Gregor Strasser
Gregor Strasser (31 May 1892 – 30 June 1934) was a German politician and leading organizer in the early National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP), who advocated for a revolutionary anti-capitalist program emphasizing worker control and nationalization within the party's framework.[1][2] Born in Geisenfeld, Bavaria, to a Catholic family, Strasser trained as a pharmacist, served as a lieutenant in the Imperial German Army during World War I—earning the Iron Cross Second Class—and joined the NSDAP precursor German Workers' Party in 1920.[1][3] After participating in the 1923 Beer Hall Putsch, for which he received an 18-month prison sentence, Strasser focused on rebuilding the party's infrastructure post-failure, rising to Reichspropagandaleiter in 1926 and then Reichsorganisationsleiter in 1928, where he professionalized operations and expanded membership from thousands to over 500,000 by 1932 through grassroots syndicates and ideological agitation.[1][3] As head of the NSDAP's "left" faction alongside his brother Otto, Strasser pushed for policies like breaking financial trusts, mandating worker representation on corporate boards, and land reform funded by expropriating Jewish-owned estates, viewing these as essential to combating both Bolshevik internationalism and exploitative capitalism—though his vision clashed with Adolf Hitler's pragmatic alliances with industrialists.[2][1] Ideological disputes peaked when Strasser resigned as party leader in December 1932, rejecting Hitler's chancellorship bid as a compromise with conservatives, only to be arrested and shot in his Berlin apartment during the Night of the Long Knives purge on 30 June 1934, an event orchestrated by Hitler to eliminate internal rivals and consolidate power.[4][5][1] Strasser's execution, initially misreported as suicide by some regime accounts, underscored the NSDAP's shift from revolutionary rhetoric to authoritarian realignment, extinguishing the party's more economically radical elements.[4][5]
Early Life
Birth, Family, and Education
Gregor Strasser was born on 31 May 1892 in Geisenfeld, a market town in Upper Bavaria, then part of the German Empire.[1] He came from a middle-class Catholic family, with his father, Peter Strasser, serving as a judicial officer in the Bavarian civil service.[3] His mother was Pauline Strobel, and Strasser had a younger brother, Otto, who later also entered politics.[6] Strasser received his early education in Bavaria before pursuing higher studies in pharmacy.[7] In 1914, he enrolled at Friedrich Alexander University in Erlangen to study pharmaceutical sciences, qualifying as a licensed pharmacist shortly before the onset of World War I.[7] This professional training provided him with a stable occupation in the pre-war years, reflecting the family's emphasis on public service and technical expertise.[1]World War I Service
Strasser enlisted as a Kriegsfreiwilliger (war volunteer) in the Bavarian Army at the outbreak of World War I on 2 August 1914, shortly before Germany's declaration of war on Russia.[8] He was assigned to an artillery regiment, serving primarily on the Western Front in France and Belgium.[7] During the war, he demonstrated combat effectiveness in prolonged frontline duty, advancing through the ranks to Oberleutnant (first lieutenant) by the armistice in November 1918.[8] For gallantry in action, Strasser received the Iron Cross, Second Class, early in the conflict, followed by the First Class award for distinguished service under fire, honors that reflected his exposure to intense artillery engagements and infantry support operations typical of Bavarian field units.[9][1] These decorations, among the most prestigious for enlisted and junior officers, underscored his commitment to the Imperial cause amid high casualties, with German artillery suffering significant losses in major offensives like Verdun and the Somme.[10] Strasser's postwar veteran status, marked by these awards, later informed his nationalist paramilitary activities and entry into far-right politics.[8]Post-War Paramilitary Involvement
Following Germany's defeat in World War I and the outbreak of the German Revolution, Gregor Strasser, a decorated veteran of the Bavarian artillery, engaged in paramilitary operations against leftist insurgents in Bavaria.[11] In early 1919, amid the establishment of the short-lived Bavarian Soviet Republic in Munich, Strasser joined the Freikorps Epp, a volunteer corps commanded by Colonel Franz Ritter von Epp and funded by the Bavarian government to restore order.[12] His brother Otto Strasser also enlisted in the same unit, which included future prominent Nazis such as Ernst Röhm and Rudolf Hess among its ranks.[13] The Freikorps Epp played a key role in the military campaign to dismantle the Soviet Republic, advancing on Munich in May 1919 alongside regular Reichswehr forces and other Freikorps units.[12] Strasser's involvement aligned with widespread veteran participation in these anti-communist actions, which involved street fighting, arrests, and executions of revolutionaries, culminating in the republic's collapse by late May.[11] Reports indicate Strasser helped organize and lead a Sturmbataillon, or assault battalion, within the Freikorps structure, focusing on rapid strikes against red guard positions in the Munich area.[14] These paramilitary efforts solidified Strasser's early nationalist and anti-Bolshevik convictions, bridging his military service to subsequent political radicalism, though specific personal combat records from this period remain sparse in primary accounts.[13] By mid-1919, with the stabilization of Bavaria, Strasser's Freikorps activities waned as he transitioned to civilian pursuits, including pharmacology studies and business ventures, while maintaining ties to right-wing circles.[11]Entry into Nazism
Joining the NSDAP
After serving in the German Army during World War I and earning the Iron Cross for bravery, Gregor Strasser participated in Freikorps units that suppressed communist revolts in Bavaria following the war's end.[9] Disillusioned by Germany's defeat, the Treaty of Versailles, and the rise of Marxist influences, Strasser sought alignment with radical nationalist groups opposing the Weimar Republic.[1] In 1920, he joined the Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP), the renamed German Workers' Party, which emphasized anti-Marxism, nationalism, and workers' interests under leaders like Adolf Hitler.[9] Strasser's entry into the NSDAP occurred amid the party's early expansion in Bavaria, where he resided after establishing a pharmacy in Landshut, Lower Bavaria.[15] As an early adherent, he contributed to local organizational efforts, reflecting his commitment to the party's program outlined in its February 1920 25-point declaration, which combined socialist economic reforms with vehement opposition to Jews and international finance.[7] His military background and Freikorps experience positioned him as a natural fit for the paramilitary-oriented NSDAP, which recruited from similar veteran circles to build its Sturmabteilung (SA) auxiliary.[1] By mid-1920, Strasser's involvement deepened; he reportedly introduced his brother Otto to the party's ideas during a family gathering, though Otto did not join until 1925.[13] This early commitment marked Strasser's shift from sporadic paramilitary action to structured political activism within the NSDAP, setting the stage for his subsequent rise in party administration.[9]Early Party Activities in Bavaria
Gregor Strasser joined the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP) in Munich in 1920, shortly after its renaming from the German Workers' Party (DAP).[13] Based in Landshut, Lower Bavaria, he focused on recruitment and organizational efforts within the party's early Bavarian branches, leveraging his pharmaceutical business and local networks to attract members disillusioned by post-war economic turmoil and the Treaty of Versailles.[16] Strasser played a key role in the party's paramilitary activities, establishing and commanding the Sturmbataillon Niederbayern, an SA storm battalion comprising around 950 men that engaged in street confrontations with political opponents and protected party gatherings.[17] He appointed the 22-year-old Heinrich Himmler as his adjutant in this unit, which operated primarily in rural and small-town areas of Lower Bavaria to expand Nazi influence beyond urban Munich.[18] These efforts emphasized anti-Marxist violence and propaganda, aligning with the party's völkisch ideology amid Bavaria's conservative separatist sentiments. During the Beer Hall Putsch on November 8–9, 1923, Strasser participated in the Munich uprising, marching with SA units against the Bavarian government and attempting to seize key buildings.[16] Following the failed coup and subsequent party ban, he maintained underground contacts and local cells in Bavaria, aiding the NSDAP's survival through discreet meetings and resource distribution. By early 1925, as the party prepared for refoundation, Strasser had been appointed Gauleiter of Lower Bavaria, tasked with rebuilding regional structures under Hitler's direction.[17] His activities laid groundwork for the party's expansion, growing membership in Niederbayern from dozens to hundreds by mid-decade through targeted appeals to farmers and veterans.[19]Organizational Rise
Leadership in Party Expansion
Following the refoundation of the NSDAP in February 1925 after the ban imposed post-Beer Hall Putsch, Gregor Strasser played a pivotal role in organizing and expanding the party beyond its Bavarian base. In late 1925, he became the director of the National Socialist Working Association, a coalition of northern and western German party leaders aimed at coordinating activities in regions distant from Munich's influence.[20] This group, under Strasser's leadership, emphasized recruitment and propaganda efforts tailored to industrial workers, highlighting the party's anti-capitalist program points to appeal to socialist-leaning voters.[20] At the Bamberg Conference in February 1926, Adolf Hitler reasserted central authority over the party, resolving tensions between the Bavarian core and northern factions. Despite this, Hitler tasked Strasser with developing the NSDAP's structure in northern Germany, appointing him as the party's national propaganda leader from 30 June 1926 to January 1928.[7] In this capacity, Strasser established a network of Gauleiter (district leaders) responsible for local branches, which facilitated systematic membership drives and ideological dissemination. He recruited key figures such as Joseph Goebbels, whom he installed as Gauleiter of Berlin in 1926, and Heinrich Himmler, enhancing the party's administrative and propagandistic reach.[20] Strasser's efforts contributed significantly to the NSDAP's growth during the mid-1920s. Party membership increased from approximately 27,000 in 1925 to 130,000 by 1929, with much of the expansion occurring in northern industrial areas under his oversight.[21] This period marked the transition from a regionally confined movement to a more national organization, though Strasser's autonomous approach in the north occasionally strained relations with Hitler's Munich headquarters, foreshadowing later conflicts. His focus on organizational discipline and grassroots mobilization laid foundational structures that propelled the party's resurgence amid Weimar Germany's economic stabilization.[14]Role as Reichsorganisationsleiter
Gregor Strasser was appointed Reichsorganisationsleiter (Reich Organizational Leader) of the NSDAP on 2 January 1928, a position that made him responsible for the party's national administrative and structural development.[7] In this role, he served as the de facto general secretary, overseeing the centralization and professionalization of party operations from the Munich headquarters.[18] Strasser's tenure marked a period of significant organizational reform, including the reinforcement of the Gauleiter system, where regional leaders (Gauleiter) managed local branches (Gaue) under a hierarchical structure to enhance coordination and loyalty to party directives.[22] He expanded the party's bureaucratic apparatus, establishing dedicated departments for propaganda, personnel, and finances, which facilitated more efficient recruitment and resource allocation across Germany.[23] These changes helped transform the NSDAP from a fragmented group into a disciplined mass organization, with membership rising from approximately 27,000 in 1925 to 130,000 by 1929 amid economic turmoil.[21] As Reichsorganisationsleiter, Strasser prioritized building grassroots presence in northern and working-class areas, where he had previously succeeded as Gauleiter, by promoting local agitation and the formation of affiliated groups like the National Socialist Factory Cell Organization (NSBO) to appeal to laborers.[7] His efforts emphasized systematic propaganda dissemination and cadre training, contributing to the party's electoral gains, such as securing 12 Reichstag seats in the May 1928 elections.[23] However, tensions arose as Strasser's focus on bureaucratic efficiency sometimes clashed with Adolf Hitler's preference for personal loyalty over institutional routines, foreshadowing internal power struggles.[18] Strasser held the position until his resignation on 8 December 1932 amid disputes over coalition policies.[7]Ideological Contributions
Development of Strasserism
Strasserism developed in the mid-1920s as a factional tendency within the NSDAP, led by Gregor Strasser, emphasizing anti-capitalist measures to attract working-class voters while maintaining the party's core racial nationalism and opposition to Marxism. After his release from prison in December 1924 following the Beer Hall Putsch, Strasser focused on organizational expansion in northern Germany, where industrial workers predominated, advocating policies such as nationalization of production trusts, profit-sharing in large enterprises, and confiscation of war profits to address economic grievances under the Weimar Republic's hyperinflation and depression.[24] This approach aimed to differentiate National Socialism from both liberal capitalism and international socialism, framing economic intervention as a tool for national revival rather than class warfare.[25] In 1925, Gregor Strasser collaborated with his brother Otto to establish the Kampf-Verlag publishing house in Munich, which produced Nationalsozialistische Briefe (NS-Briefe), a theoretical journal that propagated Strasserist ideas through essays critiquing "Jewish finance capital" and calling for a "German socialism" involving state-directed corporatism and worker participation without abolishing private property outright.[26] The journal, circulated among party cadres from 1926 onward, highlighted tensions between Strasser's vision of a "second revolution" for economic justice and Adolf Hitler's prioritization of political power consolidation, reflecting causal pressures from electoral competition with the Communist Party of Germany (KPD).[13] Strasser's organizational role as Reichspropagandaleiter from 1926 further institutionalized these ideas, though subordinated to central party discipline. The Bamberg Conference on February 14, 1926, marked a pivotal clash, where Hitler repudiated Strasser's radical proposals—such as extensive socialization—asserting the NSDAP's defense of private property against "Bolshevik" tendencies, while permitting continued rhetorical anti-capitalism for mass appeal.[27] [28] Despite this setback, Strasserism persisted as an internal current until the early 1930s, influencing party platforms like the 1920 Twenty-Five Points' socialist phrasing, but historians assess its anti-capitalism as largely tactical, aimed at party growth rather than a coherent alternative to Hitler's pragmatic alliances with industrialists, given Strasser's eventual compliance and lack of sustained revolutionary action.[29] [11] This development underscores the NSDAP's ideological flexibility, where Strasserist elements served propaganda but yielded to Hitler's authoritarian centralism for causal efficacy in seizing power.Economic Policies and Anti-Capitalism
Gregor Strasser articulated an anti-capitalist stance within the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP), framing capitalism as an exploitative system perpetuated by finance capital that prioritized profits over national welfare and worker dignity. He argued that jobs generated capital rather than vice versa, positioning economic policy as a tool for reversing exploitation through state intervention and communal ownership structures.[30] This perspective targeted what Strasser described as "interest slavery" and unfair wage structures, advocating replacement with a nationalized economy to ensure production served the Volk rather than private interests.[31] In the mid-1920s, Strasser co-founded Kampf-Verlag in March 1926 with his brother Otto, which published the Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte and disseminated propaganda emphasizing revolutionary economic overhaul, including critiques of capitalist enslavement and calls for a "bread community" transcending class divides. His speeches during this period, such as those collected in works like Kampf um Deutschland, promoted anti-capitalist sentiment as integral to National Socialism, permeating party rhetoric against the Weimar system's economic dislocations affecting the middle classes and workers.[31] Strasser viewed socialism not as Marxist internationalism but as a nationalist corrective to capitalism's failures, rejecting class warfare in favor of unified production under state oversight to foster autarky and self-sufficiency. As Reichsorganisationsleiter from 1928, Strasser influenced party economic discourse, culminating in the NSDAP's Immediate Economic Program of 1932, which embodied his vision for immediate anti-capitalist reforms. Key provisions included:- Nationalization of the banking system and placement of stock companies under state supervision to redirect monopolistic profits toward national benefit rather than private finance capital.[30]
- Introduction of worker profit-sharing and legal guarantees of employment to eliminate exploitation, alongside construction of independent worker housing.[30]
- Aggressive land reclamation and settlement policies, targeting 8.5 million hectares for drainage and distribution to independent farmers with tax exemptions and low-interest loans, aiming to bolster domestic agriculture against import-dependent capitalism.[30]
- Criminalization of capital flight with severe penalties, including the death sentence for economic sabotage, and price controls to curb cartel exploitation.[30]
- Reduction of interest rates to prioritize job creation over speculative finance.[30]