional assistance programs, while providing immediate shelter, primarily address symptoms of homelessness rather than entrenched causal factors such as substance abuse, mental illness, family breakdown, and chronic unemployment, which empirical studies identify as predominant drivers in Australia.^[98]^[99] Effective welfare reform thus demands complementary measures, including expanded access to compulsory addiction treatment—where evidence indicates short-term efficacy in reducing relapse among severe cases—and zoning deregulation to alleviate housing shortages by permitting denser development, thereby lowering costs and eviction risks that exacerbate transience.^[100]^[101] Conditional cash transfers, which tie aid to verifiable behaviors like job training or sobriety milestones, demonstrate superior outcomes in fostering labor participation and income growth compared to unconditional variants, mitigating the dependency traps inherent in open-ended support.^[102]^[103] Private philanthropy, unburdened by bureaucratic mandates, often achieves greater efficiency in promoting self-reliance, as donors enforce accountability and innovation absent in government bureaucracies, which prioritize perpetuation over resolution.^[104] Such programs underscore the perils of governmental overextension, where disincentives to employment and family formation—core stabilizers against poverty—perpetuate reliance; policies recalibrating benefits to reward work and marital stability, as evidenced in reforms emphasizing time limits and requirements, better align with causal mechanisms reducing long-term vulnerability.^[105]^[106] Prioritizing these incentives over expansive aid frameworks curtails fiscal bloat while enhancing societal resilience, revealing that true progress stems from empowering individual agency rather than subsidizing stasis.^[107]

References

[1]
About SAAP - Society for the Advancement of American Philosophy
To promote interest and research in the history of American Philosophy; To encourage original, creative work in the spirit of that tradition; To provide a forum ...
[2]
About - Society for the Advancement of American Philosophy
SAAP exists to advance scholarship and teaching in the diverse areas of American Philosophy. Work on figures and issues in American pragmatism, American ...
[3]
SAAP2025 - Society for the Advancement of American Philosophy
SAAP2025 · Society for the Advancement of American Philosophy · 52nd Annual Meeting · March 13–15, 2025, Washington, D.C. · Practices, Organizations, and Readings ...
[4]
Newsletter of the Society for the Advancement of American Philosophy
The Society for the Advancement of American Philosophy (SAAP) seeks to advance American philosophy by promoting interest and research in its history ...
[5]
supported accommodation assistance act 1994 - sect 5 - AustLII
The overall aim of SAAP is to provide transitional supported accommodation and related support services, in order to help people who are homeless.
[6]
[PDF] Assistance to people experiencing homelessness
Of all the programs supporting people who are homeless or at risk of homelessness, SAAP provides the most diverse response, delivering accommodation and a range.Missing: objectives | Show results with:objectives
[7]
[PDF] Chapter 13: Protection and support services
Supported accommodation and assistance services aim to assist people who are homeless or at imminent risk of becoming homeless as a result of a crisis, ...
[8]
https://www.aph.gov.au/Parliamentary_Business/Committees/House_of_Representatives_Committees?url=fchy/homelessness/report/appendixd.pdf
[9]
[PDF] Chapter 14 | Supported Accommadation - Australia's Homeless Youth
Jointly financed by the Australian and state and territory governments, it funds community organisations to provide supported accommodation and related services ...
[10]
[PDF] chapter 6 temporary accommodation
In 1999-2000, 1 207 SAAP agencies provided services to over 90 000 clients with 157 000 support periods. There are 86 services managed by Indigenous ...
[11]
Supported Accommodation Assistance Program National data ...
Jul 26, 2024 · It captured information about the number of people who requested accommodation at SAAP agencies, which requests were met, and reasons for this.
[12]
Female SAAP clients and children escaping domestic and family ...
Aug 15, 2023 · Provides an overview of the 2003–04 data about female clients escaping domestic violence and the children who accompanied them.Missing: eligible mental
[13]
SAAP National Data Collection annual report 2006-07 Australia ...
Aug 17, 2023 · This is the Series 12 annual report of the Supported Accommodation Assistance Program (SAAP) National Data Collection. It provides an overview of assistance ...Missing: numbers peak
[14]
[PDF] 9 Services for people - experiencing homelessness
These independent programs were reviewed in 1983 and. SAAP was launched in 1985, when eight separate programs were brought together under a joint Commonwealth ...
[15]
National Affordable Housing Agreement (NAHA ... - Signposts
SAAP, jointly funded by Commonwealth and State Governments, commenced on January 1, 1985 . Its stated aim was “to provide a range of supported accommodation and ...
[16]
[PDF] 1 Introduction
The Supported Accommodation Assistance Program (SAAP) was established in 1985 to consolidate a number of Commonwealth, State and Territory government programs.
[17]
[PDF] Freedom to Sleep.pdf - Dr Bill Day Anthropologist
Nov 10, 2006 · Awareness of the structural causes of homelessness accelerated during the recession of the 1980's and this was accompanied by recognition of new.
[18]
[PDF] Children in SAAP - Arts, Design & Architecture
The projects were developed under four broad themes: ▫ needs of homeless sub-populations. ▫ service system responses and linkages. ▫ program management and ...
[19]
SAAP National Data Collection Annual Report 1999-2000 Australia
Aug 17, 2023 · AIHW, 2000. Vancouver. Australian Institute of Health and Welfare. SAAP National Data Collection Annual Report 1999-2000 Australia. Canberra: ...
[20]
SUPPORTED ACCOMMODATION ASSISTANCE ACT 1994
The Supported Accommodation Assistance Act 1994 includes SAAP agreements, grants, and a Commonwealth Advisory Committee on Homelessness.Missing: Australia | Show results with:Australia
[21]
[PDF] AHURI_Final_Report_No127_W...
Supported Accommodation Assistance Program (SAAP). The approach was formally documented in 1997 with the release of the SAAP Case Management Resource Kit.
[22]
[PDF] Homelessness among older people: a comparative study in three ...
In the 2000-01 financial year, the relevant governments contributed $268.5 million towards SAAP agencies in Australia (SAAP Monograph, 2002). While SAAP funds ...
[23]
https://www.aph.gov.au/Parliamentary_Business/Committees/House_of_Representatives_Committees?url=fchy/homelessness/report/chapter2.htm
[24]
SAAP National Data Collection Annual Report 2000-01 Australia
Aug 17, 2023 · This is the fifth annual report on the Supported Accommodation Assistance Program (SAAP) National Data Collection.
[25]
Chapter 13 - Indigenous Australians - Parliament of Australia
13.25 A number of gaps in service provision were identified as requiring further action including: an increase in SAAP services for under-serviced homeless and ...
[26]
[PDF] Supported accommodation assistance
The Supported Accommodation Assistance Program (SAAP) provides support to people who are homeless or at risk of being homeless (SAAP clients).Missing: objectives | Show results with:objectives
[27]
[PDF] The Inquiry into the funding of homelessness services in Australia
HPAP provided funding to faith-based and non-profit groups that were providing case support and accommodation for homeless persons, mainly men who were often ...
[28]
[PDF] National Partnership Agreement on Homelessness
Improved integration of homelessness services, employment and training providers and Centrelink ... SAAP National Data Collection to SHS. Implementation plan. 25.
[29]
SAAP National Data Collection annual report 2008-09: Australia ...
Aug 16, 2023 · It provides an overview of assistance given to clients and their children by government funded specialist homelessness services in 2008-09. ISSN ...Missing: integration | Show results with:integration
[30]
[PDF] Homelessness in Australia
Secondary homelessness includes people who move frequently from one form of temporary shelter to another. On census night, it includes all people staying in ...
[31]
[PDF] Needs of clients in the Supported Accommodation Assistance Program
The Supported Accommodation and Assistance Program (SAAP) has been Australia's major program response to homelessness. The program is funded jointly by the ...Missing: objectives | Show results with:objectives
[32]
Service provider organisation—funded service type, SAAP code N
Medium/long term accommodation services are directed towards linking homeless people into generalist services in the community and a more independent living ...
[33]
[PDF] 9 Mental health-related Supported Accommodation Assistance ...
A SAAP client is a person aged 18 years or older or an unaccompanied child (aged under. 18 years) who: • receives support or assistance from a SAAP agency which ...
[34]
[PDF] A redesigned homelessness service system
347 Ending homelessness in Australia: A redesigned homelessness service system. 23. 1. Introduction. A client-centred approach leads to the idea that a 'system ...
[35]
[PDF] AsSERTIVE OUTREACH RESOURCE MANUAL | Homelessness NSW
SAAP) and is the main source of current data providing ... The aim of a client centred approach should be to restore the dignity of homeless persons by.
[36]
[PDF] The Role of Community Development in Responding to ...
This client-centred approach in Miner's Rest and Drouin began simply with ... Ever since the homelessness services system (SAAP) was developed in the.
[37]
Supported Accommodation Assistance Program (SAAP V) signed
Oct 5, 2005 · “The Australian Government will contribute $932 million over five years. “Although funding for homelessness is primarily a state responsibility, ...Missing: administration | Show results with:administration
[38]
[PDF] chapter 24 - a youth accommodation and support services program
The Program must ensure that there are long-term accommodation options for all children and young people who require them. The Program will not be a crisis ...
[39]
[PDF] Demand for SAAP accommodation by homeless people 2007–08
through the Supported Accommodation Assistance Program (SAAP). When ... emphasised the goals of early intervention and post-crisis support. These goals ...<|control11|><|separator|>
[40]
[PDF] Body sections (Demand for SAAP accommodation by homeless ...
SAAP is a major part of Australia's overall response to homelessness. It was established in. 1985 to consolidate a number of Australian Government and state and ...
[41]
House of Representatives Committees – fchy homelessness report ...
... Supported Accommodation Assistance Program (SAAP) National Data Collection. ... SAAP was established in 1985 as a Commonwealth - states/territories program ...
[42]
[PDF] Homelessness Services Guidelines and Conditions of Funding May ...
Inclusive service provision for gender and sexually diverse clients must be based on a client-centred best practice approach, and must be positive and ...
[43]
SUPPORTED ACCOMMODATION ASSISTANCE ACT 1994 No. 162 ...
An Act relating to financial assistance to the States, the Australian Capital Territory and the Northern Territory in connection with the jointly-funded ...<|separator|>
[44]
SAAP National Data Collection annual report 2008-09: Australia ...
Figure 1 presents the number of support periods and clients over the 13 years of the SAAP National Data Collection. The number of support periods provided ...Missing: total episodes
[45]
[PDF] SAAP National Data Collection
The total recurrent allocation of funds for New South Wales in the 1999–2000 financial year was $84.9m (Table 2.1). Around 95% of this, or $80.4m, was allocated ...Missing: budget growth 1980s
[46]
More Australians receiving help from SAAP
Jul 31, 2008 · 'Indigenous Australians make up 2% of the general population, but 18% of SAAP clients,' said Ms Murdoch. The rate of use was particularly high ...Missing: percentage | Show results with:percentage
[47]
Rural and remote health - Australian Institute of Health and Welfare
Data show that people living in rural and remote areas have higher rates of hospitalisations, deaths and injury and also have poorer access to, and use of, ...Missing: SAAP coverage
[48]
[PDF] The spatial dynamics of homelessness in Australia 2001–2011
Estimates of homelessness in these regions have been drawn from the ABS revised census counts in 2001,. 2006 and 2011. Measures of homelessness service ...
[49]
Government-funded specialist homelessness services: SAAP ...
Aug 17, 2023 · 18% of clients and 26% of children accompanying clients identified as Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander, far higher than the proportion of ...Missing: percentage | Show results with:percentage
[50]
Chapter 2 Homelessness in Australia
Primary homelessness includes all people without conventional accommodation, such as people living on the streets, sleeping in parks, squatting in derelict ...
[51]
[PDF] Housing, homelessness and mental health: towards systems change
There is a critical shortage of social and affordable housing in Australia, and a significant share of people with lived experience of mental ill health rely on ...
[52]
[PDF] Homeless health care: meeting the challenges of providing primary ...
Homelessness is a growing health and social issue in. Australia, exacerbated by the deinstitutionalisation of psychiatric care and burgeoning waitlists for ...
[53]
Housing Affordability and Supply Restrictions - CIS
Feb 8, 2024 · The fundamental cause is that planning restrictions limit supply, driving up prices and rents. It is important to be clear about this, and for ...
[54]
[PDF] ENDING HOMELESSNESS IN AUSTRALIA
The structural drivers and individual risk factors that impact on homelessness include housing affordability barriers and housing supply constraints ...
[55]
Solving Homelessness from a Complex Systems Perspective - NIH
Trends in homelessness remain stubbornly high despite policy initiatives to end homelessness. A complex systems perspective provides insights into the dynamics ...
[56]
[PDF] Shelter - Homelessness in a growth economy
Until 1993, a national affordable housing strategy created over 650,000 housing units, homes which now house over 2 million. Canadians. After cutting its ...
[57]
[PDF] A Review of Single Homelessness in the UK 2000 - 2010 | Crisis
This review covers single homelessness in the UK from 2000-2010, including policy, practice, and research, and notes improvements over the period.<|control11|><|separator|>
[58]
[PDF] HC3.1. POPULATION EXPERIENCING HOMELESSNESS - OECD
May 13, 2024 · Homelessness trends in selected countries. People experiencing homelessness as a percentage of total population, 2010 to 2023, selected ...
[59]
SAAP National Data Collection annual report 2007-08, Australia ...
Aug 17, 2023 · AIHW. Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (2009) Homeless people in SAAP: SAAP National Data Collection annual report 2007-08, Australia ...
[60]
[PDF] The cost of homelessness and the net benefit of homelessness ...
For example, 'SAAP/CAP accommodation' continued to be reported as a type of support in the SAAP National Data Collection Agency (NDCA) Annual Report for the ...
[61]
[PDF] The cost-effectiveness of homelessness programs
This study provides a first assessment of the cost-effectiveness of homelessness programs for adults operating in Perth and the south-west of Western Australia.
[62]
[PDF] Housing assistance and non-shelter outcomes
In Australia the Supported Accommodation Assistance Program (SAAP) provides housing ... by service fragmentation and poor coordination (Pynoos et al 1998).
[63]
[PDF] Homelessness in Western Australia: - Centre for Social Impact
Service fragmentation and duplication is a major barrier to the effectiveness and cost- ... The SAAP Innovation and Investment Fund Strategy in. Western ...
[64]
[PDF] The Road Home: A National Approach to Reducing Homelessness
This Agreement provides $6.1 billion over the five years from 2008–09 on measures including social housing, assistance to people in the private rental market, ...
[65]
Growing Welfare Dependency Requires Honest Debate And Urgent ...
Apr 8, 2024 · “The growing culture of welfare and dependency in Australia is alarming and our leaders need to start having an honest, grown-up conversation ...
[66]
Needs of Clients in the Supported Accommodation Assistance ...
Nov 1, 2010 · This report outlines the results of an investigation into the support needs of clients receiving assistance through the Supported Accommodation ...Missing: 2000-2011 | Show results with:2000-2011
[67]
[PDF] Review of housing supply challenges and policy options for New ...
Nov 13, 2024 · These include barriers affecting the feasibility of residential development, construction industry capacity, current economic conditions, ...<|separator|>
[68]
(PDF) Homelessness and Substance Abuse: Which Comes First?
Aug 6, 2025 · We found that 43% of the sample had substance abuse problems. Of these people, one-third had substance abuse problems before they became ...
[69]
[PDF] Are-the-Homeless-Mentally-Ill.pdf - ResearchGate
On this basis, the AIHW found that 12 per cent of. SAAP clients had mental health issues. ... and that substance abuse precipitated mental health issues for ...
[70]
Finland's Zero Homeless Strategy: Lessons from a Success Story
Dec 13, 2021 · The Finnish experience demonstrates the effectiveness of tackling homelessness through a combination of financial assistance, integrated and ...
[71]
How Norway Is Proving That Homelessness Is a Solvable Problem
Jun 26, 2025 · The Scandinavian nation has significantly reduced the number of homeless people in recent decades thanks to both sustained political backing and ...
[72]
Bold reform or policy overreach? Australia's attack on homelessness
Oct 21, 2014 · National evaluation of the supported accommodation assistance program: A report to the SAAP National Coordination and Development Committee.Missing: inefficiencies | Show results with:inefficiencies
[73]
[PDF] National Homelessness Strategy
SAAP is a joint Commonwealth–State program that provides financial assistance to community organisations and local government to provide a range of support and ...Missing: initial | Show results with:initial<|separator|>
[74]
The Social Welfare Philosophy of the Liberal Party of Australia, 1983 ...
The aim of these reforms was to end incentives to welfare dependency, and promote a transfer of responsibility for welfare from the government to families and ...
[75]
[PDF] Governing homelessness : the discursive and institutional ...
- Problematics of government and political rationalities. - ... 1983-1996: The Supported Accommodation Assistance Program (SAAP) and. 'active ...
[76]
https://www.aihw.gov.au/getmedia/5fae01be-bc21-469c-a727-59fbe593d3e7/saapndcar01-02.pdf
[77]
National evaluation of the Supported Accommodation Assistance ...
National evaluation of the Supported Accommodation Assistance Program (SAAP IV) : a report to the SAAP National Coordination and Development Committee ...
[78]
A Report Card on Youth Homelessness in Australia: 2008–2018
Oct 15, 2025 · The following section offers a brief overview of youth homelessness policy and action in Australia. 3.1 The 1970s and 1980s.
[79]
[PDF] The Regulation of Pork Barrelling in Australia*
Hoare defines pork barrelling as the 'selective geographical allocation of publicly- controlled funds and resources for the purpose of gaining votes from ...Missing: SAAP | Show results with:SAAP
[80]
[PDF] Indigenous homelessness
The last two points include circumstances in which services which said to be available are not provided due to the failure of local service providers.
[81]
Homeless SAAP clients with mental health and substance use ...
Aug 11, 2023 · Mental health and substance use problems are experienced by many Australians and research has indicated these problems are far more ...Missing: failure | Show results with:failure
[82]
[PDF] Urban Indigenous homelessness: much more than housing
The Northern Territory (NT) has the highest rate of homelessness in Australia, which at 599 per 10,000 people is. 12 times the national rate of homelessness ( ...
[83]
[PDF] Specialist homelessness services
The Specialist Homelessness Services Collection (SHSC) began on 1 July 2011, and replaced the Supported. Accommodation Assistance Program (SAAP) National ...
[84]
Implementation of the National Partnership Agreement on ...
May 2, 2013 · The NPAH commenced in January 2009 with the primary aim of reducing, preventing and breaking the cycle of homelessness, and increasing the social inclusion of ...Missing: SAAP | Show results with:SAAP
[85]
[PDF] Effectiveness of the homelessness service system - Research Report
Aug 2, 2016 · The data show that during 2014–15, 256,000 people were assisted by specialist homelessness agencies across Australia, receiving 437,004 support ...
[86]
[PDF] Implementation of the National Partnership Agreement on ...
May 2, 2013 · Australian Government funding available to support the delivery of the. NPAH is to be matched by funding from the state and territory ...
[87]
[PDF] The funding and delivery of programs to reduce homelessness
The predominant form of funding for homelessness services is government funding, especially funding through the National Partnership Agreement on. Homelessness.<|separator|>
[88]
Specialist Homelessness Services 2011–12, Report editions
Jul 30, 2024 · In 2011–12, specialist homelessness services assisted almost 230,000 clients, representing 1 in 98 Australians. Of these clients, 56% were ...Missing: 240 | Show results with:240
[89]
Specialist Homelessness Services 2011–12, Summary
Dec 18, 2012 · In 2011–12, specialist homelessness services assisted almost 230,000 clients, representing 1 in 98 Australians. Of these clients, 56% were ...Missing: volumes | Show results with:volumes
[90]
Specialist homelessness services annual report 2023–24
Mar 11, 2025 · This publication draws on SHSC data to describe services and support provided to people experiencing homelessness or at risk of homelessness.
[91]
Census of Population and Housing: Estimating Homelessness, 2016
The homeless rate was 50 persons for every 10,000 persons enumerated in the 2016 Census, up 5% from the 48 persons in 2011 and up on the 45 persons in 2006; ...<|separator|>
[92]
Specialist Homelessness Services Collection Data Quality ...
There are significant differences between the SAAP NDC and the SHSC. Data are collected monthly from agencies participating in the collection. All agencies that ...
[93]
Specialist homelessness services annual report 2017–18
Clients at risk of homelessness comprise the majority of clients approaching SHS; clients housed but at risk of homelessness (57% or 143,200 clients in 2017–18) ...Missing: criticisms | Show results with:criticisms
[94]
Homelessness and homelessness services
To support Australians at risk of or experiencing homelessness, governments across Australia fund housing and homelessness services.Missing: enumeration 1996-2011 SAAP
[95]
Specialist homelessness services annual report 2023–24
Nov 26, 2024 · Almost 280,100 clients were assisted by specialist homelessness agencies, an increase from 236,400 clients in 2011–12 – an average annual ...Missing: 240 | Show results with:240
[96]
[PDF] Axial Housing First Program Evaluation
Dec 9, 2022 · This is an evaluation of the Axial Housing First pilot program, to inform its expansion, based on information from the Community Services ...
[97]
[PDF] Reducing homelessness and improving outcomes for young people
However, 40–50 per cent of young people exit the SHS into situations of homelessness. The delivery of rapid rehousing and permanent safe and secure youth- ...
[98]
Why do people really become homeless? - Pursuit
Nov 12, 2018 · They cited 'relationship breakdown and conflict' as the main cause for homelessness six times more often than substance use (64 per cent vs 10 ...
[99]
3. Causes, risks and vulnerable groups - Parliament of Australia
Several factors can contribute to a person experiencing homelessness, including long-term unemployment, mental health issues, substance abuse, family and ...<|separator|>
[100]
Compulsory Drug Treatment Works - City Journal
Aug 20, 2025 · One widely cited review—including by the New York Times—finds limited evidence of benefits, “with some studies suggesting potential harms.” It ...<|control11|><|separator|>
[101]
Zoning Reform Can Reduce Homelessness
Feb 19, 2024 · Policymakers reform zoning to make homes more widely available, there's less competition for housing, and landlords risk losing tenants if they raise rents.
[102]
Evidence from a Randomized Evaluation of the Household Welfare ...
For school enrollment and most child health outcomes, conditional cash transfers outperform unconditional cash transfers.
[103]
[PDF] The Uneven Ex-post Effects of Conditional and Unconditional Cash ...
Conditional cash transfers have positive effects on labor income, while unconditional cash transfers have no impact on labor income.
[104]
How Does Government Welfare Stack Up Against Private Charity ...
Dec 4, 2021 · Private charity constitutes a robust alternative to government welfare, one that is far more ethical and far more effective.
[105]
Welfare Reform - Cato Institute
Dec 15, 2022 · This goal requires that the incentives within the welfare system encourage work, savings, and family formation.
[106]
The Work vs Welfare Tradeoff Revisited - AIER
Feb 19, 2025 · As individuals choose to not work or decrease their labor to maintain welfare benefits, output decreases, reducing economic growth. On the other ...
[107]
Fixing the Broken Incentives in the U.S. Welfare System - FREOPP
Yet the results of all this spending have been disappointing. Welfare payments have helped reduce poverty rates, but some studies suggest that most of the ...