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Amarinder Singh

Amarinder Singh (born 11 March 1942) is an politician and army veteran from the former of who served as the of during two non-consecutive terms, from to 2007 and from to 2021. The son of , the last ruling , Singh was educated at institutions including and the National Defence Academy before commissioning into the Army's 2nd Battalion, , where he served from 1963 to 1966 and participated in the 1965 Indo-Pakistani War. Entering politics with the in the 1980s, he held various positions including and president, before leading the party to victory in the and state elections amid promises to address issues like farmer debt, drug trafficking, and separatist threats. His tenure emphasized cracking down on Khalistani extremism, implementing loan waivers for small farmers, and infrastructure development, though criticized for rising state debt and incomplete resolutions to agrarian distress. After resigning in 2021 following internal party conflicts, he founded the and merged it with the in 2022, continuing to advocate for and Punjab's integration with .

Early life and heritage

Royal lineage and family background

Amarinder Singh was born on March 11, 1942, into the royal family of , a prominent in , as the eldest son of Maharaja , the last ruling from 1938 until the state's accession to in 1947, and Maharani Mohinder Kaur, who later served as a nominated member of the from 1962. The family belongs to the , a lineage of rulers from the clan, known for governing several states including , , and under paramountcy. The traces its origins to Chaudhary Phul Sidhu- (1627–1689), a 17th-century Jat chieftain of the Brar sept whose descendants established independent principalities in the region, with emerging as the most powerful. itself was founded in 1763 by (1691–1765), a direct descendant of Phul, who consolidated power amid the declining and rising Sikh misls, earning the title of Raja for his military successes and alliances. Amarinder Singh represents the 13th generation of this line from Ala Singh and the 15th from Baba Phul, positioning him as the titular in the post-independence era when privy purses and titles were abolished by the 26th Amendment to the Indian Constitution in 1971. His paternal grandfather was Maharaja Bhupinder Singh (1891–1938), renowned for his patronage of sports, infrastructure development, and a lavish court that symbolized Patiala's wealth from agriculture and trade, though also marked by personal excesses documented in historical accounts of princely excess. This heritage instilled in the family a tradition of martial valor and administrative leadership, with Patiala's rulers contributing forces to British campaigns and maintaining Sikh cultural institutions amid the princely state's semi-autonomous status until 1947.

Education and formative influences

Amarinder Singh received his secondary education at , and , . He completed his schooling at in 1959, an institution renowned for its emphasis on character-building and leadership development among students from prominent families. Following his school education, Singh enrolled at the National Defence Academy (NDA) in Khadakwasla, Pune, where he underwent initial military training. He subsequently attended the (IMA), completing his graduate-level education there prior to commissioning into the . These formative experiences in elite boarding schools and military academies, amid his royal upbringing, cultivated a strong sense of discipline, patriotism, and strategic thinking that guided his subsequent career choices.

Military service

Commissioning and active duty

Amarinder Singh underwent officer training at the National Defence Academy in Khadakwasla and the in before being commissioned as a in the on 15 July 1963. He was assigned to the 2nd Battalion of the , a unit with historical significance in Indian military tradition. Promoted to Captain during his service, Singh's active duty included participation in the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965. He had briefly resigned in early 1965 to manage family estates in but rejoined the Army upon the outbreak of hostilities on 5 August 1965. In this capacity, he served as to Lieutenant General , the General Officer Commanding-in-Chief of the Western Command, affording him direct involvement in strategic oversight of operations along the sector. This posting positioned him at the headquarters during key phases of the conflict, including responses to Pakistani incursions in the Chhamb-Jaurian area and subsequent Indian counteroffensives. Singh's military tenure concluded with his final resignation in early 1966, shortly after the Tashkent Agreement ended the war on 10 January 1966, as he transitioned to civilian responsibilities at the insistence of his . His service, spanning approximately three years of active commissioning, emphasized frontline readiness and command exposure within an oriented toward defensive and offensive maneuvers in contested border regions.

Post-service contributions to military history

Following his resignation from the Indian Army in 1968, Amarinder Singh authored several books that documented and analyzed key episodes in , drawing on archival research, personal military experience, and primary sources to challenge official narratives and highlight the roles of and Sikh forces. His works emphasize tactical details, , and the strategic contexts of conflicts, often focusing on Punjab's heritage and the Sikh Khalsa's contributions. In The Last Sunset: The Rise and Fall of the Lahore Durbar (published 2013), Singh provides a detailed account of the Anglo-Sikh Wars of and 1848, portraying Maharaja Ranjit Singh's Army as one of the most formidable forces in 19th-century Asia, equipped with modern and organized along lines, before its defeat due to internal crises and British numerical superiority. The book reconstructs battles like Sobraon and Chillianwala using regimental records and eyewitness accounts, arguing that the Sikh army's high casualties stemmed from betrayal by advisors rather than inherent weaknesses. Singh's Honour and Fidelity: India's Military Contribution to the Great War 1914-1918 (published 2015) examines the deployment of over 1.3 million Indian troops in , including Sikh regiments that fought in , , and , suffering approximately 74,000 deaths and earning 11 Victoria Crosses. He critiques the underrecognition of these efforts in British historiography, using war diaries and census data to quantify India's logistical support, such as supplying 170,000 animals and vast foodstuffs, while noting the troops' motivations as duty-bound service under colonial command rather than ideological alignment with the Allied cause. Other publications include A Ridge Too Far: War in the Heights (2004), which dissects the 1999 Kargil conflict's high-altitude operations, faulting intelligence lapses for Pakistani intrusions across the , and The Monsoon War: Young Officers Reminisce – 1965 India-Pakistan War (2015), compiling firsthand accounts to reassess the Western front's tank battles and air strikes, contending that Indian forces overcame initial setbacks through adaptive maneuvers despite monsoon conditions. These texts, grounded in declassified documents and veteran interviews, position Singh as a commentator on modern Indian warfare, advocating for accurate historical preservation to inform future strategy.

Political entry and early career

Initial forays into politics

Amarinder Singh's initial exposure to politics occurred in 1967, at the age of 25, while serving in the Indian Army, when he took leave to campaign for his parents' electoral bids. His mother, Mohinder Kaur, contested the Patiala Lok Sabha seat on a Congress ticket, while his father, Yadavindra Singh, ran for and won unopposed the Punjab Legislative Assembly seat from Dakala. This involvement marked his early immersion in Punjab's political landscape, leveraging the family's royal legacy from the princely state of Patiala, though Singh himself did not yet hold formal office. Singh's formal entry into partisan politics came in 1980, when he was inducted into the Indian National Congress by Rajiv Gandhi, a school friend from The Doon School who would later become Prime Minister. In the January 1980 Lok Sabha elections, he contested and won the Patiala constituency, securing his first parliamentary seat as a Congress MP. This victory established him as a key figure in Punjab Congress, drawing on his military background and familial influence amid the post-Emergency resurgence of the party nationally.

Rise within the Indian National Congress

Singh was inducted into the by , a school friend who later served as , and secured election to the from the constituency in 1980. This marked his initial parliamentary entry, representing a constituency tied to his family's historical influence in . In 1984, following the assassination of Indira Gandhi and the subsequent anti-Sikh riots, Singh resigned from both Parliament and the Congress, citing the party's failure to address the violence against Sikhs. He subsequently aligned with the Shiromani Akali Dal from 1984 to 1992, reflecting a shift toward regional Sikh political interests amid Punjab's turbulent militancy period. Singh rejoined the Congress around 1998 and contested the Punjab Legislative Assembly election that year from the Tarn Taran constituency. In 1999, he was appointed president of the (PPCC), a position he held until 2002, enabling him to consolidate party organization in a state where had faced setbacks due to Akali dominance and internal factionalism. Under his leadership, the party campaigned on and platforms, securing 42 seats in the 2002 Punjab assembly elections—enough to form a government with external support—positioning Singh as the state's chief ministerial candidate. This resurgence revitalized 's prospects in , leveraging Singh's military credentials and royal heritage to appeal to voters disillusioned with the ruling Akalis.

Chief Ministerships and governance

First term (2002–2007): Policies and achievements

Upon assuming office as Chief Minister in March 2002, Amarinder Singh initiated a vigorous anti-corruption campaign targeting irregularities from the previous Shiromani Akali Dal government, resulting in the arrest of former Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal and his son Sukhbir Singh Badal on corruption charges. This drive extended to mobilizing support from Congress MPs and pursuing cases against former ministers, aiming to restore public trust in governance. The administration focused on economic revitalization, sanctioning 367 mega industrial projects with an estimated investment exceeding ₹1 crore, projected to generate employment for approximately 25 individuals. Punjab's exhibited robust growth during the tenure, with the state's Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) recording a rate of 10.18% in 2006-07, surpassing the national average and contributing to overall structural recovery post-militancy. Law and order were prioritized to consolidate stability after years of insurgency, with measures to strengthen policing and curb residual militancy influences, enabling a shift toward developmental focus. Infrastructure initiatives included road expansions and urban projects like the , alongside efforts to assert Punjab's through the Punjab Termination of Agreements , 2004, which sought to terminate prior interstate pacts deemed unfavorable to the state's agricultural base. These policies laid groundwork for industrial resurgence, though fiscal constraints limited full implementation of some welfare promises.

Opposition interlude and 2017 reelection

Following the on February 13, where the (SAD)- alliance won 67 seats and the secured 44, Amarinder Singh assumed a prominent role in opposing the Parkash Singh Badal-led government. As leader of the opposition, he highlighted governance failures, including the unchecked spread of synthetic drugs and allegations of within the ruling SAD family. Appointed president of the (PPCC) on October 26, 2010, Singh worked to unify the party's factions amid internal dissent and electoral setbacks. In the 2012 assembly elections held on January 30, improved its tally to 46 seats against the SAD-BJP's 68, reflecting gradual but insufficient for victory; Singh contested from (Urban) and retained his seat. His tenure involved sustained critiques of SAD policies on agriculture, , and lapses, such as the 2015 Bargari incidents that fueled public outrage. Reappointed PPCC president on November 27, 2015, after a brief , Singh consolidated Congress's position by positioning the party against the 10-year SAD-BJP incumbency and the emerging (AAP) challenge. He was named the Congress's chief ministerial face, campaigning on promises to eradicate the drug trade via a special and address farmer grievances. The on February 4 resulted in a decisive victory with 77 seats out of 117, while SAD won 15 and AAP 20, ending the SAD-BJP's decade in power amid voter fatigue over and drugs. Results announced on March 11—coinciding with Singh's 75th birthday—saw him win from (Urban) by over 47,000 votes; he was sworn in as for a second term on March 16. The win was attributed to Singh's personal appeal, strategic focus on region's discontent, and AAP's failure to convert urban enthusiasm into rural votes.

Second term (2017–2021): Key initiatives and challenges

Captain Amarinder Singh's second term as of , beginning March 16, 2017, emphasized fulfilling electoral promises, with the government claiming 89.2% implementation by 2021. Key initiatives included substantial for farmers, totaling ₹4,624 provided to 5.64 beneficiaries, alongside ₹526 to 2.68 landless agricultural workers, aimed at alleviating rural financial distress amid high indebtedness. The administration also invested ₹3,709 in power infrastructure upgrades while maintaining annual subsidies of approximately ₹11,000 for 22 scheduled and backward consumers, continuing long-standing free policies for farmers but straining state finances. Social welfare programs targeted women and , including a free travel approved on April 1, 2021, extending bus rides to over 1.31 women on government-run services, and the launch of "Saanjh Shakti" help desks at police stations for . generation under the "Ghar Ghar Rozgar" reportedly provided jobs or to 19.29 individuals, with additional for 10,151 scheduled and 4,702 backward class beneficiaries. Health coverage expanded via universal insurance for 55 families, offering cashless treatment up to ₹5 per family annually. A flagship anti-drug effort established a Special Task Force in the Chief Minister's office shortly after assuming power on March 18, 2017, to coordinate de-addiction and enforcement, complemented by the Drug Abuse Prevention Officers (DAPO) program launched March 23, 2018, mobilizing over 4.8 lakh volunteers for awareness and rehabilitation. Enforcement intensified, with data showing higher arrests and drug seizures compared to the prior SAD-BJP regime over a comparable 51-month period, and a 126% rise in youth seeking treatment by 2018. Despite these measures, the term faced persistent challenges, particularly the crisis, which Singh described as "highly successful" in curbing supply but critics argued remained rampant, with every third youth affected beyond and , linked to and cross-border from and . Punjab's fiscal woes exacerbated issues, with high public prompting repeated pleas for central relief packages—such as ₹3,240 annual servicing needs—and slow alongside hindering broader recovery. Agricultural discontent mounted, as partial debt waivers failed to fully satisfy demands for comprehensive farm loan forgiveness promised in , while central farm laws introduced in 2020 sparked widespread protests; Singh initially supported the reforms for but faced backlash from agitating unions, whom he accused of economic disruption. Allegations of bonded labor involving drugged migrant workers in farms, flagged by the central government in 2021, drew rebuttals from Singh's administration, which investigated and dismissed claims of forced labor or abuse. These pressures, compounded by critiques on unfulfilled promises and rising radicalism perceptions, contributed to Singh's on September 18, 2021, before term's end.

Party shifts and later political maneuvers

Resignation from Congress and Punjab Lok Congress formation

On September 18, 2021, Amarinder Singh resigned as of following intense internal discord within the , driven primarily by a protracted power struggle with , whom the party high command had elevated to president earlier that year. Singh accused the leadership of undermining his authority through Sidhu's parallel power centers and the rebellion of 22 MLAs aligned with Sidhu, which eroded his legislative majority. He maintained that his government's performance warranted continuation, but the high command prioritized factional reconciliation over stability. Singh initially retained his Congress membership post-CM resignation, but escalating humiliations—including the high command's refusal to address his grievances and reported surveillance by Punjab Police under the new leadership—prompted further action. On November 2, 2021, he formally resigned from the primary membership of the , stating that the party's treatment had deeply hurt him and that he could no longer align with its unit's dynamics. This move severed his decades-long association with the , which he had rejoined in 1997 after earlier stints with other parties. Concurrently, on November 2, 2021, Singh announced the launch of , a new regional political outfit intended to contest the 2022 Punjab Legislative Assembly elections independently while advocating for Punjab-specific issues like agriculture, security, and governance reforms. The party's formation was positioned as a response to the Congress's alleged neglect of veteran leaders and Punjab's core concerns, drawing initial support from Singh's loyalists disillusioned by the infighting. The received PLC's registration application on November 15, 2021, formalizing its entry into electoral politics.

2022 assembly elections and alliance dynamics

Following his ouster from the in September 2021, Amarinder Singh's (PLC) entered into a pre-poll with the (BJP) on December 17, 2021, aimed at contesting the elections scheduled for early 2022. The partnership was formalized to consolidate opposition votes against the incumbent Congress government and the rising (AAP), with Singh emphasizing that alignment with the BJP would benefit Punjab's development and national integration. The alliance expanded on December 28, 2021, to include the splinter faction Sanyukt Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), led by Sukhdev Singh Dhindsa, forming a tripartite front. A six-member coordination committee was established to handle seat-sharing negotiations and manifesto preparation, reflecting efforts to pool resources amid Punjab's fragmented political landscape, where farmer discontent over central agricultural laws had strained BJP's ties with traditional allies like the main SAD. Under the arrangement, the BJP contested the majority of seats, while PLC fielded candidates in select constituencies, including Singh from Patiala Urban. Polling occurred on February 20, 2022, across 117 constituencies, with results declared on March 10. secured 31,801 votes in Urban but lost to AAP's Ajit Pal Kohli, who polled 50,673 votes, by a margin of 18,872. The BJP--SAD(Sanyukt) alliance performed poorly overall, winning only two seats for the BJP and none for or SAD(Sanyukt), as AAP swept 92 seats amid anti-incumbency against and lingering resentment toward the BJP over farm law protests. conceded defeat, congratulating AAP on its victory while critiquing 's leadership failures. The alliance's limited success highlighted challenges in mobilizing and urban voters, exacerbated by the repeal of farm laws in late 2021, which diminished the BJP's appeal in rural .

Joining Bharatiya Janata Party and post-2022 role

On September 19, 2022, Amarinder Singh joined the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) at its headquarters in New Delhi, simultaneously merging his Punjab Lok Congress—formed in February 2021 after his resignation from the Indian National Congress—into the national party. The move followed eight months of informal alignment with the BJP during the 2022 Punjab assembly elections, where his party had contested in alliance but secured no seats. Singh stated that he had lost confidence in the Congress due to its internal dysfunction and leadership failures, particularly under Rahul Gandhi, and sought to strengthen the BJP's position in Punjab to address state issues like separatism and economic stagnation. Following his induction, Singh met BJP president and Union Home Minister , emphasizing his commitment to national security and Punjab's integration with India's broader development agenda. In December 2022, the BJP appointed him to its national executive committee alongside other Punjab leaders like Sunil Jakhar, positioning him as a key figure for outreach to the community and countering narratives of Sikh alienation promoted by opposition parties. This role leveraged his military background and reputation as a critic of Khalistani elements, aiding the BJP's efforts to expand beyond urban Hindu voters in ahead of the 2024 elections. Post-2022, Singh maintained a relatively low public profile initially, focusing on party-building, but reemerged actively in to engage with farmers amid ongoing protests, advocating for schemes over state-level agitation tactics. He campaigned for BJP candidates in during the 2024 general elections, despite the party winning only two of the state's 13 seats, and continued critiquing the (AAP) government for failing to curb drug trafficking and honor farm laws repealed under pressure. By mid-, Singh's involvement underscored the BJP's strategy to consolidate anti-Congress and anti-AAP sentiments through experienced regional leaders, though his influence remained constrained by the party's limited rural penetration in .

Policy stances and controversies

National security and anti-Khalistani position

Amarinder Singh, a veteran of the and Indo-Pakistani wars who served as a in the 2nd of the 18th Cavalry Regiment of the , has consistently prioritized in his political career, viewing threats from and as existential to India's . He has repeatedly asserted that Khalistani extremism, which seeks a separate Sikh state, is not only detrimental to Punjab's integration with but also externally sponsored by Pakistan's (), aiming to destabilize the region. During his tenure as Punjab from 2017 to , Singh warned of deliberate efforts to revive Khalistani elements, linking them to backing and criticizing political opponents for fanning extremism through associations with sympathizers. Singh's anti-Khalistani stance manifested in high-profile diplomatic confrontations, particularly with , where he accused elements within the government of harboring extremists for electoral gains. In April 2017, as , he refused to meet Canadian Defence Minister during his visit to , labeling him a "Khalistani sympathizer" due to alleged past ties to separatist sympathizers and emphasizing a policy of zero tolerance for regardless of political pressure. In February 2018, during a meeting with Canadian in , Singh handed over a list of nine Khalistani radicals operating from , urging their extradition or deportation, and stressed that must act against those promoting rather than protecting them. On domestic fronts, Singh advocated robust security measures, including opposition to diluting the Border Security Force's jurisdiction along the India-Pakistan border, arguing that such moves by the party risked national security by limiting anti-terror operations against Pakistan-sponsored Khalistani and other anti-social elements using drones for smuggling arms and drugs. He welcomed the Indian government's 2019 ban on the secessionist group , describing it as a vital step to safeguard from anti-India forces. Singh dismissed threats from pro-Khalistan elements, asserting that questioning his firm anti-separatist position reflected a lack of national pride, and criticized foreign governments like Canada's for succumbing to pressure by omitting Khalistani from terrorism reports, thereby endangering bilateral ties. In recent years, post his 2021 resignation, he has accused subsequent governments of inaction on rising Khalistani rhetoric and continued to lambast for prioritizing Sikh vote banks over curbing .

Farmer agitation, MSP, and agricultural reforms

During his tenure as Chief Minister of Punjab from 2017 to 2021, Amarinder Singh initially opposed the central government's agricultural ordinances introduced in June 2020, describing the Farming Produce, Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Ordinance as "ill-conceived" and a threat to the state's agricultural economy, which relies heavily on systems. He argued that these measures would undermine Punjab's system and expose small farmers to exploitation by large corporations without adequate safeguards. Singh's government had enacted similar state-level reforms in 2017, allowing private markets and contract farming, which aligned with liberalization efforts but were tailored to Punjab's context with provisions for state oversight. However, following the passage of the three central farm laws in September 2020—Farmers' Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, and Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act—Singh shifted to vocal opposition, tabling a resolution in the Punjab Legislative Assembly on October 20, 2020, to reject the laws and the proposed Electricity Amendment Bill, citing risks to farmers' income security. He emphasized that the laws failed to legally guarantee the Minimum Support Price (MSP), leaving Punjab's farmers— who produce over 20% of India's wheat and 12% of its rice despite comprising just 1.5% of the cultivable land—vulnerable to market volatility and corporate dominance. Amid the escalating farmer agitation that began in and spread nationwide, with protests intensifying after November 2020, Singh positioned himself as a defender of Punjab's agrarian interests, stating on October 20, 2020, that he was "ready to resign or be dismissed rather than bow to injustice to farmers." His administration passed counter-legislation in October 2020 to amend the state's APMC Act, imposing penalties on private buyers who evaded fees or failed to pay MSP-equivalent prices, aiming to preserve procurement mechanisms while the agitation blocked highways and railways, causing economic disruptions estimated at over ₹10,000 crore in Punjab by early 2021. Singh repeatedly demanded a legal guarantee, criticizing central MSP hikes for rabi crops announced on September 20, 2020, as a "cruel joke" and "shamefully inadequate," with MSP increased by only ₹19 per , far below and input cost rises. Despite an expert committee under his government in 2020 recommending market reforms akin to the central laws—including diversified cropping and private participation—Singh prioritized political alignment with agitating farmers, urging the Centre to treat agriculture as a state subject and withdraw the laws. Following the of the farm laws on November 29, 2021, Singh questioned the continuation of protests, arguing they no longer served their purpose and should shift focus to implementation. Post-resignation in September 2021, he critiqued farmer unions for prolonging blockades that harmed 's economy, including issues and trade disruptions, while reaffirming support for as essential for smallholders amid rising debts and depletion. In recent statements as a BJP leader, he has backed demands for statutory , highlighting the Centre's of 1,206 lakh tonnes of wheat and 1,322 lakh tonnes of paddy from in the 2023-24 season at assured prices.

Drug menace and law enforcement critiques

Upon assuming office as in March 2017, Amarinder Singh pledged to eradicate the drug menace from within four weeks, launching aggressive enforcement drives targeting , peddlers, and corrupt officials. His administration reported significant increases in narcotics seizures, with recoveries rising from 192 kg in 2017 to 384 kg by 2019, alongside over 12,000 arrests of alleged in the initial years. Singh attributed the supply chain to cross-border smuggling from and advocated for a national , including for major traffickers, while emphasizing and de-addiction programs. Despite these measures, enforcement efforts faced persistent critiques for superficiality and inefficacy, with observers noting a of small-scale "petty seizures" and boilerplate that echoed prior administrations' approaches without dismantling entrenched networks. The failure to apprehend high-profile kingpins, despite intelligence reports, fueled accusations of political patronage and selective action, particularly as overdose deaths continued, including clusters linked to adulterated in 2018. shortcomings were highlighted by reports of harassment of low-level addicts through fabricated cases, prompting Singh to issue directives against such practices, though implementation remained uneven amid allegations of internal corruption and nexus with traffickers. Opposition parties, including the and later , lambasted the government's record, claiming the drug crisis worsened under Singh's watch due to inadequate infrastructure and over-reliance on punitive measures without addressing demand-side factors like . Singh countered that the problem's scale, exacerbated by decades of neglect and external narco-terrorism, precluded rapid elimination, with his initiatives yielding measurable disruptions in supply routes after prolonged dormancy. Empirical data indicated progress in interdictions but underscored ongoing challenges, as addiction rates and smuggling persisted into subsequent administrations.

Internal party conflicts and leadership style

Amarinder Singh faced persistent internal conflicts within the Punjab unit of the , exacerbated by factionalism that intensified during his second term as from to 2021. Tensions peaked with , appointed Punjab Congress president in July 2021, whose public criticisms of Singh's governance on issues like drug control and sacrilege cases deepened divisions. These rifts led to complaints from nearly 40 Congress MLAs to the party high command in September 2021, citing Singh's failure to implement the promises and an 18-point agenda, prompting a no-confidence motion. The high command's intervention, including summoning MLAs to for meetings, was perceived by Singh as deliberate humiliation, contributing to his resignation as on September 18, 2021, ahead of a Congress Legislature Party meeting. Singh opposed Sidhu's leadership ambitions, describing him as "anti-national" and unfit, which highlighted entrenched factions that undermined party unity and electoral prospects. This infighting persisted post-resignation, culminating in Singh's exit from on November 2, 2021, after feeling sidelined by the leadership's favoritism toward rivals. Singh's was characterized as autocratic, with critics accusing him of centralized and minimal consultation with party colleagues, often prioritizing personal authority over collective input. Drawing from his background and royal lineage as the former , he governed with a commanding presence but was faulted for a laid-back, hands-off approach in party management that alienated younger leaders and workers. This reluctance to delegate or adapt fueled discontent, as evidenced by Sidhu's campaigns against perceived inaction on governance failures, including unresolved cases and stalled reforms. Despite these critiques, supporters viewed his style as decisive and rooted in , enabling wins like the 2017 assembly elections where secured 77 seats under his leadership. However, the combination of and factional resistance eroded his position, illustrating how personalized rule clashed with the party's need for collaborative dynamics amid rising opposition from the .

Intellectual and public contributions

Authored works on military and history

Captain Amarinder Singh, drawing on his service as an officer in the 2nd Lancers of the Indian Army, has authored multiple books examining military engagements, strategic analyses, and historical events tied to Sikh and Indian martial traditions. These publications emphasize tactical details, primary accounts, and critiques of operational decisions, often challenging prevailing narratives through archival evidence and eyewitness perspectives. In The Last Sunset: The Rise and Fall of the Lahore Durbar (Roli Books, 2012), Singh chronicles the Sikh Empire's zenith under Maharaja , highlighting his administrative reforms and military innovations that built a formidable army, before detailing the Anglo-Sikh Wars of 1845–1846 and 1848–1849, which resulted in over 20,000 Sikh casualties and the empire's annexation by the . The book utilizes order-of-battle records and battle maps to argue that internal betrayals and superior were decisive factors in the ' defeat, rather than inherent martial inferiority. Lest We Forget: India's Response to Terrorism (Hayden Books, 2000) analyzes counter-insurgency operations during the Punjab militancy in the and , focusing on the Indian Army's role in events like in 1984, where approximately 500 militants and 83 soldiers were killed amid temple complex fighting. Singh critiques political mismanagement that escalated the crisis, advocating for decisive military action against separatist threats while documenting the human cost, including civilian displacements exceeding 100,000 in affected districts. A Ridge Too Far (2003) provides a tactical dissection of the 1965 Indo-Pakistani War's , where forces under 1st Armoured Division clashed with Pakistani Patton tanks in Punjab's canal regions, suffering around 200 tank losses on both sides over 14 days of fighting. Singh, informed by veteran interviews, contends that Pakistani overextension on the ridge lines enabled defensive successes despite numerical disadvantages. The Monsoon War: Young Officers Reminisce – 1965 India-Pakistan War (Roli Books, 2015) compiles oral histories from junior officers involved in the conflict, covering tank maneuvers in the sector and air support limitations due to adverse weather, with specific references to engagements where Indian tanks outperformed Pakistani armor in . Honour and Fidelity: India's Military Contribution to the Great War 1914-1918 (Roli Books, 2015) documents the deployment of over 1.3 million Indian troops, including Sikh regiments, across European and Mesopotamian fronts, where they incurred 74,187 fatalities and earned 11 Crosses; Singh highlights logistical feats like horse transports sustaining cavalry charges at in 1915. Saragarhi 1897: The True Story (2018) recounts the defense of Saragarhi outpost by 21 of the regiment against 10,000 Afghan tribesmen on September 12, 1897, resulting in all defenders killed but inflicting 180–600 enemy casualties; Singh verifies the event through British regimental logs, portraying it as a exemplar of disciplined holding fortified positions against overwhelming odds.

Awards, honors, and public recognition

Amarinder Singh received the Adarsh Mukhya Mantri Puraskar (Ideal Award) from the Bhartiya Chhatra Sansad in February 2020, recognizing his governance initiatives for holistic development and public welfare in . The award was presented by former President at in during the organization's valedictory function. This honor highlighted his administrative record, including efforts in infrastructure, farmer welfare, and anti-corruption measures during his tenure as . As a military veteran who served as a in the 2nd Battalion of the from 1963 to 1966, Singh earned recognition for his brief but active service, including participation in training and operational readiness, though no gallantry decorations are recorded in public accounts. His contributions as a military historian, detailed in authored works on Sikh and Indo-Pak wars, have garnered acclaim among readers and peers for factual rigor, but formal literary awards for these publications remain undocumented.

Personal life

Marriage and family

Amarinder Singh married , a politician and former from , on 31 October 1964. The couple has two children: a son named and a daughter named Jai Inder Kaur. , involved in sports administration including as president of the Punjab Football Association, married Reshma Kaur, daughter of co-owner Kuldeep Singh Dhingra; their daughter Sehar Kaur wed Aditya Narang, son of a Delhi-based businessman, in March 2021. The family maintains ties to the erstwhile royal lineage, with Singh holding the titular title.

Health, residences, and later years

In June 2022, Amarinder Singh underwent successful spinal surgery at a in , after which Prime Minister personally inquired about his recovery. He faced rumors of serious illness in June 2024, which he dismissed while confirming recovery from acute . These health challenges contributed to his absence from (BJP) election campaigns in during the 2024 Lok Sabha polls and led him to skip voting in that year while residing temporarily in . Singh's primary residence is the New Moti Bagh Palace in , , a historic property housing antiques and artifacts associated with the former Patiala . The palace's boundary wall partially collapsed in July 2022 due to . He has also maintained a farmhouse in , . Following his resignation as Punjab Chief Minister on 18 September 2021, Singh launched the party on 2 November 2021 before merging it with the BJP on 19 September 2022, marking a shift from his long affiliation. In his later years, health limitations reduced his public engagements, though he reemerged in October 2024 to critique ongoing protests against repealed agricultural laws. As of 2025, he continues selective political involvement, including commentary on historical events, while facing an probe into alleged asset possession alongside his son Raninder. He also serves as chairman of the Punjab Urdu Academy.

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