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Celilo Falls

Celilo Falls was a ten-mile stretch of turbulent waterfalls, , and narrows on the in , extending from near present-day Celilo Village downstream to The Dalles. For at least 11,000 years, the site functioned as the preeminent fishery, trading hub, and ceremonial center for across the Basin, drawing thousands from diverse tribes to harvest abundant and other species using traditional methods such as dip nets, spears, and weirs. The Sahaptin name "Celilo" translates to "echo of water on rocks," reflecting the deafening roar of the cascading waters that concentrated fish runs and facilitated their capture. The falls' ecological and cultural centrality made it one of the most productive fishing grounds in , supporting year-round habitation and inter-tribal commerce in dried , baskets, canoes, and other goods, with annual gatherings sustaining economies and social ties among groups including the , Warm Springs, and Umatilla. European American explorers like Lewis and documented the site's vibrancy in 1805, noting massive hauls that foreshadowed later commercial exploitation via fish wheels and canneries, which intensified competition with Native fishers. In 1957, the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers completed upstream, and on March 10, the closure of its floodgates submerged Celilo Falls beneath a rising reservoir within hours, prioritizing hydroelectric power generation, , and improvements over the site's preservation. This inundation abruptly terminated millennia-old fishing practices, displaced communities, and eroded tribal treaty rights to salmon access, despite federal compensation that many viewed as inadequate for the irreplaceable loss of a foundational cultural landmark. The event symbolized broader mid-20th-century federal dam-building that transformed the but at significant cost to heritage and fisheries.

Physical Description

Geological Formation and Location

Celilo Falls was located on the mid-Columbia River, approximately 12 miles (19 km) east of The Dalles in , straddling the Oregon-Washington border at roughly 45°39′N 120°58′W. The site featured a series of and cascades extending over about 2 miles (3.2 km), with the primary drop forming a horseshoe-shaped barrier that constricted the river channel. Geologically, Celilo Falls resulted from the Columbia River's erosional downcutting through the , a thick sequence of Miocene flood erupted from fissures between 17 and 6 million years ago. These massive lava flows formed the , with the river exploiting joints and softer interbedded sediments to carve precipitous cliffs and pockets up to 60 feet (18 m) deep. The resistant of the layers created the turbulent, narrow channels and elevation drops characteristic of the falls, as evidenced by historical observations and modern sonar imaging of the submerged structure.

Hydrological Characteristics

Celilo Falls consisted of a series of steep cascades and on the , spanning approximately 5,800 feet (1,800 meters) in width, with a total vertical drop of about 50 feet (15 meters) over the main fall and adjacent reaches. The hydrology was dominated by the 's unregulated flow prior to dam construction, characterized by high seasonal variability driven by snowmelt in the and . Average annual discharge at the falls was approximately 190,000 cubic feet per second (cfs), equivalent to about 5,380 cubic meters per second, reflecting the river's volume upstream of major tributaries like the . Peak flows occurred in late spring and early summer, often exceeding 500,000 cfs and reaching up to 1 million cfs or more during major flood events, such as the 1948 measurement of 1.0 million cfs by U.S. Geological Survey hydrographers. Low flows in winter and early spring typically dropped below 100,000 cfs, creating a pronounced with freshet peaks from to that supported migration but also generated turbulent velocities exceeding 10-15 feet per second in the narrowest chutes. This variability resulted in a sheer drop of about 20 feet at the primary horseshoe-shaped fall during low water, increasing to higher effective gradients at high water due to the river's braiding and scouring. The falls' morphology included a non-uniform over roughly 1-2 miles, comprising the main plunge, intervening rapids, and boulder-strewn channels that concentrated flow into high-energy zones, contributing to significant erosive power and . Pre-dam conditions featured minimal regulation, with annual runoff at the site aligning closely with upstream contributions, estimated at 100-150 million acre-feet basin-wide but localized to the falls' throughput. These characteristics made Celilo one of North America's largest waterfalls by , ranking sixth globally before inundation.

Indigenous Utilization

Fishing Practices and Salmon Ecology

Indigenous peoples, including the Wishram and Wasco tribes, constructed wooden scaffolds extending over the turbulent waters of Celilo Falls to facilitate fishing, positioning fishers directly above concentrations of ascending . Dipnetting from these precarious platforms constituted the predominant technique, employing long-handled nets—initially crafted from natural materials and later incorporating steel hoops for durability—to scoop disoriented fish navigating the falls' cascade. Earlier methods involved spears for close-range strikes, though these were largely supplanted by nets as runs intensified, allowing for higher yields during peak migrations. Processing followed capture, with women filleting salmon into thin strips, removing bones, and air-drying them on wooden racks or in smokehouses to preserve the surplus for winter consumption and trade, yielding a nutrient-dense staple comprising up to 80% of tribal diets in some seasons. These practices sustained annual harvests supporting thousands of participants from multiple tribes during spring through fall runs, with archaeological middens of salmon remains indicating continuous exploitation for at least 10,000 years. The Columbia River's salmon ecology at Celilo Falls centered on anadromous runs of species, predominantly (Oncorhynchus tshawytscha) in spring, summer, and fall variants, alongside coho (Oncorhynchus kisutch) and sockeye (Oncorhynchus nerka), which aggregated below the falls' hydraulic barrier, enhancing harvest efficiency. Historical basin-wide returns exceeded 10 million adults annually prior to 19th-century industrialization, with Celilo Falls serving as a critical upstream chokepoint where the river's velocity and oxygen-rich concentrated fish, minimizing expenditure for predators while providing tribes a predictable caloric influx exceeding 2 million pounds in later documented years. This convergence not only bolstered population viability through but also underpinned tribal economies, as carcasses post-spawning enriched riparian soils with marine-derived nutrients, fostering productivity.

Trade and Cultural Significance

Celilo Falls functioned as a central node in the trade network of the Plateau, drawing tribes from across the Pacific Northwest for seasonal exchanges centered on runs. Participants bartered dried and fresh for goods including roots, berries, tools, animal hides, coiled baskets, robes, beads, and cloth, with trade peaking in spring and fall when fish abundance facilitated large gatherings. This entrepôt connected distant groups, extending influence from coastal to interior speakers and beyond, forming a vast economic web that predated European contact by thousands of years. Annual assemblies could involve up to 5,000 individuals, highlighting the site's role in sustaining tribal economies through reciprocal exchange rather than currency. Culturally, Celilo Falls embodied the spiritual and social core of salmon-dependent societies for indigenous nations such as the Wasco, Wishram, and , serving as a venue for intergenerational transmission of knowledge at proprietary sites held by families for generations. These gatherings fostered communal , inter-tribal alliances, and ceremonies honoring the salmon's return, reinforcing cultural identities tied to the river's rhythms. The name "Wyam," meaning "echo of falling water on rocks," evoked the site's auditory and symbolic power, where the falls' roar symbolized abundance and continuity in oral traditions and practices. Such significance persisted into the , with Celilo remaining a focal point for trade, socialization, and resistance to hydrological alterations.

European Contact and Navigation Era

Exploration and Early Records

The first encountered Celilo Falls on October 22, 1805, while descending the , marking the start of a 55-mile stretch of challenging rapids and cascades. The portaged their canoes and baggage around the falls, observing extensive Native American fishing activities and trade networks, which they described as a "great emporium" or central market for regional tribes. William Clark's journal entries from that date noted the falls' location near modern Wishram, Washington, and Celilo, Oregon, highlighting the area's role as a major gathering point for indigenous groups. On the expedition's return journey in April 1806, the party passed through the Celilo Falls area again, reaffirming its significance as a trading hub between highland and coastal peoples. Lewis and Clark's journals provided the earliest written European records of the site, including population estimates of 7,200 to 10,000 indigenous people frequenting the falls for fishing and commerce during peak seasons. These accounts emphasized the falls' hydrological barriers, which necessitated portages and shaped early navigation challenges. Subsequent exploration included Canadian fur trader David Thompson, who reached Celilo Falls on July 11, 1811, during a voyage downriver from Kettle Falls for the North West Company. Thompson's surveys documented the falls' geography and strategic importance for trade routes, contributing to British mapping efforts in the region prior to American settlement. These early records underscored Celilo Falls as a formidable natural obstacle and vibrant indigenous center, influencing later assessments of the Columbia River's navigability.

19th-Century Navigation Attempts

In the mid-19th century, the Columbia River's navigation between The Dalles and Celilo Falls—spanning approximately 14 miles of turbulent rapids, narrow chutes, and cascading drops totaling over 50 feet—presented an insurmountable barrier to upstream steamboat travel due to the river's constriction to as little as 40 feet in places and velocities exceeding 10 miles per hour. Early commercial efforts relied on manual portage, where freight and passengers were offloaded at The Dalles and transported overland via wagon roads or Indigenous-guided trails to landing points above Celilo, such as near the mouth of the Deschutes River, before reloading onto smaller vessels for the upper river. This method, labor-intensive and vulnerable to weather and theft, supported initial steamboat traffic from Portland but limited throughput to a few tons per trip until infrastructure improvements in the 1860s. The (OSN), formed in 1860 to monopolize regional river transport, addressed these constraints by constructing a dedicated portage railroad in 1863, extending 13.8 to 14 miles eastward from The Dalles along the south bank, bypassing The Dalles Rapids, Five Mile Rapids, and Celilo Falls. Equipped with three small locomotives and flatcars designed for heavy cargo like mining supplies and wheat, the line facilitated the transfer of goods from lower-river sternwheelers to upper-river boats, enabling expanded service to gold fields via the . Daily operations involved unloading at The Dalles docks, rail haulage at speeds up to 10-15 mph, and reloading at Celilo or Wallula, reducing portage time from days to hours and boosting annual freight volumes to thousands of tons by the late 1860s. Above Celilo Falls, independent operators launched the first dedicated upper-Columbia steamboats in 1859, including the Colonel Wright (built at Celilo village) and subsequent vessels like the Fifteen Mile Landing, constructed at sites such as the mouth to avoid portage dependency. These shallow-draft, wood-hulled sternwheelers, typically 80-120 feet long with capacities of 100-200 tons, navigated the freer upper river to ports like Wallula and Lewiston, serving overland emigrants and miners but remaining isolated from downstream traffic without the portage link. No commercial successfully transited the falls directly, as attempts to line or shoot the rapids risked vessel loss amid submerged rocks and whirlpools, relegating such feats to occasional small craft or canoes operated by skilled pilots. By decade's end, the OSN's integrated system—combining rail portage with segmented steamboat runs—dominated, though vulnerabilities to floods and competition foreshadowed later canal proposals.

Dam Construction and Inundation

Planning and Engineering of The Dalles Dam

The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers first proposed in the early 1930s as part of a comprehensive ten-dam plan to develop the 's hydroelectric potential, improvements, and capabilities. Early concepts envisioned larger structures, but by 1932, the Corps' Board of Engineers rejected proposals for a single massive dam in favor of alternatives, including multiple smaller dams between The Dalles and upstream sites to balance power generation with minimal reservoir storage. Planning evolved amid broader federal efforts under the 1920s River and Harbor Acts, which authorized Corps surveys for enhancements past historic obstacles like The Dalles Rapids. Congress formally authorized construction via the Flood Control Act of 1950, directing the to prioritize output—targeted at over 1 million kilowatts initially—and a navigation lock to enable year-round barge traffic, while incorporating fish passage facilities to mitigate impacts on anadromous fish runs. The project received federal funding without requiring extensive tribal consent beyond compensation, reflecting postwar priorities for regional electrification and commerce over preservation of pre-dam riverine features. Site selection at river mile 192 emphasized a low-head, run-of-the-river design to limit backwater effects on upstream and settlements, with construction contracts awarded starting in 1952 under oversight. Engineering focused on a concrete gravity dam structure rising 185 feet above the riverbed and spanning 2,640 feet across, optimized for high-volume flow management without significant impoundment. The section, measuring 1,380 feet, features 23 radial gates—each 50 feet wide and 43 feet high—capable of discharging up to 375,000 cubic feet per second to handle flood peaks and turbine bypasses. The adjacent powerhouse, extending 2,089 feet, houses 22 Kaplan turbine-generator units (14 initial units at 78-94 MW each, plus eight later additions), yielding a total capacity of 2,080 megawatts at full load, with provisions for skeletal expansion to 2.7 million kilowatts. Navigation infrastructure includes a single-lift lock 86 feet wide and 675 feet long, providing a 90-foot lift to accommodate ocean-going vessels and cargo barges, positioned on the Oregon side for efficient river traffic integration. Dual fish ladders, one on each shore, were engineered with high-velocity water flows to guide salmon past the dam, drawing on contemporaneous hydraulic studies to approximate natural ascent conditions despite the barriers posed by the 158-foot reservoir pool elevation. Embankments and auxiliary structures ensure structural integrity against seismic and erosive forces, with the overall design emphasizing cost-effective concrete placement—over 4 million cubic yards—completed within five years through phased cofferdam and diversion techniques.

The 1957 Flooding Event

On March 10, 1957, at 10:00 a.m., the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers closed the massive steel and floodgates of the newly completed on the , initiating a controlled that rapidly inundated Celilo Falls. The inch-thick reinforced gates halted the downstream surge, causing the reservoir—later known as Lake Celilo—to rise and submerge the falls, which spanned the river's width and dropped over 40 feet in elevation. The flooding progressed swiftly, with the water backing up and covering the falls, adjacent fishing platforms, and parts of Celilo Village within four and a half to five hours, transforming the turbulent cascade into a placid lake. Hundreds of observers, including members of tribes, gathered to witness the event, which extinguished the falls' roar and marked the irreversible alteration of the site's hydrology. This closure fulfilled the dam's design to impound water for power generation and , but it ended the natural rapids that had defined the location for thousands of years.

Immediate and Long-Term Impacts

Losses to Indigenous Communities

The inundation of Celilo Falls on March 10, 1957, by the reservoir created by submerged primary fishing platforms and villages used by tribes including the , Warm Springs, Umatilla, and , forcing numerous fishing families to relocate from the riverbanks. This event eliminated access to a site that had supported tribal harvests estimated at over 2.5 million pounds annually, based on a 1946 U.S. Department of the Interior assessment, disrupting a core economic activity centered on capture, processing, and trade. Culturally, Celilo Falls served as a gathering point for groups across the region for at least 12,000 years, facilitating not only fishing but also intertribal trade, ceremonies, and social exchanges tied to the salmon's life cycle, which held spiritual significance in tribal cosmologies. The rapid flooding, witnessed by tribal members who salvaged belongings amid the rising waters, severed direct connection to these ancestral practices, contributing to the erosion of transmission and community cohesion dependent on the site's seasonal rhythms. Long-term, the loss compounded broader declines in populations due to hydroelectric development on the , reducing tribal self-sufficiency in food procurement and compelling reliance on alternative, less productive fishing locations upstream or downstream, where access and yields were diminished. This shift altered dietary patterns, increased economic vulnerability, and diminished the falls' role as a cultural landmark, with oral histories preserving memories of the submersion as a profound rupture in lifeways.

Regional Economic and Energy Benefits

, completed in 1957, generates hydroelectric power through 22 turbine units with a total capacity of 2,080 megawatts, contributing significantly to the Pacific Northwest's electricity supply. As part of the Federal Power System managed by the , it helps provide approximately 60-70% of the region's average annual electricity needs, enabling low-cost, that supports industrial and residential demands. The dam's average annual energy production exceeds 8.9 million megawatt-hours, with full-capacity discharge rates reaching 312,000 cubic feet per second. This hydropower output has underpinned economic expansion in Oregon, Washington, and Idaho by delivering reliable, emissions-free electricity at rates below national averages, historically powering energy-intensive industries such as aluminum production during and after World War II. The system's dams, including The Dalles, facilitate flood control that protects agricultural lands and urban areas, averting billions in potential damages and stabilizing regional economies dependent on farming and infrastructure. Navigation improvements via the dam's lock—the second busiest on the Columbia River—have enhanced barge transport efficiency, reducing shipping costs for commodities like wheat and timber, which bolsters export revenues and supports over 100,000 jobs in related sectors across Oregon ports. Irrigation benefits from the dam's reservoir, Lake Celilo, extend water supplies to arid farmlands in the Columbia Basin, increasing crop yields and agricultural output that contribute to the Northwest's $10 billion-plus annual value-added impacts from port and river-dependent activities. Recreation around the generates additional economic activity through , , and , drawing visitors that sustain local businesses in Wasco County and adjacent areas. Overall, these multifaceted outputs have positioned the dam as a of regional prosperity, with alone accounting for roughly half of the Pacific Northwest's .

Controversies and Compensations

Negotiations between the U.S. government, represented primarily by the Army Corps of Engineers and the Department of the Interior, and the affected tribes—Yakama Nation, Confederated Tribes of the Umatilla Indian Reservation, Confederated Tribes of Warm Springs, and Nez Perce Tribe—began in the early 1950s as construction of The Dalles Dam progressed, with the inundation threatening treaty-reserved fishing rights at Celilo Falls established under 1855 treaties. These rights guaranteed tribes access to "usual and accustomed" fishing grounds, which Celilo Falls exemplified as a central site for communal salmon harvesting and trade. Delays in reservoir filling occurred until claims were addressed, culminating in settlement agreements signed in 1956 that provided cash compensation in exchange for relinquishing further claims related to the site's inundation. The total compensation amounted to $26,888,395, distributed as follows: $15,019,640 to the Yakama Nation, $4,451,784 to the Warm Springs tribes, $4,616,971 to the Umatilla tribes, and the remainder to the Nez Perce Tribe. This equated to approximately $3,700 per enrolled tribal member across the groups, irrespective of individual use of the sites, reflecting the communal nature of the rights under treaty interpretations. The agreements, ratified by , explicitly barred tribes and members from additional suits for the physical loss of fishing stations due to flooding, framing the payments as full satisfaction for the takings. Post-inundation legal challenges tested these settlements. In Whitefoot v. United States (293 F.2d 658, Ct. Cl. 1961), individual Yakama plaintiffs sought extra compensation for specific inherited fishing stations, arguing they held distinct property interests beyond communal tribal rights. The U.S. Court of Claims rejected this, affirming that treaty fishing rights at Celilo were collective tribal entitlements, not severable individual properties, thus upholding the settlements' adequacy for the inundation's direct effects and denying further recovery. This ruling reinforced federal authority over such communal resources while limiting personal claims, though it did not address broader ecological impacts on fish runs from dam operations.

Critiques of Federal Decision-Making

Critiques of federal decision-making in the construction of The Dalles Dam, which inundated Celilo Falls on March 10, 1957, center on the U.S. government's prioritization of hydropower generation and regional economic development over treaty-obligated tribal fishing rights and cultural heritage. Internal documents from the 1940s and 1950s, obtained via Freedom of Information Act requests, reveal that officials, including those from the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers and the Columbia Basin Interagency Committee, explicitly viewed the elimination of Native commercial fisheries at sites like Celilo Falls as advantageous, arguing it would improve salmon migration to spawning grounds. A 1951 memorandum by fisheries biologist Sam Hutchinson asserted that "the Indian commercial fishery would be eliminated and more fish would reach the spawning grounds in better condition," reflecting a deliberate downplaying of harms to tribal communities in favor of non-Native recreational and commercial interests. Tribal consultation during the dam's planning phase, authorized by in 1947 and constructed starting in the early 1950s, was minimal and did not adequately incorporate tribal input on the irreversible loss of Celilo Falls, a site central to the economies, diets, and ceremonies of tribes including the Nation, Warm Springs, and Umatilla. Federal negotiators offered compensation totaling $26,888,395 for flooded fishing sites—allocated as $15,019,640 to the , $4,451,784 to the Warm Springs, and $4,616,971 to the Umatilla—but this sum addressed only tangible property losses and ignored broader cultural and ecological devastation, such as the submersion of ancestral villages, burial grounds, and sacred sites spanning thousands of years. Critics, including tribal advocates and historians, argue this reflected a colonial-era treating tribal resources as expendable for infrastructural progress, with no provisions for mitigating blocked runs that historically supported up to 16 million fish annually. A U.S. of the Interior acknowledges these "historic, ongoing, and cumulative impacts" of federal dams like The Dalles on tribal circumstances, admitting violations of 1855 treaty promises securing off-reservation fishing rights, but omits earlier evidence of intentional disregard uncovered in declassified memos. This selective framing in official retrospectives underscores persistent flaws in federal accountability, as the prioritizes current over full reckoning with mid-20th-century decisions that privileged power output—generating electricity for 40% of the Northwest—without equivalent safeguards for indigenous sovereignty.

Contemporary Perspectives

Symbolic and Ecological Legacy

Celilo Falls endures as a profound of resilience and cultural continuity for tribes including the , Warm Springs, and Umatilla, representing over 10,000 years of salmon-centered traditions, trade, and spiritual practices along the . Prior to its inundation in 1957, the falls served as a vital gathering site where tribes from to converged for fishing, commerce, and ceremonies, fostering intertribal networks and sustaining communities through abundant harvests that exceeded immediate needs for trade and preservation. Today, the submerged site retains deep symbolic value, evoking the river's life-giving role in Native cosmologies and the enduring connection to ancestral practices, even as fewer elders directly recall the pre-dam era. Ecologically, the falls' legacy underscores the cascading disruptions to the basin's salmonid populations following The Dalles Dam's construction, which blocked natural migration routes and contributed to sharp declines in historic runs that once supported millions of fish annually. Pre-dam surveys documented Celilo as hosting one of North America's premier salmon fisheries, with and other species navigating turbulent waters to spawn upstream, maintaining a dynamic reliant on cycling from decaying carcasses that enriched riparian habitats. Post-inundation, the altered — including sedimentation and hydropower operations—exacerbated fragmentation, reducing anadromous fish returns by orders of magnitude and diminishing in the once-vibrant gorge, effects compounded by subsequent dams and hatchery interventions. This transformation highlights the trade-offs of federal engineering priorities, where energy production overshadowed the river's pre-industrial ecological integrity, informing ongoing debates over basin recovery.

Restoration Proposals and Feasibility Assessments

In 2015, Oregon State Representative Ken Helm introduced House Joint Memorial 15, a urging the U.S. of Engineers to evaluate the of temporarily lowering the Celilo pool—the reservoir behind —by approximately 40 feet for one to two weeks annually to expose Celilo Falls. The proposal cited a 2008 sonar survey confirming the falls' geological features remain intact beneath the water, suggesting minimal structural alteration needed beyond water level management. However, the measure faced significant opposition from some Native American representatives, including Yakama Nation members Tabitha Whitefoot and Susan Guerin, who argued it would reopen historical traumas without delivering lasting cultural or benefits, describing it as a "cruel tease." Supporters, such as the Friends of Celilo Falls, viewed it as an initial step toward broader restoration, potentially elevating the site to World Heritage status. The resolution did not advance beyond committee hearings, and no subsequent by the has been publicly documented or completed. Advocacy groups have proposed more ambitious permanent restoration, including partial or full breaching of to restore a free-flowing and revive the falls' historic , which supported Native American communities for over 10,000 years prior to inundation in 1957. Organizations like Restore Celilo Falls advocate replacing the dam's approximately 1,800 megawatts of capacity with modern renewables such as wind farms, repurposing the structure as a , and developing alternative and solutions. Similarly, informal concepts, such as those outlined in regional environmental discussions, suggest modernizing the adjacent Celilo Canal—originally built for around the falls—to maintain shipping while lowering the pool , arguing that technological advancements the dam's full and functions replaceable. Tribal leaders from the and nations have echoed calls for restoration since at least 2019, emphasizing that the 1957 inundation lacked permanent consent under treaty agreements, though responses within communities remain divided on practicality. Feasibility assessments remain preliminary and contested, with no comprehensive federal engineering or economic analysis conducted to date. Proponents highlight the sonar evidence of intact falls and precedents like dam removals on other tributaries, which have restored migration without collapsing regional power grids. However, critics point to substantial barriers: temporary drawdowns could disrupt output critical to the Pacific Northwest's energy mix, interrupt barge navigation reliant on stable pool levels, and incur unquantified costs for water management and ecological mitigation, potentially exacerbating short-term stress from dewatering. Permanent options face amplified challenges, including commitments to dam infrastructure under the 1938 Bonneville Project Act and the need for multi-state coordination, as supports irrigation for over 600,000 acres and annual power generation exceeding 7 billion kilowatt-hours. Absent formalized studies, these proposals persist primarily as cultural and symbolic imperatives rather than actionable plans, with ongoing tribal advocacy linking falls restoration to broader Basin recovery efforts.

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