Hermann Müller
Hermann Müller (18 May 1876 – 20 March 1931) was a German politician and longtime member of the Social Democratic Party (SPD), which he joined in 1893, serving as Chancellor of the Weimar Republic from 27 March to 21 June 1920 and from 29 June 1928 to 30 March 1930, as well as Foreign Minister from 21 June 1919 to 27 March 1920.[1][1][1] As Foreign Minister under Chancellor Gustav Bauer, Müller co-signed the Treaty of Versailles on 28 June 1919 alongside Johannes Bell of the Centre Party, formally ending World War I but imposing heavy reparations and territorial losses on Germany that fueled domestic nationalist backlash.[1][2] His brief first chancellorship came immediately after the failed Kapp Putsch coup attempt in March 1920, during which right-wing forces briefly seized Berlin, highlighting the fragility of the new republican order amid ongoing political violence and economic distress.[1] Müller's second term headed a grand coalition of SPD, Centre Party, German Democratic Party, and German People's Party, marking the last Weimar government with a parliamentary majority; it advanced a naval construction program and contributed to negotiating the Young Plan in 1929, which eased reparations burdens compared to the Dawes Plan.[1][1] The cabinet collapsed in March 1930 over irreconcilable disputes on funding unemployment insurance amid rising joblessness signaling the onset of the Great Depression, paving the way for presidential decree rule under Heinrich Brüning and accelerating the republic's instability.[3] Müller died in Berlin following complications from an appendectomy operation.[1]Early life
Family background and childhood
Hermann Müller was born on 18 May 1876 in Mannheim, in the Grand Duchy of Baden, to Georg Jakob Müller, a producer and dealer in sparkling wine, and Karoline Vogt.[4][2] The family occupied a modest position within the local bourgeoisie, with Müller's father operating a small-scale manufacturing and sales enterprise typical of regional commerce in the late 19th century.[4] Müller's father died in 1892 when Hermann was 16 years old, precipitating severe financial hardship for the household and curtailing the son's formal education.[5] Compelled to contribute to the family's support, Müller abandoned grammar school in Mannheim and commenced a commercial apprenticeship in Frankfurt am Main, initially in sales and clerical work.[4] This early immersion in wage labor exposed him to the realities of industrial employment and trade union organizing, shaping his nascent interest in social reform.[6] Little is documented regarding Müller's siblings or immediate family dynamics prior to his father's death, though the loss marked a pivotal shift from relative stability to economic precarity, common among middle-class families dependent on a single breadwinner in Wilhelmine Germany.[5]Education and early influences
Müller attended grammar school in Mannheim, where he was born on 18 May 1876 to a father engaged in the wine manufacturing trade, and later continued his schooling in Dresden after his family's relocation.[4] Following his father's death, he was compelled to leave school early to support the family, forgoing further formal education.[6] At around age 17, he began an apprenticeship as a salesman, during which he encountered the realities of industrial labor and became active in trade union circles.[6] These early work experiences profoundly shaped Müller's worldview, exposing him to the grievances of the working class and fostering an affinity for socialist principles.[4] In 1893, he formally joined the Social Democratic Party (SPD), drawn by its advocacy for labor rights and economic reform amid the era's rapid industrialization and class tensions in Imperial Germany.[4] Key influences included prominent SPD figures like August Bebel, whose leadership emphasized organized agitation and parliamentary strategy, guiding Müller's subsequent commitment to reformist socialism over revolutionary alternatives.[4] By 1899, at age 23, Müller had advanced to editing a local SPD newspaper in Görlitz, honing his skills in political journalism and party propaganda.[4]Entry into politics
Journalistic career
Müller joined the Social Democratic Party (SPD) in 1893 and soon entered party-affiliated journalism, initially serving as an editor for socialist daily newspapers in Breslau before relocating to Görlitz.[7] From 1899 to 1906, he acted as editor of the Görlitzer Volkszeitung, a modest local SPD organ in Silesia that functioned primarily as a vehicle for propagating party positions amid the constraints of the German Empire's anti-socialist laws, which had been repealed only in 1890.[1] [2] His editorial role emphasized organizational reliability over ideological fervor, aligning with his emerging reputation as an administrator rather than a polemical writer, and it provided a platform for building local SPD networks in a region with limited proletarian base.[1] During this period, the Görlitzer Volkszeitung operated under tight party oversight, reflecting the SPD's revisionist tendencies post-Erfurt Program, with Müller's tenure coinciding with growing electoral gains for social democrats—such as the party's national vote share rising from 27.2% in 1898 to 31.7% in 1903—though the paper itself remained a small-circulation outlet focused on regional labor issues and anti-clerical critiques.[8] No specific articles or editorial campaigns by Müller are prominently documented in contemporary accounts, suggesting his contributions were routine in sustaining the publication amid competition from larger SPD dailies like Vorwärts. This journalistic phase bridged his early party loyalty to broader organizational roles, culminating in his election to the SPD executive committee in 1906 upon leaving the editorship.[1]Involvement with the SPD
Müller joined the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) in 1893, shortly after completing his apprenticeship as a salesman, and soon engaged in union activities and local party work.[9] By 1899, he had become editor of the party's regional newspaper, the Görlitzer Volkszeitung, a position he held until 1906, during which time he contributed to disseminating socialist ideas in Saxony.[10] [9] His journalistic efforts aligned with the SPD's emphasis on organized labor and reformist policies, reflecting his early commitment to the party's centrist tendencies under leaders like August Bebel. In 1902, Müller attended his first SPD party congress as a delegate, marking his entry into national party deliberations.[10] Four years later, in 1906, Bebel proposed his election to the SPD's executive committee (Parteivorstand), where Müller advocated a moderate, unifying approach between the party's left and right wings while prioritizing international socialist connections to counter nationalist pressures.[10] Known more for administrative acumen than public speaking, he focused on internal organization and dispute resolution, helping stabilize the party amid ideological tensions.[10] Müller's ascent continued through World War I, culminating in his election as co-chairman of the SPD in 1919 alongside Otto Wels, following Friedrich Ebert's transition to the presidency; he retained leadership roles, including heading the SPD's Reichstag parliamentary group from 1920, underscoring his role as a pragmatic mediator in the party's evolution toward coalition governance.[10] [9]World War I and the German Revolution
Opposition to the war
In July 1914, as tensions escalated toward war, the SPD leadership dispatched Müller to Paris on July 31 to consult with French socialists, including Jean Jaurès, on coordinating a unified proletarian stance against mobilization and war loans.[11] [4] The mission failed amid the rapid collapse of international socialist solidarity; Jaurès was assassinated that same day, and French socialists ultimately endorsed the war effort, mirroring the SPD's subsequent vote for German war credits on August 4.[1] Müller's role highlighted the SPD's initial antimilitarist impulses rooted in pre-war internationalism, though these yielded to national defense priorities under the Burgfrieden policy of domestic political truce.[12] During the war, Müller aligned with the SPD majority, supporting defensive military efforts while rejecting expansionist annexation demands promoted by right-wing parties and pan-German leagues.[13] Elected to the Reichstag in 1916 for the Frankfurt district, he contributed to the party's parliamentary fraction, advocating restraint on war aims amid internal debates that culminated in the 1917 split forming the Independent Social Democratic Party (USPD) of outright pacifists.[1] Müller's centrist position within the SPD—balancing loyalty to the war's defensive framing with criticism of its prolongation through offensive policies—reflected broader party tensions between reformist realpolitik and radical anti-war factions, though he did not join the minority opposing all war funding.[12] By late 1918, as military collapse loomed, Müller's adherence to the majority SPD positioned him to back the party's push for armistice and democratic reform during the November Revolution, effectively ending Germany's war participation without endorsing the radical councils' calls for immediate unilateral peace.[4] This evolution underscored his pragmatic opposition: pre-war prevention attempts, wartime limits on aggression, and revolutionary endorsement of cessation, distinct from both government hawks and Bolshevik-inspired defeatism.[1]Role in the 1918–1919 Revolution
During the German Revolution, which erupted with the Kiel mutiny on October 29, 1918, Hermann Müller, a leading Social Democratic Party (SPD) politician and editor-in-chief of the party's newspaper Vorwärts, played a mediating role on behalf of the SPD leadership in Berlin. As the revolution spread, workers' and soldiers' councils formed across Germany, and Müller participated in the Berlin Executive Council of the Workers' and Soldiers' Councils, serving as its chairman from November 1918 to early 1919. In this capacity, he advocated for cooperation between the councils and the provisional government, emphasizing orderly transition to a parliamentary republic over radical socialist restructuring, aligning with SPD chairman Friedrich Ebert's strategy to curb revolutionary excesses.[14] On November 5, 1918, Müller was dispatched by the SPD from Berlin to Kiel alongside fellow party member Georg Ledebour to assess the naval mutiny and negotiate with the sailors' councils. Their express train was halted in Hamburg's Rotenburgsort district by striking workers, who detained them briefly before allowing continuation; upon arriving in Kiel, Müller encountered revolutionary fervor, including incidents where sailors searched his hotel room for officers. These efforts underscored the SPD's attempt to integrate moderate council elements into the emerging republican framework while preventing the spread of more extreme Independent Social Democrats (USPD) or Spartacist influences.[15] Müller's involvement extended to supporting the SPD's collaboration with the old imperial army to suppress radical uprisings, including the January 1919 Spartacist revolt in Berlin, where council forces under his purview helped restore order alongside Freikorps units. This pragmatic stance prioritized stabilizing the revolution against Bolshevik-style upheaval, contributing to the convocation of the National Assembly in Weimar on February 6, 1919, which formalized the Weimar Constitution. His actions reflected the SPD's broader commitment to evolutionary socialism amid the chaos of demobilization and economic distress, though critics from the left accused him of betraying revolutionary ideals by aligning with conservative military elements.Early Weimar Republic roles
Election to the National Assembly and Reichstag
In the wake of the German Revolution of 1918–1919, elections for the constituent National Assembly were conducted on 19 January 1919, marking the first nationwide vote under universal suffrage including women. The Social Democratic Party (SPD), which Müller represented, received 11.5 million votes, equating to 37.9 percent of the total and securing 163 of the 423 seats, making it the dominant faction tasked with drafting a new constitution. Hermann Müller was elected as an SPD delegate to this assembly, entering legislative service in the nascent republic alongside his prior experience in the Imperial Reichstag.[16][10] The National Assembly convened in Weimar to avoid Berlin's instability, promulgating the Weimar Constitution on 11 August 1919, which established the framework for the parliamentary system. This body functioned as Germany's provisional legislature until its dissolution ahead of the first Reichstag elections on 6 June 1920. Müller, having been elected to the Imperial Reichstag in 1916 during World War I, transitioned seamlessly into the republican Reichstag following the 1920 vote, where the SPD retained significant representation with 102 seats amid fragmented results.[16][4] Müller maintained his Reichstag seat through reelections in December 1924 (SPD: 131 seats) and May 1928 (SPD: 153 seats), serving as a key SPD figure and parliamentary group co-chair from 1919 to 1931. His consistent electoral success reflected the party's appeal among industrial workers and reflected the proportional representation system that amplified SPD influence despite coalition challenges. These terms positioned him centrally in Weimar governance, including his chancellorships.[17]Service as Foreign Minister (1919–1920)
Hermann Müller assumed the role of Foreign Minister on 21 June 1919 in Chancellor Gustav Bauer's cabinet, succeeding Ulrich von Brockdorff-Rantzau after Philipp Scheidemann's resignation in protest against the impending Treaty of Versailles.[1] His immediate priority was representing Germany at the Paris Peace Conference's conclusion, where, on 28 June 1919, he and Johannes Bell signed the treaty in the Hall of Mirrors at the Palace of Versailles, formalizing Germany's acceptance of terms including territorial cessions, military restrictions, war guilt admission, and reparations totaling 132 billion gold marks.[18] [19] The signing occurred under Allied insistence that German delegates affix their signatures first, amid domestic turmoil as the treaty's "dictated peace" provisions fueled right-wing agitation and left-wing Spartacist threats to the fragile Weimar Republic.[20] In the ensuing months, Müller's diplomacy centered on treaty implementation and damage mitigation. On 9 July 1919, he defended the peace bill before the National Assembly, contributing to its ratification by a 209-116 vote despite heated debates and protests over the treaty's severity.[21] He outlined foreign policy principles on 23 July, advocating reconciliation with former enemies through prospective League of Nations membership and fulfillment of Versailles obligations, particularly reparations and goodwill gestures toward France to avert further isolation.[21] Addressing Baltic developments on 28 July, Müller discussed evacuation of German Freikorps troops from the region, cautious engagement with Soviet Russia to avoid Bolshevik contagion while prioritizing stabilization, and plans to publish Reich archives on war origins to counter guilt narratives—efforts aimed at preserving Germany's negotiating leverage without violating armistice terms.[21] Müller also pursued humanitarian diplomacy, reporting to the National Assembly on 12 August 1919 about ongoing negotiations for repatriating approximately 900,000 German prisoners of war held by the Allies, refuting right-wing claims of Allied intransigence as exaggerated propaganda and emphasizing incremental progress tied to treaty compliance.[22] His tenure, marked by pragmatic adherence to the treaty to safeguard the republican government against both monarchist coups and communist uprisings, ended on 27 March 1920 when he transitioned to the chancellorship following the Kapp Putsch's suppression, leaving foreign affairs to Adolf Köster amid escalating domestic polarization.[1] Throughout, Müller's Social Democratic alignment prioritized constitutional continuity over revisionist defiance, though the treaty's burdens—evident in early disarmament enforcement and economic strain—intensified Weimar's vulnerabilities.[4]First Chancellorship (1920)
Formation and composition of the cabinet
The First Müller cabinet was formed on March 27, 1920, immediately following the resignation of Gustav Bauer's coalition government amid the aftermath of the Kapp-Lüttwitz Putsch, a right-wing coup attempt that had begun on March 13 and collapsed by March 17 due to general strikes and military disloyalty.[23] President Friedrich Ebert, adhering to Weimar constitutional practice, appointed Hermann Müller, the SPD's parliamentary leader and recent foreign minister, as chancellor to restore stability and continuity under the Weimar Coalition framework of SPD, DDP, and Zentrum parties.[1] This selection reflected Müller's reputation for pragmatic coalition-building within the SPD, though the cabinet's brief tenure—ending with its resignation on June 8 after the June 6 Reichstag elections diminished the coalition's majority—limited its scope to provisional governance during economic unrest and separatist threats in the Ruhr.[24] The cabinet retained a majority of SPD ministers (seven initially) while incorporating DDP and Zentrum figures to balance social democratic priorities with liberal and Catholic centrist influences, emphasizing defense of the republic against both extremist challenges. Key appointments included Erich Koch-Weser (DDP) as vice-chancellor and interior minister, signaling a bourgeois moderating voice, and Joseph Wirth (Zentrum) at finance to address fiscal strains from war reparations and inflation.[25] Minor reshuffles occurred, such as Adolf Köster (SPD) replacing Müller at foreign affairs on April 10 and Gustav Bauer (SPD) assuming transport on May 1 after interim duties.[24]| Position | Minister | Party |
|---|---|---|
| Chancellor | Hermann Müller | SPD |
| Vice-Chancellor/Interior | Erich Koch-Weser | DDP |
| Foreign Affairs (from Apr 10) | Adolf Köster | SPD |
| Finance | Joseph Wirth | Zentrum |
| Economy | Robert Schmidt | SPD |
| Labor | Alexander Schlicke | SPD |
| Justice | Andreas Blunck | DDP |
| Reichswehr | Otto Gessler | DDP |
| Post | Johannes Giesberts | Zentrum |
| Transport (from May 1) | Gustav Bauer | SPD |
| Food (from Mar 30) | Andreas Hermes | Zentrum |
| Treasury | Gustav Bauer | SPD |
| Without Portfolio | Eduard David | SPD |