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Zaiyi

Zaiyi, better known by his title Prince Duan, was a Manchu noble and court official of the late Qing dynasty renowned for his fervent advocacy of the Boxer movement, an anti-foreign uprising that sought to expel Western imperialists and Christian missionaries from China.^[1] As a close ally of Empress Dowager Cixi, whose niece he married, Zaiyi rose to prominence in the imperial court, leveraging his position to promote xenophobic policies amid growing foreign encroachments through unequal treaties and territorial concessions.^[1] Zaiyi's defining role came during the Boxer Rebellion of 1899–1901, where he organized and elevated the Yihetuan (Boxers) from a regional folk movement into an instrument of state policy, securing official recognition and integrating them into Qing military efforts against the Eight-Nation Alliance.^[1] Appointed to the Zongli Yamen, the Qing foreign office, he aggressively pushed for confrontation, contributing to the court's declaration of war on foreign powers in 1900, which escalated the conflict and invited devastating retaliation.^[1] His efforts reflected a broader conservative backlash against modernization and foreign dominance, prioritizing Han-Chinese cultural preservation and Manchu rule over pragmatic reforms. Following the rebellion's failure and the Protocol of 1901, which imposed massive indemnities and humiliated the Qing, Zaiyi faced exile to Xinjiang as punishment for inciting the disaster, though he briefly returned during the Xinhai Revolution's chaos.^[1] His tenure embodies the tensions of a declining empire grappling with internal decay and external pressures, where appeals to supernatural invincibility among Boxers clashed with the realities of modern weaponry, ultimately accelerating the dynasty's collapse. Controversies surrounding Zaiyi center on his responsibility for the violence against both foreigners and Chinese converts, as well as the strategic miscalculation that empowered reformers and revolutionaries against the throne.^[1]

Origins and Early Career

Birth, Family, and Clan Background

Zaiyi was born on August 26, 1856, into the Aisin Gioro clan, the ruling imperial house of the Manchu Qing dynasty.^[2]^[3] He was the second son of Yicong, who bore the title Prince Dun of the First Rank and served as a high-ranking Manchu noble.^[4] Yicong himself was the fifth son of the Daoguang Emperor (r. 1820–1850), placing Zaiyi directly within the extended imperial lineage as a grandson of the emperor.^[4] The Aisin Gioro clan traced its origins to the Jianzhou Jurchens of Manchuria, a Tungusic people who unified under Nurhaci in the early 17th century to form the Later Jin state, the precursor to the Qing dynasty that conquered China in 1644.^[5] As the imperial surname, "Aisin Gioro" translates to "golden clan" in the Manchu language, signifying their exalted status among Manchu nobility, where peerages were hereditary and often tied to military or administrative roles in the banner system.^[6] Zaiyi's birth into this elite patriline afforded him privileges within the Qing court, including potential access to iron-cap princely titles—perpetual honors not subject to demotion—that characterized the clan's enduring power structure.^[7]

Education and Initial Positions in the Qing Court

Zaiyi, born on August 26, 1856, as the second son of Yicong (Prince Dun of the First Rank), a member of the imperial Aisin Gioro clan affiliated with the Manchu Bordered White Banner, received the formalized education typical of Qing imperial princes.^[8] ^[9] From age six, he studied at the Shangshufang (Imperial Study), a dedicated institution for educating young princes and imperial heirs, where the curriculum emphasized Manchu and Mongolian languages, Chinese classics, history, poetry, calligraphy, mathematics, astronomy, and practical skills such as riding and archery.^[10] ^[11] The daily regimen was intensive, spanning approximately ten hours from early morning until mid-afternoon, enforced with strict disciplinary rules and limited holidays to instill discipline and scholarly proficiency essential for future court roles.^[12] Complementing this classical training, Zaiyi received instruction in internal martial arts, including Taijiquan, from the esteemed master Yang Luchan, reflecting the emphasis on physical prowess and military readiness among Manchu nobility.^[13] This education prepared him for administrative and military responsibilities within the Eight Banners system, underscoring the Qing court's prioritization of bannermen loyalty and martial heritage over Han Chinese examination-based meritocracy.^[10] In his early adulthood, Zaiyi assumed initial positions aligned with his hereditary status as a prince of the blood, including oversight of Manchu banner troops under the Bordered White Banner, which involved modernizing select forces amid late Qing military reforms.^[8] His marriage to a niece of Empress Dowager Cixi further integrated him into the court's conservative inner circle, positioning him as an opponent of the Hundred Days' Reform in 1898 and leading to his elevation to Prince Duan of the Second Rank that year.^[14] These roles marked his entry into active political influence, focusing on preserving Manchu dominance and resisting foreign encroachments, though specific pre-1898 appointments remain sparsely documented in available records.^[8]

Pre-Boxer Political Influence

Alignment with Conservative Factions

Zaiyi, as a Manchu prince of the Aisin Gioro clan, emerged as a key figure in the Qing court's conservative circles during the late 1890s, particularly in opposition to the reformist initiatives of the Guangxu Emperor. Following China's defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War (1894–1895), which exposed military weaknesses and led to territorial concessions, Zaiyi aligned with factions resistant to rapid Western-style modernization, viewing such changes as threats to Manchu dominance and traditional Confucian governance.^[15] His stance reflected broader conservative concerns that reforms would undermine imperial authority and invite further foreign influence.^[16] In 1898, during the Hundred Days' Reform, Zaiyi actively opposed the Guangxu Emperor's edicts aimed at decentralizing power, promoting education, and adopting foreign technologies, which conservatives like him suspected were influenced by foreign advisors and posed risks to the dynasty's ethnic privileges.^[17] Siding firmly with Empress Dowager Cixi, Zaiyi supported her coup on September 21, 1898, which imprisoned the emperor and halted the reforms, thereby solidifying his position within the anti-reform coalition of Manchu nobles and officials who prioritized stability over innovation.^[18] This alignment elevated him as a leader among the "iron hat" princes—hereditary Manchu elites known for their hardline preservation of privileges—and positioned him against moderate figures like Prince Qing, who favored pragmatic engagement with foreign powers.^[16] By 1899, Zaiyi's conservative influence deepened through military initiatives, as Cixi commended him in June for forming the Hushenying (Tiger and Divine Spirit Battalion), a 10,000-strong force composed largely of Manchu bannermen intended to counter perceived foreign threats without relying on reformed armies.^[18] This unit exemplified the faction's emphasis on ethnocentric defense mechanisms over broader institutional changes, fostering alliances with other anti-foreign hardliners such as Dong Fuxiang, whose Kansu Braves shared similar xenophobic outlooks.^[15] Zaiyi's role in these developments underscored his commitment to a causal preservation of Qing orthodoxy, prioritizing internal cohesion and resistance to external pressures amid escalating missionary activities and railway concessions that fueled conservative grievances.^[17]

Development of Anti-Foreign Policies

Zaiyi's anti-foreign policies crystallized in the late 1890s amid the Qing court's struggles with foreign imperialism following the defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War (1894–1895), which resulted in the loss of Taiwan, the Pescadores Islands, and the Liaodong Peninsula, alongside massive indemnities exceeding 200 million taels of silver.^[19] As a Manchu prince and member of the imperial clan, he prioritized preserving traditional Confucian governance and Manchu dominance, viewing foreign demands for spheres of influence and railway concessions as existential threats to sovereignty.^[20] His stance rejected accommodationist approaches, favoring instead internal consolidation and selective militarization to counter perceived Western cultural erosion, including missionary activities that converted over 100,000 Chinese annually by the decade's end.^[20] Central to this development was Zaiyi's opposition to the Hundred Days' Reform (June–September 1898), a series of over 40 edicts issued by the Guangxu Emperor under the influence of reformers like Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, which promoted Western-inspired changes such as abolishing the civil service examination system, establishing modern schools, and building a Western-style army.^[20] Zaiyi, aligned with Empress Dowager Cixi and other conservatives, condemned these initiatives as radical dilutions of Chinese essence that would empower Han reformers at the expense of Manchu authority and invite deeper foreign meddling.^[20] His advocacy contributed to the coup of September 21, 1898, when Cixi imprisoned Guangxu and purged reformers, executing six key figures including Tan Sitong on September 28.^[21] This event elevated Zaiyi's position, enabling him to push for policies that emphasized loyalty to the throne over modernization, including restrictions on foreign trade privileges and support for regional governors resistant to extraterritorial rights.^[20] By 1899, as anti-foreign incidents proliferated in Shandong and Zhili provinces—such as the murder of German missionaries and attacks on converts—Zaiyi urged the court to harness popular resentment rather than suppress it, framing foreign presence as a causal driver of domestic instability.^[20] He allied with hardline officials like Gangyi, opposing moderates such as Li Hongzhang who favored negotiation, and advocated reallocating resources from reform projects to banner forces loyal to the Manchu core.^[20] This approach reflected a causal realism: foreign economic penetration, evidenced by the tripling of treaty ports since 1860 and indemnity burdens straining the treasury to 80 million taels annually, necessitated resistance to avert dynastic collapse, even if it risked escalation.^[20] Zaiyi's efforts culminated in his nomination of his son Pujun as heir apparent on January 24, 1900, signaling a consolidation of conservative power against both external and internal liberalizing forces.^[22]

Central Role in the Boxer Rebellion

Advocacy for Boxer Support

Zaiyi, known as Prince Duan, emerged as a principal advocate for Qing court endorsement of the Yihetuan (Boxers) amid escalating anti-foreign unrest in northern China during spring 1900. As a staunch conservative within the imperial faction opposed to foreign influence, he portrayed the Boxers not as mere rebels but as a grassroots force capable of bolstering Manchu authority against perceived imperialist threats, including missionary activities and unequal treaties stemming from prior defeats like the Sino-Japanese War of 1894–1895. Zaiyi argued in court deliberations that suppressing the movement would alienate popular sentiment, whereas harnessing it could redirect anti-foreign energies toward defending the dynasty.^[23] His advocacy intensified as Boxer bands approached Beijing in April 1900, where he intervened to shield their leaders from arrest and facilitated audiences with Empress Dowager Cixi, emphasizing the group's professed loyalty to the throne and ritual claims of invulnerability to modern weaponry. Zaiyi contended that the Boxers' spiritual practices and xenophobic zeal offered a pragmatic counter to foreign military pressures, such as the seizure of Dagu forts by allied forces on June 14, 1900. This persuasion aligned with broader war-party dynamics, where figures like Zaiyi prioritized confrontation over negotiation, influencing Cixi's shift from initial hesitation to conditional support via edicts in late May that reframed Boxers as defenders rather than insurgents.^[1]^[17] By mid-June 1900, Zaiyi's efforts culminated in his appointment as head of the Zongli Yamen, the Qing foreign office, supplanting the more accommodationist Prince Qing (Yikuang), which formalized pro-Boxer policy and enabled coordination between irregular Boxer militias and imperial troops. This positioned Zaiyi to orchestrate logistical aid, including arms distribution to Boxer units, framing their actions as patriotic resistance amid causal pressures from foreign encroachments that had eroded Qing sovereignty. Empirical records from diplomatic dispatches confirm his role in escalating court commitment, though subsequent outcomes revealed miscalculations in underestimating allied resolve.^[23]

Formation of the Hushenying and Military Command

In June 1899, Zaiyi, as Prince Duan, organized the Hushenying (Tiger Spirit Division), a military unit comprising 10,000 Manchu bannermen drawn from the imperial reserves in Beijing.^[24] This formation was part of a broader effort to modernize select banner forces amid escalating tensions with foreign powers and the spread of the Yihetuan (Boxer) movement in northern China. The unit's creation earned explicit praise from Empress Dowager Cixi, reflecting Zaiyi's alignment with conservative factions advocating armed resistance to foreign influence.^[24] The Hushenying was structured as an elite division intended for rapid deployment against anticipated foreign incursions, incorporating elements of traditional Manchu cavalry tactics with limited modern equipment available to banner armies at the time. Zaiyi personally commanded the force, positioning it as a key instrument in his strategy to support Boxer militias and counter diplomatic pressures from the legations. Historical accounts indicate the division's rank-and-file consisted primarily of metropolitan bannermen, selected for their loyalty to the throne and antipathy toward Western missionaries and traders.^[25] By early 1900, as the Boxer Rebellion intensified, Zaiyi integrated the Hushenying with irregular Boxer fighters and the Gansu Braves under Dong Fuxiang, forming a composite command that besieged the foreign legations in Beijing starting June 20. This military alignment underscored Zaiyi's role in shifting Qing policy from suppression to endorsement of the uprising, though the unit's effectiveness was hampered by poor coordination and outdated training. The Hushenying suffered heavy losses during the Eight-Nation Alliance's capture of Beijing in August 1900, highlighting the limitations of hastily assembled banner forces against industrialized armies.^[26]

Strategic Decisions During the Siege

Zaiyi commanded the Hushenying, a force of approximately 10,000 Manchu bannermen organized as the Tiger and Divine Corps, which led assaults on the foreign legations and adjacent sites like the Beitang Cathedral during the siege of Beijing from June 20 to August 14, 1900.^[27] His units coordinated with Boxer irregulars and elements of Dong Fuxiang's Kansu Army, emphasizing aggressive frontal attacks rooted in the Boxers' belief in personal invulnerability to foreign bullets, a conviction Zaiyi endorsed as part of his anti-foreign ideology.^[28] A key strategic push by Zaiyi involved securing modern artillery to enable sustained bombardment of the legation defenses, specifically requesting weapons for Dong Fuxiang's troops to breach fortified positions; however, Ronglu, the overall commander-in-chief, blocked these transfers, citing risks of escalation or inefficacy against determined defenders.^[29]^[30] This decision limited Qing forces to sporadic rifle fire and melee assaults, exacerbating coordination failures between disciplined bannermen and undisciplined Boxers, who often prioritized ritualistic charges over tactical maneuvers.^[15] As a dominant voice in the pro-war faction, Zaiyi opposed interim truces—such as the brief lull in early July—and imperial overtures toward negotiation, insisting on total expulsion or destruction of foreign elements to preserve Qing sovereignty amid mounting allied advances from Tianjin.^[31] By mid-August, with relief forces approaching, his advocacy for unrelenting pressure contributed to the court's abrupt flight from Beijing on August 15, abandoning the siege without a decisive resolution.^[17] The strategy's empirical failure stemmed from overreliance on numerically superior but technologically and organizationally inferior forces, resulting in minimal penetration of legation barricades despite daily engagements.^[32]

Controversies and Criticisms of Boxer Involvement

Accusations of Provoking Foreign Intervention

Zaiyi, as a leading figure in the Qing court's conservative faction, faced accusations from foreign legations and diplomats that his elevation to head of the Zongli Yamen on May 24, 1900, and subsequent organization of Boxer militias under official command directly escalated anti-foreign violence in Beijing, inviting retaliatory intervention by Western powers.^[33] Critics contended that Zaiyi's placement of approximately 250,000 Boxers under imperial oversight transformed sporadic peasant unrest into a state-sanctioned assault on foreign legations, particularly after he advocated arming irregular forces like Dong Fuxiang's Gansu Army with artillery to bombard the besieged compounds starting in late May.^[33] ^[34] These actions, per contemporary U.S. diplomatic assessments, positioned Zaiyi as the "chief friend and protector" of the Boxers, whose temple-based drills and rations he facilitated, thereby signaling Qing complicity in the killings of foreign officials, including the murder of German envoy Clemens von Ketteler on June 20, 1900.^[35] The pivotal charge centered on Zaiyi's influence over Empress Dowager Cixi's issuance of the imperial war declaration on June 21, 1900, against eleven foreign powers, which accusers argued was a direct outcome of his anti-foreign lobbying alongside allies like Gangyi.^[34] Foreign observers, including U.S. President William McKinley's administration, attributed the ascendancy of such "antiforeign influences" under Zaiyi's leadership to the mobilization of Boxer armies intertwined with regular Qing troops, framing the declaration as a provocative casus belli that justified the formation of the Eight-Nation Alliance.^[34] This edict, drafted amid reports of over 200 foreign deaths and the legation siege, prompted the alliance—comprising Britain, the United States, Germany, France, Russia, Japan, Italy, and Austria-Hungary—to dispatch 19,000 troops by early August, culminating in the relief of Beijing on August 14, 1900.^[33] Detractors, drawing from eyewitness accounts by missionaries and envoys, held Zaiyi responsible for overriding moderate voices like Ronglu, who had obstructed artillery transfers to prevent outright attacks, thus converting defensive foreign guards into a full-scale invasion force.^[33] Post-rebellion inquiries by the Qing court itself echoed these foreign accusations, with an 1902 imperial decree explicitly condemning Zaiyi for fomenting the crisis that necessitated foreign occupation of the capital and the subsequent Boxer Protocol of 1901, which imposed 450 million taels in reparations.^[34] While some analyses noted pre-existing tensions from unequal treaties and missionary encroachments as underlying causes, the direct blame on Zaiyi persisted in Western historiography for his role in militarizing the Boxers, evidenced by his formation of units like the Hushenying on June 16, 1900, explicitly tasked with "protecting the emperor" through anti-foreign operations.^[33] These claims were substantiated by alliance occupation records documenting the strategic failures attributable to Zaiyi's faction, including the inability to sustain the siege amid divided command structures.^[33]

Defenses: Nationalist Resistance to Imperialism

Zaiyi's advocacy for the Yihetuan (Boxers) has been defended as a strategic alignment with popular nationalist sentiments against escalating foreign imperialism in the late Qing era. Following the Sino-Japanese War of 1894–1895 and the subsequent "scramble for concessions," Western powers and Japan secured extensive territorial leases, mining rights, and railway privileges across China, exemplified by the German lease of Jiaozhou Bay in 1898 and British control over Weihaiwei.^[36] These encroachments, coupled with missionary activities protected by extraterritoriality clauses in unequal treaties like the Treaty of Tianjin (1858), fueled widespread resentment among the Chinese populace, who viewed foreigners as eroding sovereignty and traditional social structures.^[37] Zaiyi, perceiving the Boxers' martial prowess and anti-Christian fervor as a grassroots counterforce to modern foreign armies, promoted their integration into imperial defenses to preserve dynastic rule amid existential threats of partition.^[38] In Chinese historiography, particularly post-1949 interpretations, the Boxer movement under figures like Zaiyi is framed as an early anti-imperialist struggle that exposed the rapacious nature of foreign powers and delayed their designs on full colonization.^[39] Advocates argue that without such resistance, China faced imminent dismemberment similar to spheres of influence in Africa or the Ottoman Empire, as evidenced by the 1898 reform proposals warning of "瓜分之祸" (danger of partition). Zaiyi's establishment of the Hushenying (Army of Tiger and Divine Spirits) in June 1900, comprising Boxer irregulars and banner troops, aimed to fortify Beijing against the advancing Eight-Nation Alliance, reflecting a causal prioritization of national defense over diplomatic capitulation.^[40] This perspective posits his actions as causally linked to broader efforts to rally indigenous forces against technologically superior invaders, notwithstanding the movement's superstitious elements and internal Qing divisions.^[41] Critics of Western-centric narratives emphasize that the Boxers' targeting of legation quarters and missionaries addressed real grievances, such as the influx of opium trade revival and economic dislocation from foreign dumping, which exacerbated famines in Shandong by 1899.^[42] Zaiyi's unyielding stance, including his June 1900 edicts declaring war on foreign powers, is defended as embodying proto-nationalist realism—acknowledging the Qing's military inferiority yet leveraging mass mobilization to impose costs on aggressors, ultimately extracting partial concessions in the 1901 Boxer Protocol despite defeat.^[36] Such defenses highlight empirical outcomes like the temporary halt to further territorial grabs until World War I, attributing causal efficacy to Zaiyi's resistance in fostering long-term anti-imperial consciousness.^[39]

Empirical Outcomes and Causal Analysis

Zaiyi's advocacy for allying with the Boxers contributed to the Qing court's declaration of war against foreign powers on June 21, 1900, escalating local unrest into a full-scale conflict that culminated in the Eight-Nation Alliance's capture of Beijing on August 14, 1900, and the relief of the foreign legations' siege.^[1]^[43] This military defeat exposed the inefficacy of Qing and Boxer forces, which relied on numerically superior but poorly equipped and untrained militias against technologically advanced invaders equipped with modern artillery and rifles.^[44] The resulting Boxer Protocol, signed on September 7, 1901, imposed an indemnity of 450 million taels of silver (equivalent to approximately 982 million USD paid over 39 years), alongside provisions for foreign garrisons in Beijing, the execution of key Boxer supporters, and the razing of coastal fortifications, directly straining Qing finances and necessitating tax hikes that fueled peasant discontent.^[45]^[46] Causally, Zaiyi's formation of the Hushenying militia and persistent lobbying of Empress Dowager Cixi shifted Qing policy from initial suppression of the Boxers—decreed in June 1899—to active endorsement, a pivot rooted in underestimating foreign resolve and overreliance on the Boxers' purported invulnerability from ritualistic training, which proved illusory against disciplined troops.^[47]^[1] This decision amplified underlying structural weaknesses, including the Qing army's corruption and obsolescence post-Self-Strengthening Movement failures, while unifying disparate foreign interests that might otherwise have fragmented; absent Zaiyi's influence, diplomatic maneuvering by moderates like Li Hongzhang could have contained the uprising as localized banditry.^[36]^[48] Long-term, these outcomes hastened the Qing dynasty's erosion, as the indemnity—consuming up to 40% of annual revenue—exacerbated fiscal insolvency and social instability, indirectly catalyzing revolutionary sentiments that manifested in the 1911 Xinhai Revolution, though Zaiyi's intent to rally nationalist fervor against imperialism yielded the opposite: entrenched foreign concessions and accelerated dynastic collapse rather than sovereignty restoration.^[49]^[43] Empirical data on Boxer casualties (estimated 100,000+ killed) and the protocol's economic drag underscore the mismatch between ideological zeal and material realities, with no verifiable gains in expelling foreign influence.^[44]^[46]

Post-Rebellion Exile and Return

Imperial Punishments and Banishment

In the aftermath of the Boxer Rebellion's failure and the signing of the Boxer Protocol on September 7, 1901, which demanded severe penalties for principal instigators including Zaiyi (Prince Duan), the Qing imperial court sought to mitigate foreign demands while formally distancing itself from the uprising's proponents. The protocol specifically targeted Zaiyi for his leadership in supporting the Boxers, stipulating his degradation (already initiated earlier), confiscation of all property, and banishment to Xinjiang (then known as Turkestan).^[50] This was intended as perpetual exile to a remote western frontier, reflecting the allies' aim to remove influential anti-foreign figures from the capital and neutralize their political influence. On an unspecified date in 1902, the Qing government promulgated an imperial decree explicitly condemning Zaiyi for "lightly giving heed to the false words of the Boxers" and promoting their doctrines, which had precipitated the rebellion's disorders. Under this decree, Zaiyi was formally stripped of his rank as Prince Duan of the First Rank—a hereditary title granted in 1898—and reduced to commoner status without privileges or stipends. His immediate family, including sons such as Pujun (previously groomed as a potential heir), faced associated degradations, with properties seized to fund reparations and family members partially dispersed or confined. The decree mandated Zaiyi's immediate removal from Beijing to Xinjiang, accompanied by select relatives, as a punitive measure to appease the Eight-Nation Alliance while preserving minimal Qing autonomy in implementation.^[14] Although the protocol and decree prescribed Xinjiang as the exile destination, historical records indicate partial non-compliance by the Qing, with Zaiyi ultimately relocating to Alashan (Ala Shan), a less distant arid region west of Ningxia in Inner Mongolia, where he resided under the protection of a local Mongol prince rather than in the harsher Xinjiang frontier. This adjustment likely stemmed from court maneuvering to avoid fully alienating Manchu loyalists, as full adherence to foreign-dictated exiles risked internal backlash. Zaiyi's banishment effectively sidelined him from national politics for over a decade, enforcing isolation amid ongoing Qing reforms and foreign oversight.^[8]

Life in Exile and Partial Rehabilitation

Following the signing of the Boxer Protocol on September 7, 1901, Zaiyi was formally stripped of his princely titles, removed from imperial records, and sentenced to lifelong banishment in Xinjiang along with his family as punishment for his role in supporting the Boxer movement. In practice, however, he did not travel to Xinjiang; instead, he relocated to Alashan, a remote Mongol banner territory west of Ningxia (in present-day Inner Mongolia), where he resided under loose supervision without strict confinement or further corporal penalties typical of Qing exiles.^[8]^[51] Zaiyi maintained a subdued existence in Alashan for over a decade, far from the capital's intrigues, amid the Qing dynasty's accelerating decline after the 1911 Revolution. Local accounts suggest he exerted informal influence among Mongol elites, leveraging his status to navigate alliances, though he avoided overt political activity that might invite renewed scrutiny.^[51] In July 1917, during General Zhang Xun's twelve-day Manchu Restoration (July 1–12), which aimed to reinstate the abdicated Xuantong Emperor Puyi, Zaiyi emerged from exile and traveled to Beijing to support the monarchist coup, reflecting residual loyalty to the imperial house. The effort collapsed swiftly under military opposition from republican forces led by Duan Qirui, but the episode afforded Zaiyi a measure of reinstatement; afterward, he resettled in Ningxia, where the Beiyang government augmented his stipend by 50%, enabling a modestly restored lifestyle without full pardon or title recovery. He remained in Ningxia until his death on January 10, 1923.^[4]

Personal Life and Interests

Practice of Martial Arts

Zaiyi, as a Manchu prince and military figure, received instruction in Yang-style taijiquan from its founder, Yang Luchan (1799–1872), who served as a martial arts teacher to imperial household members in Beijing during the mid-19th century. This training occurred in the context of Yang's appointment to instruct elite Bannermen and princes, emphasizing internal martial arts principles of softness overcoming hardness through coordinated body mechanics and qi cultivation.^[52] Zaiyi engaged in practical applications, including dashou (striking hands) drills, which required partnered sparring to develop sensitivity and combat efficacy, reflecting his personal commitment to these disciplines beyond ceremonial roles.^[53] After his banishment to Xinjiang following the 1901 Boxer Protocol, Zaiyi maintained a regimen of daily martial arts practice, sustaining the routines learned earlier despite the harsh exile conditions and loss of status.^[54] This persistence aligned with traditional Chinese views of martial cultivation as essential for personal resilience and health, particularly for a figure like Zaiyi whose earlier advocacy for Boxer militancy stemmed partly from admiration for folk martial societies' physical prowess. Historical accounts note no advanced combat feats attributed solely to him, but his sustained involvement underscores taijiquan's role in his lifelong physical and philosophical outlook, distinct from the more ritualistic elements promoted during the rebellion.^[13]

Family Dynamics and Descendants

Zaiyi, of the Manchu Aisin Gioro clan, married twice during his lifetime. His primary spouse was the daughter of Shaochang, an official from the Irgen Gioro clan, who bore his eldest son, Puzhuan (溥僎). His secondary spouse was Jingfen (or Jingfang), identified as the niece of Empress Dowager Cixi from the Borjigit clan and daughter of the Alashan prince, who gave birth to his second son, Pujun (溥儁, 1886–1929).^[55]^[18] He also had concubines, including one from the Zhao clan, though no surviving issue from them is documented in primary records.^[55] The marriage to Cixi's niece forged a key alliance that elevated Zaiyi's influence within the imperial court, enabling his ascent in conservative factions opposed to foreign influence. This familial tie facilitated Zaiyi's promotion of anti-foreign policies, culminating in 1900 when Cixi designated his son Pujun as heir apparent to the throne on June 5, amid the power vacuum following Emperor Guangxu's childlessness and the escalating Boxer crisis. Zaiyi's aggressive advocacy for Pujun's succession reflected a broader pattern of leveraging kinship for dynastic ambition, prioritizing clan prestige over pragmatic governance, which strained relations with reformist elements and foreign powers.^[18]^[55] The family's fortunes reversed sharply after the Boxer Rebellion's failure and the Eight-Nation Alliance's intervention in 1901. Zaiyi's titles were stripped, and he was exiled to Xinjiang, disrupting household stability and scattering resources; the heir designation for Pujun was revoked by imperial edict on February 5, 1901, as part of scapegoating the pro-Boxer clique to appease foreign demands. Puzhuan, as the elder son, assumed de facto headship during Zaiyi's absence but faced diminished status without princely privileges, highlighting the causal link between Zaiyi's political overreach and familial decline. Zaiyi's partial rehabilitation after 1908 allowed a return to Beijing, yet the clan's influence waned amid the Qing's collapse in 1912.^[18] Descendants primarily trace through Puzhuan, who fathered six sons: Yuyuan (毓侒), Yulian (毓连), Yuyue (毓岳), Yuxiu (毓岫), Yuying (毓嵤), and Yukun (毓昆). These grandsons maintained the Aisin Gioro lineage post-Qing, with some, like Yulian's sons Hengnian and Hengyun, continuing into the Republican era, though adopting lower profiles amid political upheavals. Pujun produced no recorded heirs before his death in 1929, effectively ending that branch. Later generations, including figures like Yuyun (a grandson's son), documented family memoirs, preserving accounts of exile hardships but without restoring former prominence.^[56] The lineage persists in obscurity today, diluted by the dynasty's fall and assimilation into modern Chinese society.^[56]

Historical Legacy and Depictions

Assessments in Modern Scholarship

Modern scholarship portrays Zaiyi, as Prince Duan, as a pivotal figure in the Qing court's shift toward endorsing the Boxer movement, embodying the "war faction's" preference for armed resistance over diplomatic concessions amid escalating foreign pressures following the Sino-Japanese War of 1894–1895 and intensified missionary activities. Historians emphasize his fervent advocacy for harnessing the Boxers' purported invulnerability—rooted in spirit-possession rituals and anti-foreign militancy—as a strategic asset, which he promoted through his control of the Zongli Yamen after replacing the more conciliatory Prince Qing in mid-1900. This stance, detailed in Joseph W. Esherick's analysis of the uprising's origins, stemmed from Zaiyi's alignment with Empress Dowager Cixi's reluctance to pursue Western-style reforms, viewing the Boxers as a grassroots bulwark against perceived cultural erosion and economic exploitation by legation quarters and railroad concessions.^[57]^[1] Esherick and others reassess Zaiyi's policies not merely as superstitious fanaticism—as depicted in early Western accounts influenced by siege narratives—but as a rational, if disastrously optimistic, calculation grounded in the dynasty's survival imperatives, where local anti-Christian unrest in Shandong escalated under court patronage into national mobilization. Empirical evidence underscores the causal chain: Zaiyi's organization of Boxer units alongside regular troops contributed to the siege of Beijing's legations from June 20, 1900, prompting the Eight-Nation Alliance's intervention, the court's flight to Xi'an, and the 1901 Boxer Protocol's indemnity of 450 million taels (equivalent to roughly $333 million in 1901 silver values), which strained Qing finances and accelerated revolutionary sentiments. Scholars note that while Zaiyi's xenophobia, evidenced by his expulsion of moderate officials and promotion of his son Pujun as heir presumptive, reflected Manchu elite insularity, it mirrored broader causal responses to treaty port encroachments and unequal tariffs that had eroded central authority since the Opium Wars.^[17]^[1] In Chinese historiography, particularly post-1949 works, Zaiyi receives mixed evaluation: praised indirectly for aligning with the Boxers' anti-imperialist fervor—a narrative framing the uprising as a proto-nationalist peasant revolt against "foreign aggression"—yet condemned as a feudal reactionary whose court intrigues hindered self-strengthening reforms. A 1976 People's Republic assessment lauds the movement's defensive intent but attributes the Qing's defeat to aristocratic conservatism exemplified by figures like Zaiyi, whose reliance on irregular militias ignored modern military disparities, as quantified by the alliance's 20,000 troops overwhelming Qing forces numerically superior but technologically outmatched. Recent Western analyses, less encumbered by ideological mandates, apply causal realism to critique Zaiyi's agency in a systemic failure: his faction's dominance post-1898 Hundred Days' Reform coup amplified misperceptions of Boxer efficacy, derived from unverified reports of spirit-soldier invincibility, ultimately hastening the dynasty's collapse by 1911 through fiscal exhaustion and legitimacy loss.^[39]^[48]

Representations in Media and Literature

In the 1963 epic film 55 Days at Peking, directed by Nicholas Ray and Guy Green, Zaiyi—rendered as Prince Tuan—is portrayed by Robert Helpmann as a principal architect of the Boxer assaults on Beijing's foreign legations during the 1900 siege. Helpmann's character advises Empress Dowager Cixi (Flora Robson) on harnessing the Righteous Harmony Society militias against Western and Japanese diplomats and troops, depicting Zaiyi as a resolute anti-foreign conservative whose influence escalates the conflict, culminating in the legations' 55-day defense by multinational forces.^[58] The portrayal aligns with contemporaneous Western accounts emphasizing his pro-Boxer stance, though it simplifies court dynamics by contrasting him with the more moderate General Jung-Lu (Leo Genn).^[59] Victorian and Edwardian literature occasionally features Zaiyi in adventure narratives set amid the Boxer Rebellion, framing him as a symbol of Qing intransigence and imperial intrigue. In analyses of such works, Prince Tuan appears in plots involving espionage and alliances against Boxer-aligned factions, as in stories where protagonists navigate Peking's tensions under his purported oversight of the Zongli Yamen foreign office.^[60] These depictions, drawn from British and American sensational fiction, often amplify his role to heighten dramatic xenophobia, reflecting era-specific biases toward portraying Manchu elites as obstacles to modernization. Chinese media representations of Zaiyi remain peripheral, typically embedded in broader historical dramas on late Qing upheavals rather than as a central figure. Palace intrigue series and films critiqued for sensationalizing Qing court life reference figures like Zaiyi in passing, portraying them through lenses of factional rivalry and decline, though without dedicated biopics or novels elevating his personal agency over Cixi's dominance.^[61] This scarcity underscores a historiographic preference in mainland productions for collective events like the Yihetuan movement over individual princely roles, with Zaiyi's legacy subordinated to narratives of national humiliation.

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