Isabella II
Isabella II (10 October 1830 – 9 April 1904) was Queen regnant of Spain from 1833 until her deposition in 1868, the only woman to rule the unified kingdom as sovereign.[1][2] Born in Madrid as the eldest daughter of King Ferdinand VII and his fourth wife, Maria Christina of the Two Sicilies, she ascended the throne at age three upon her father's death, triggering the First Carlist War (1833–1840) between her liberal supporters and absolutist Carlists backing her uncle Carlos.[1] Her minority saw regencies marked by intrigue and military strongmen like Baldomero Espartero, while after assuming personal rule in 1843, her reign featured chronic governmental instability, over 30 cabinets, repeated pronunciamientos by generals such as Leopoldo O'Donnell and Ramón Narváez, and pervasive corruption tied to court favorites.[1][2] Married in 1846 to her double first cousin Francisco de Asís, Duke of Cádiz—a union widely viewed as unconsummated due to his rumored homosexuality and her immediate rejection of him on their wedding night—Isabella's personal life drew scandal through multiple alleged lovers and extramarital children, eroding public respect for the monarchy amid economic stagnation and social unrest.[2] The 1868 Glorious Revolution, led by figures including Juan Prim, forced her exile to France, where she formally abdicated in favor of her son Alfonso XII two years later; her rule, though witnessing minor territorial gains like those from the 1859–1860 Moroccan War, ultimately exemplified the Bourbon dynasty's failure to adapt to liberal constitutionalism, paving the way for Spain's First Republic.[1][2]
Early Life
Birth and Parentage
Isabella II was born on 10 October 1830 at the Royal Palace in Madrid, Spain.[3] She was the eldest daughter of King Ferdinand VII of Spain (1784–1833) and his fourth wife, Maria Christina of the Two Sicilies (1806–1878).[4] Ferdinand VII had previously married three times—first to Princess Maria Antonia of the Two Sicilies (1784–1806), then to Maria Josefa Amalia of Saxony (1806–1829), and Maria Francisca of Portugal (1829)—but produced no surviving male heirs from these unions.[5] Maria Christina, daughter of King Francis I of the Two Sicilies and Maria Isabella of Spain (Ferdinand VII's sister), was thus his niece; the couple married on 11 December 1829 at the Royal Basilica of Our Lady of Atocha in Madrid.[6][7] Their union yielded two daughters: Isabella and, subsequently, Infanta Luisa Fernanda on 30 January 1832.[7] The birth of a female heir was significant amid debates over the Pragmatic Sanction of 1830, which aimed to allow female succession by revoking the Salic Law.[3]Ascension to the Throne
Isabella II's path to the throne was established through her father King Ferdinand VII's efforts to secure female succession amid the Bourbon dynasty's adherence to male-preference primogeniture altered by prior laws. In 1830, Ferdinand VII issued the Pragmatic Sanction, which abrogated the Salic Law—introduced by Philip V in 1713 to exclude female heirs—and reinstated the more flexible succession rules allowing daughters to inherit if no sons survived.[8] This measure, promulgated before Isabella's birth on 10 October 1830, aimed to bypass his brother Carlos's claim, as Ferdinand had no surviving male issue from his fourth marriage to Maria Christina of the Two Sicilies.[9] The Cortes affirmed Isabella's position as heir presumptive on 20 June 1833, swearing allegiance to her as Princess of Asturias shortly before Ferdinand's death. King Ferdinand VII died on 29 September 1833 in Madrid, succumbing to complications from gout and dropsy after a prolonged illness. At nearly three years old, Isabella was immediately proclaimed Queen Isabella II of Spain on the same day, with her mother Maria Christina assuming the regency on behalf of the liberal factions supporting the constitutional monarchy.[9] The proclamation, announced from the royal palace, invoked the Pragmatic Sanction to legitimize her rule despite immediate challenges from absolutists backing Don Carlos, who rejected the 1830 decree as invalid and claimed the throne as Charles V.[8] The ascension ignited the First Carlist War, as Carlists viewed the female succession as a liberal deviation from traditional Bourbon absolutism, but Isabella's proclamation held under the prevailing legal framework upheld by the government and military leadership.[9] Maria Christina's regency navigated initial support from moderates and progressives, who saw the young queen as a symbol of continuity amid Spain's post-Napoleonic instability.Regencies
Regency of Maria Christina (1833–1840)
Following the death of Ferdinand VII on 29 September 1833, his widow Maria Christina assumed the regency for their daughter Isabella, aged three, who was proclaimed queen shortly thereafter.[10] [11] This succession was immediately contested by Ferdinand's brother Carlos de Borbón, who rejected the 1830 Pragmatic Sanction reinstating female inheritance and proclaimed himself king in October 1833 from Portugal, igniting the First Carlist War.[12] The Carlists, drawing support from traditionalist rural regions particularly in the Basque Country and Navarre, advocated absolutism and opposed liberal reforms, while Maria Christina's government sought alliances with constitutional liberals to bolster military efforts against the rebels.[13] To secure liberal backing amid the escalating civil war, Maria Christina shifted from initial absolutist tendencies, appointing moderate ministers such as Francisco Cea Bermúdez before turning to figures like Francisco Martínez de la Rosa.[14] In April 1834, the Royal Statute was promulgated, establishing a bicameral legislature with a Chamber of Proxies and a Chamber of Estates, granting limited constitutional framework while preserving significant royal prerogatives; this charter facilitated elections and aimed to unify moderate liberals and the crown against Carlist threats.[15] Military campaigns saw Cristino forces, aided by British and French intervention via the Quadruple Alliance, achieve key victories, though the war ravaged the north with sieges such as Bilbao in 1835 and persistent guerrilla tactics led by Carlist commanders like Tomás de Zumalacárregui until his death in 1835.[12] Complicating governance, Maria Christina's secret morganatic marriage to Captain General Fernando Muñoz on 28 December 1833, concealed to retain her regency, fueled scandals and eroded support among conservatives and military leaders once rumors spread.[16] A 1836 mutiny at La Granja palace compelled further concessions, leading to the adoption of a more liberal 1837 Constitution that expanded suffrage and parliamentary powers, though moderates later reasserted control.[17] The war's northern phase concluded with the Convention of Vergara on 31 August 1839, where Carlist general Rafael Maroto submitted to Cristino commander Baldomero Espartero, effectively ending major hostilities by early 1840.[12] Persistent liberal discontent over moderate policies, economic strains from the war, and Maria Christina's perceived favoritism toward Muñoz culminated in widespread urban uprisings in 1840, forcing her resignation as regent on 12 October; power transitioned to Espartero, who assumed guardianship of Isabella II.[6]Regency of Baldomero Espartero (1840–1843)
Following the uprisings of September 1840 against the regency of Maria Christina, which stemmed from progressive discontent with moderate policies including the Law of City Councils enacted on July 14, 1840, the former regent resigned on October 12 and went into exile in France.[18] General Baldomero Espartero, a prominent progressive leader and victor in the First Carlist War through the 1839 Abrazo de Vergara, refused orders to suppress the rebels and thereby gained broad support among liberals, assuming effective control of the government.[19] His regency formally commenced on October 17, 1840, though the Cortes confirmed his appointment on May 10, 1841, after he swore allegiance to the Constitution of 1837 and Queen Isabella II, then aged 10.[18][20] Espartero's administration prioritized progressive reforms, including the suspension of the contentious City Councils Law on October 13, 1840, to appease urban liberals, and the calling of general elections on December 21, 1840, with the Cortes convening on March 1, 1841.[18] He continued the desamortización (disentailment) of Church properties initiated under prior regencies, aiming to generate revenue and weaken clerical influence amid fiscal strains from the Carlist War.[1] Economically, Espartero pursued freer trade policies, including a 1842 treaty that reduced tariffs, which stimulated some agricultural exports but provoked backlash from Catalan textile manufacturers dependent on protectionism, exacerbating regional tensions.[21] These measures reflected a causal push toward liberalization to foster growth, yet they alienated moderates and industrial elites who viewed them as undermining established interests without sufficient compensatory infrastructure. Authoritarian tendencies emerged as Espartero consolidated power, dissolving opposition assemblies and relying on the National Militia for enforcement, which deepened divisions within the progressive camp.[22] A pivotal crisis arose in Barcelona, where protests against free trade and centralizing policies escalated into a republican-leaning uprising in November 1842; Espartero personally ordered the bombardment of the city on December 3, 1842, from naval and land artillery, resulting in over 10,000 shells fired and significant civilian casualties, though it quelled the revolt.[23][24] This harsh suppression, justified by Espartero as necessary to prevent secessionist fragmentation, highlighted the regency's reliance on military coercion over parliamentary consensus, eroding his popularity among radicals while failing to reconcile with moderates. By mid-1843, military discontent peaked, fueled by Espartero's favoritism toward loyalist officers and perceived mismanagement; Generals Ramón Narváez and Francisco Serrano led a pronunciamiento against him.[18] Espartero's forces suffered defeat at the Battle of Torrejón de Ardoz on July 22–23, 1843, prompting his abdication and flight to England on July 24.[18] The Cortes then declared Isabella II of age on October 10, 1843, ending the regency amid ongoing instability that underscored the fragility of liberal governance in a polarized society recovering from civil war.[20]Adult Reign
Declaration of Majority and Marriage (1843–1846)
In May 1843, amid growing opposition to the regency of General Baldomero Espartero, a military pronunciamiento erupted in Valencia, marking the beginning of efforts to oust him from power.[25] General Ramón María Narváez led loyalist forces to victory against Espartero's troops at the Battle of Torrejón de Ardoz on 22–23 July 1843, prompting Espartero to flee Spain on 24 July.[18] A provisional government formed, reinstating Maria Christina as regent temporarily, with Generals Leopoldo O'Donnell and Narváez playing key roles in stabilizing the situation.[25] On 10 November 1843, the Cortes Generales declared the 13-year-old Isabella II to have reached her majority, two months after her birthday on 10 October, thereby ending the regency period and initiating her personal rule.[26] During the ceremony, Isabella swore to uphold the Constitution of 1837, assuming full constitutional powers as queen.[1] Narváez was appointed prime minister, leading a Moderate Party government focused on conservative reforms and suppressing radical elements.[27] This transition solidified the liberal monarchy's hold against Carlist threats but entrenched factional divisions between Moderates and Progressives. The period leading to Isabella's marriage was marked by international intrigue known as the Affair of the Spanish Marriages, involving Britain and France vying for influence over Spain's throne.[28] British preferences for a Saxe-Coburg candidate like Prince Leopold were overridden by French diplomacy under Louis Philippe and François Guizot, who advocated for a Bourbon match to keep the dynasty Spanish.[29] On 10 October 1846, Isabella, aged 16, married her double first cousin Francisco de Asís, Duke of Cádiz (1822–1902), son of Infante Francisco de Paula of Spain, in a ceremony at the Palacio Real in Madrid.[4] The same day, her younger sister Luisa Fernanda wed Antoine, Duke of Montpensier, fourth son of Louis Philippe, sealing the dual alliance with France.[28] Arranged by the Moderate cabinet under Francisco Istúriz, the union aimed to secure dynastic continuity within the Bourbon line, though Isabella reportedly preferred Francisco's younger brother, Enrique, Duke of Seville.[4] The marriage, while politically stabilizing in the short term, proved personally tumultuous, with contemporary accounts noting Isabella's reluctance and later rumors questioning Francisco's paternity of her children due to his alleged homosexuality.[30]Moderate Decade (1844–1854)
The Moderate Decade commenced on 3 May 1844 with the appointment of General Ramón María Narváez as president of the Council of Ministers, establishing the hegemony of the Moderate Party—a conservative liberal faction emphasizing centralized authority, limited suffrage, and alliances with the Catholic Church and landowning elites—until its abrupt end in July 1854.[31] Narváez's initial government suppressed progressive influences from the prior Espartero regency through martial law and military deployments, while enacting the Ley de Ayuntamientos (Municipal Law) of 1845, which centralized local governance by requiring mayors to be appointed from lists controlled by provincial governors, thereby curtailing radical municipal autonomy and favoring moderate-aligned officials.[32] This measure, alongside the simultaneous creation of the Guardia Civil on 13 May 1844—a rural gendarmerie force of 11,000 men designed to combat banditry and enforce order in under-policed countryside areas—solidified state control over peripheral regions previously vulnerable to Carlist remnants and social unrest.[33] Subsequent administrations under Moderate leaders, including short-lived cabinets led by figures such as Antonio González Bravo and Luis Bravo Murillo, pursued administrative rationalization and economic stabilization amid fiscal strains from ongoing Carlist skirmishes. The Constitution of 1845 enshrined a bicameral Cortes with a hereditary Senate appointed by the crown, reinforcing oligarchic rule by restricting the lower chamber's electorate to roughly 1% of adult males via property and tax qualifications under the 1845 electoral law, which manipulated outcomes through caciquismo (local bossism).[34] Bravo Murillo's tenure from 1852 emphasized public works, including early railway concessions and banking reforms like the 1852 Mortgage Credit Bank law to facilitate agricultural lending, though these yielded modest infrastructure gains—only about 400 kilometers of track by 1854—hampered by corruption and debt servicing exceeding 40% of the budget.[32] A pivotal religious accord came with the Concordat of 16 August 1851 between Spain and the Holy See under Pope Pius IX, which granted the Catholic Church exclusive rights to public worship, education, and censorship of publications deemed contrary to faith, while compensating it for desamortización (disentailment) losses through state annuities and restoring clerical immunities.[35] This treaty, negotiated amid Vatican concerns over liberal secularism, aligned Moderates with neocatholic integralism but alienated progressives and fueled anticlerical sentiment. Isabella II's personal interventions grew amid court intrigues, including her dismissal of Narváez in 1851 over policy disputes, yet her favoritism toward advisors like the Sor Agustina exacerbated perceptions of royal caprice.[31] By the early 1850s, systemic graft, ministerial instability—over ten governments in a decade—and failure to address agrarian distress eroded Moderate legitimacy, culminating in the Vicalvarada pronunciamiento of 22 July 1854, a military revolt led by General Leopoldo O'Donnell that toppled the Sartorius cabinet and ushered in progressive reforms.[34] The era's authoritarian drift, while stabilizing the regime post-Carlist threats, entrenched a narrow elite consensus at the expense of broader representation, sowing seeds for revolutionary backlash.Progressive Biennium (1854–1856)
The Progressive Biennium began with the Vicalvarada uprising on July 22, 1854, when General Leopoldo O'Donnell, commanding troops near Vicálvaro outside Madrid, rebelled against the authoritarian Moderate government of Luis de Sartorius, citing economic hardships, corruption, and restrictions on freedoms.[36] O'Donnell advanced toward the capital and issued the Manifiesto de Manzanares on July 24, which demanded expanded suffrage, press freedom, jury trials, and the restoration of the National Militia while pledging loyalty to Queen Isabella II and the 1837 Constitution.[37] Widespread urban uprisings followed in cities like Barcelona and Zaragoza, forcing Isabella II to dismiss Sartorius on July 28 and appoint Progressive leader Baldomero Espartero as president of the Council of Ministers, with O'Donnell as war minister.[36] Elections on October 4, 1854, yielded a Progressive majority in the Cortes, which convened on November 8 and focused on constitutional reforms, including proposals for a unicameral legislature to curb the conservative Senate.[37] The period saw liberalizing measures such as the reinstatement of the National Militia and greater press liberties, alongside economic initiatives like the General Railway Law of 1855, which facilitated infrastructure development through private investment and state guarantees, and banking reforms to stabilize finance.[36] A key reform was the Desamortización de Madoz, enacted on May 1, 1855, which authorized the sale of ecclesiastical and communal lands to generate revenue—approximately 400 million reales—and promote capitalist agriculture, though it disproportionately benefited the bourgeoisie and fueled social tensions.[37] Tensions escalated as radical Progressives and democrats pushed for further changes, including religious tolerance and municipal autonomy, while the drafted Constitution of 1856 emphasized national sovereignty and rights but remained unimplemented amid divisions.[37] The Biennium ended in July 1856 when O'Donnell, breaking with Espartero over escalating unrest and radical demands, mobilized military support to suppress Progressive demonstrations, dissolved the National Militia, and orchestrated the restoration of the 1845 Constitution via royal decree on September 15, 1856, ushering in the era of Liberal Union dominance.[36] This shift marked a return to moderated liberalism, limiting the Progressive agenda's more expansive reforms.[37]Later Reign and Unionism (1856–1868)
The Progressive Biennium concluded in July 1856 amid escalating social unrest and fiscal strain, culminating in a military pronunciamiento orchestrated by General Leopoldo O'Donnell, which dissolved the Cortes and restored conservative dominance under Prime Minister Ramón Narváez.[38] O'Donnell's maneuver, initially positioned as a moderating force, paved the way for a brief moderate biennium marked by suppression of radical elements, including the disbandment of the National Militia.[39] In 1858, Queen Isabella II elevated O'Donnell to prime minister, prompting the formation of the Liberal Union (Unión Liberal), a centrist coalition fusing pragmatic Progressives with conservative Moderates to counter both absolutist threats from Carlists and radical republicanism.[40] This "unionist" framework emphasized national reconciliation and pragmatic governance, rejecting the ideological extremes that had fueled prior instability; O'Donnell's platform explicitly sought to transcend partisan rivalries through a broad-based administration committed to modernization without democratic excesses.[38] The resulting "long government" (1858–1863) represented the zenith of unionist influence, prioritizing administrative efficiency, economic liberalization, and military prestige to bolster the monarchy's legitimacy. Unionist policies advanced fiscal reforms, including further sales of disentailed church and common lands inherited from earlier confiscations, generating revenue for state debts while promoting a propertied middle class; however, these measures exacerbated rural discontent by commodifying communal resources without equitable redistribution.[41] Infrastructure surged under laissez-faire incentives, with railway mileage expanding from approximately 400 kilometers in 1856 to over 1,900 kilometers by 1864, fueled by foreign capital and laws facilitating private concessions that integrated peripheral regions into national markets.[42] [43] Industrial output in textiles and mining rose modestly, supported by tariff reductions and banking reforms, though growth remained uneven, hampered by protectionist legacies and infrastructural bottlenecks outside Catalonia and the Basque Country.[44] Foreign engagements underscored unionist ambitions for imperial revival and domestic unity. The Hispano-Moroccan War (1859–1860), triggered by border raids near Ceuta, mobilized 45,000 troops under O'Donnell (who assumed command as Duke of Tetuán), culminating in the capture of Tetuán on February 4, 1860, and the Treaty of Wad-Ras on April 26, 1860; Morocco conceded territorial expansions around Ceuta and Melilla, recognized Spanish rights to Ifni (retroceded as Santa Cruz de la Mar Pequeña), and paid a 100 million peseta indemnity, enhancing Spain's North African foothold while burnishing national pride.[45] Subsequent ventures included the 1861–1862 intervention in Mexico alongside France and Britain to collect debts, from which Spain withdrew after limited gains, and a failed 1861 annexation of Santo Domingo; these expeditions, while costly (exceeding 500 million reales in Moroccan expenditures alone), temporarily quelled internal dissent by channeling military energies outward.[42] Post-1863, unionist cohesion frayed as O'Donnell's resignation amid economic recession and scandals exposed underlying fractures; Narváez's return (1864–1865) and subsequent ministries under the Union banner enforced electoral manipulations via caciquismo (local bossism), suppressing Carlist remnants in Catalonia and Navarra through police actions rather than open war, yet failing to avert rising republican agitation and fiscal insolvency by 1866.[46] Isabella II's personal intrigues and perceived favoritism toward courtiers further eroded elite support, rendering the unionist experiment—despite infrastructural legacies—a prelude to systemic collapse by 1868.[47]Carlist Conflicts and Internal Stability
During the later phase of Isabella II's reign, from 1856 to 1868, the Carlist movement, which championed the absolutist claims of the Bourbon pretender Carlos Luis de Borbón (Count of Montemolín) over Isabella's liberal constitutional monarchy, posed a persistent but diminished threat following the defeats in the First and Second Carlist Wars.[36] Carlism retained strongholds in rural northern regions like Navarre and the Basque provinces, where opposition to centralizing liberal reforms and defense of traditional fueros (regional privileges) fueled ideological resistance, though large-scale mobilization proved elusive without foreign backing.[48] The Liberal Union government under Leopoldo O'Donnell prioritized suppressing Carlist agitation through military vigilance and amnesties for minor adherents, aiming to consolidate dynastic loyalty amid broader factional rivalries.[36] A notable Carlist incursion occurred on April 2, 1860, when Montemolín, accompanied by his brother Infante Fernando and a small cadre of about 40 supporters, landed at San Carlos de la Rápita near Tortosa in Catalonia, intending to spark a pronunciamiento (military uprising) to overthrow Isabella's regime.[49] The pretender anticipated widespread rural defections and clerical support, but local enthusiasm failed to materialize; only a handful of villagers joined, and government forces quickly mobilized to contain the landing. Montemolín issued a manifesto proclaiming his claim as Carlos VI, decrying liberal "corruption" and promising restoration of traditional Catholic monarchy, yet within hours the group dispersed, with the leaders fleeing back to exile in France by sea.[49] This abortive expedition, costing fewer than 10 lives, underscored Carlism's organizational weaknesses post-1849, as internal divisions and lack of arms hindered revival, though it briefly alarmed Madrid and prompted heightened surveillance in Carlist-leaning areas.[36] Beyond direct Carlist actions, internal stability under the Liberal Union (1856–1866) and subsequent Narváez ministries relied on fusing moderate Progressives and Conservatives to marginalize extremists, including Carlists, through electoral manipulations and military patronage that ensured officer loyalty—over 20,000 troops were redeployed to northern garrisons by 1860 to preempt unrest.[36] O'Donnell's administration enacted limited reforms, such as expanding suffrage to 30,000 voters in 1857 while curtailing press freedoms to stifle traditionalist propaganda, fostering a fragile equilibrium that averted civil war but bred resentment over corruption and favoritism, with Carlist exiles in France numbering around 5,000 actively plotting via networks funded by sympathizers.[36] By 1866, as O'Donnell's influence waned, episodic Carlist pamphleteering and desertions—estimated at 500 soldiers annually—eroded regime cohesion, contributing to the cascade of pronunciamientos that culminated in the 1868 revolution, though no sustained Carlist insurgency materialized.[36] This era's stability, propped by economic liberalization and colonial distractions, masked deepening fissures between urban elites and rural traditionalists, with Carlism serving as a spectral counterforce rather than an active belligerent.[36]Foreign Policy and Military Engagements
Under Prime Minister Leopoldo O'Donnell, Spain from 1856 pursued an assertive foreign policy to restore international prestige eroded by colonial losses and internal strife, emphasizing military interventions in Asia, Africa, and the Americas to secure territorial gains, indemnities, and trade concessions.[42][50] This approach, financed partly by economic surpluses from the period, contrasted with earlier isolationism and aimed to rally domestic support amid political fragmentation.[51] In 1858, Spain allied with France for the Cochinchina Campaign against Vietnam, dispatching approximately 1,300 troops under General Fernando de Norzagaray to protect Catholic missionaries and expand influence; the joint force captured Saigon in February 1859 and secured the Treaty of Saigon on June 5, 1862, which ceded three eastern provinces to France and granted Spain consular and trading privileges in the region.[52] Though Spain's direct territorial acquisitions were limited, the expedition bolstered naval capabilities and yielded minor commercial benefits before concluding in 1863. The Hispano-Moroccan War erupted in October 1859 after Moroccan forces attacked Spanish construction workers near Ceuta, prompting O'Donnell to lead 45,000 troops in an invasion that captured Tétouan on January 4, 1860; the resulting Treaty of Wad Ras on April 26, 1860, compelled Morocco to recognize Spanish sovereignty over Ceuta and Melilla, pay a 20 million peseta indemnity, permit Spanish consulates in Tangier and other ports, and cede the Santa Cruz de la Mar Pequeña enclave (later Ifni).[53] This victory elevated O'Donnell to Duke of Tétouan and temporarily enhanced Spain's African foothold, though long-term enforcement proved challenging due to logistical strains and local resistance. Spain's involvement in the 1861–1862 intervention in Mexico, alongside France and Britain, addressed unpaid debts totaling 80 million pesos; under General Juan Prim, 6,000 Spanish troops occupied Veracruz in December 1861 but withdrew in April 1862 upon discovering French ambitions for conquest, preserving Spain's limited aims of debt recovery without deeper entanglement.[54] Prim's opposition to Napoleon III's expansionism underscored Spain's cautious stance amid European rivalries. Tensions with Peru culminated in the Chincha Islands War starting April 14, 1864, when a Spanish squadron under Admiral José Manuel de la Pezuela occupied the guano-rich Chincha Islands to enforce claims from Peru's independence era and avenge the 1863 Talismán incident; Peru declared war in January 1866, allying with Chile, Ecuador, and Bolivia, leading to inconclusive naval clashes like the Battle of Abtao in February 1866.[55] Spain's blockade inflicted economic damage but faltered due to tropical diseases decimating crews and lack of decisive victories, resulting in an 1865 armistice and the 1868 Treaty of Lima, which restored the status quo ante without formal recognition of Peruvian independence or major concessions to Spain. These engagements, while projecting power, strained finances—costing over 100 million reales—and highlighted Spain's military limitations against coalition resistance.[56]Economic and Infrastructural Developments
During the Unionist governments of the late 1850s and early 1860s, led by Leopoldo O'Donnell, Spain implemented policies to foster economic modernization, including trade liberalization, the dismantling of monopolies, and incentives for foreign investment to fund infrastructure. These measures contributed to an investment boom, with gross fixed capital formation roughly doubling as a share of GDP during this period, driven by railway construction and public works.[57] Economic activity experienced respectable growth, supported by export expansion in agriculture and textiles, though overall per capita income gains remained modest compared to leading European economies.[58] Infrastructural development centered on transportation networks, with railways expanding rapidly from 27 km of track in 1850 to 1,085 km by 1860, primarily through private concessions backed by French capital and radiating from Madrid to key ports and industrial areas.[59] This growth continued into the mid-1860s, reaching approximately 1,900 km by 1865, facilitating commodity transport and market integration despite criticisms of the network's centralized, radial design limiting regional connectivity.[60] Complementary efforts included port modernizations at Barcelona and Cádiz to handle increased trade volumes and the extension of telegraph lines, which began in the early 1850s and supported administrative and commercial coordination by the 1860s. Road networks saw incremental state-funded upgrades, though they lagged behind rail investments.[61] This expansion faltered amid a severe financial crisis starting in 1866, triggered by speculative banking practices and multiple issuing banks, resulting in over half of Spain's banks failing and a GDP contraction exceeding 10% by 1868.[62] The crisis underscored vulnerabilities in the liberalized financial system, halting infrastructural momentum and contributing to political instability.[42]Downfall and Exile
The Glorious Revolution of 1868
The Glorious Revolution of 1868, also known as La Gloriosa or La Septembrina, erupted amid widespread discontent with Queen Isabella II's regime, marked by chronic political instability, corruption, and favoritism toward conservative factions under Prime Minister Luis González Bravo.[63] Preparations had been underway since 1866, involving a pact between exiled Progressive leader General Juan Prim and Democratic Party figures, who sought to oust the monarchy through military action. This opposition coalesced around grievances including economic stagnation, military pay arrears, and Isabella's perceived moral scandals, which eroded public and elite support.[64] The uprising commenced on September 19, 1868, when Admiral Juan Bautista Topete, commanding the fleet at Cádiz, issued a pronunciamiento against the government, declaring Isabella unfit to rule and calling for a provisional regime.[65] The mutiny rapidly gained traction as army units in southern Spain defected, forming revolutionary juntas in cities like Seville and Málaga, while Prim and Francisco Serrano y Domínguez coordinated support from exile in Portugal and France.[63] By September 22, the revolt had spread northward, with civilian uprisings in Barcelona and Valencia amplifying military efforts, though the core impetus remained elite-driven pronunciamientos rather than mass mobilization.[66] Loyalist resistance crumbled quickly; González Bravo's forces suffered defeats, including a key loss at Puente del Rey near Córdoba on September 27, prompting Isabella to flee San Sebastián for exile in France on September 29.[64] Prim entered Spain triumphantly, consolidating revolutionary control, while Serrano assumed leadership of the provisional government, which formally deposed Isabella and initiated constitutional reforms.[64] The events, spanning roughly September 19 to 27, resulted in minimal bloodshed compared to prior upheavals, earning the self-applied label "glorious" from participants, though it functioned primarily as a military coup that installed a liberal oligarchy.[63] This transition ushered in the Democratic Sexennium (1868–1874), a period of experimentation that ultimately failed to stabilize the nation.[64]Abdication and Exile (1868–1870)
Following the military defeat of royalist forces at the Battle of Alcolea del Río on 28 September 1868, Isabella II departed Spain amid the Glorious Revolution, crossing the border into France by the end of the month.[67] She initially took refuge in Pau, in southwestern France, as advised by supporters amid the collapse of her regime.[30] From there, she relocated to Paris, where she established residence at the Palacio Castilla, maintaining a royal household in exile while Spanish liberals and republicans consolidated a provisional government under Francisco Serrano.[4] During her early exile, Isabella resisted immediate abdication, as reports from late 1869 indicated delays in issuing a formal renunciation despite pressures from monarchist factions seeking to rally around her son Alfonso.[68] The provisional regime in Spain pursued constitutional experiments, including searches for a foreign prince to assume the throne, amid ongoing Carlist threats and internal divisions. Isabella's presence in France allowed limited correspondence with European courts but little direct influence, as her personal scandals and perceived mismanagement had eroded dynastic legitimacy.[69] On 25 June 1870, Isabella formally abdicated in Paris, transferring her rights to the Spanish crown to her eldest surviving son, Alfonso, then aged 12, through a manifesto that emphasized her voluntary decision and relief from governance responsibilities.[69][70] This act aimed to preserve Bourbon claims by shifting focus to Alfonso, though it occurred against the backdrop of Spain's provisional government's rejection of her lineage and the onset of further instability, including the eventual offer of the throne to Amadeo of Savoy.[71] The abdication did not immediately restore the monarchy, as republican and democratic forces dominated until 1873.[69]Life in Exile and Death (1870–1904)
On 25 June 1870, Isabella II formally abdicated her rights to the Spanish throne in favor of her eldest surviving son, Alfonso, at the Palacio Castilla in Paris.[72] This act followed her deposition during the Glorious Revolution of 1868 and initial flight to France, clearing the path for Alfonso's eventual restoration as Alfonso XII in 1874.[73] Isabella spent the remainder of her life in exile primarily in Paris, residing at the Palacio Castilla.[74] She returned to Spain periodically, including brief visits after her son's accession, but did not resume a permanent role in Spanish affairs and soon returned to France each time.[73] Her existence in exile proved largely withdrawn from politics, focused instead on family matters amid the Bourbon restoration under Alfonso XII and, after his death in 1885, her grandson Alfonso XIII.[5] Isabella II died on 9 April 1904 in Paris at the age of 73, succumbing to complications from influenza.[75] [76] Her body was interred at the Real Sitio de San Lorenzo de El Escorial near Madrid, the traditional Bourbon necropolis.[77]Personal Life
Character and Public Image
Isabella II exhibited a complex personality marked by deep religious piety alongside impulsive and capricious tendencies. Raised under the influence of Catholic clergy, she maintained a devout adherence to Roman Catholicism throughout her life, often seeking counsel from nuns and monks at court, which shaped her conservative political leanings and resistance to liberal reforms.[73] [2] However, contemporaries noted her naivety, indolence, and difficulty in making firm decisions, attributes that left her susceptible to manipulation by advisors and favorites, including a reactionary camarilla that exacerbated governmental instability.[78] Her personal conduct further defined her character, with historical accounts describing an early and voracious sexual appetite that led to multiple extramarital affairs, even from age 13, culminating in a reputation for promiscuity unusual even for monarchs of the era.[5] Despite her unhappy marriage to Francisco de Asís in 1846—rumored to be unconsummated—she bore nine children, several widely attributed to lovers such as General Francisco Serrano. This duality of professed piety and private libertinism drew sharp criticism, portraying her as dissipated and morally inconsistent.[73] [78] Publicly, Isabella initially symbolized the union of constitutional monarchy and liberal progress after her proclamation in 1833, rallying moderate support against Carlist absolutism.[3] Yet, her overt involvement in politics through favoritism and erratic dismissals—such as the one-day ministry in 1849—fostered perceptions of incompetence and corruption. Scandals eroded her image among the middle class and liberals, who viewed her as a symbolic failure: generous in acts like selling crown jewels in 1865 for public debt relief, but undermined by personal excesses that mocked bourgeois values of restraint and family propriety, contributing to widespread resentment by the 1860s.[78] [79] Her deposition in 1868 reflected this accumulated disdain, with revolutionaries citing her "tristes destinos" as emblematic of monarchical decay.[73]Scandals and Controversies
Isabella II's marriage to her cousin Francisco de Asís, Duke of Cádiz, on October 10, 1846, was a politically motivated union intended to consolidate Bourbon support, but it deteriorated rapidly amid reports of the groom's impotence or homosexuality, with the queen reportedly expelling him from her bedroom on their wedding night and the marriage never being consummated.[2][80] The couple lived largely separate lives thereafter, fueling public gossip and damaging the monarchy's image of moral propriety.[9] A pivotal scandal erupted in 1847 when the 17-year-old queen openly professed her love for General Francisco Serrano, declaring her readiness to divorce Francisco de Asís, an act that shocked conservative elites and liberals alike, prompting intervention by Prime Minister Ramón Narváez to suppress the matter.[1] Subsequent rumored liaisons included an opera singer expelled from court by Narváez, a Colonel Gandara, and most notoriously, the actor Carlos Marfori, whom she elevated to royal secretary and finance minister by 1864, flaunting their relationship openly during her later reign.[80][81] These affairs, often intertwined with political favoritism, were cited by contemporaries as evidence of arbitrary rule and corruption, exacerbating opposition from military and liberal factions.[9] The queen's ten children, born between 1851 and 1862, became subjects of persistent paternity doubts, with critics alleging none were fathered by Francisco de Asís due to the couple's estrangement and her documented lovers; such claims, while unproven biologically in the era, contributed to dynastic instability and propaganda during the Carlist Wars and 1868 Revolution.[1][80] Liberal historians and revolutionaries amplified these narratives to portray Isabella as morally unfit, though conservative accounts attributed much scrutiny to political rivals seeking to undermine the throne rather than verified evidence.[9] Her personal indiscretions, combined with ministerial graft under her influence, eroded public trust and were key factors in the revolutionary coalition's justification for her overthrow on September 30, 1868.[82]Family and Succession
Marriage and Children
Isabella II married Infante Francisco de Asís, Duke of Cádiz, her double first cousin, on 10 October 1846 in Madrid.[83][84] The union was arranged by her mother, Maria Christina, and Prime Minister Narváez to secure dynastic continuity and prevent foreign influence, despite Isabella's reluctance and reports of Francisco's effeminate traits and rumored homosexuality, which fueled contemporary skepticism about the match's viability.[84] The couple had twelve children over two decades, though only five survived beyond early childhood, amid widespread rumors—circulating in diplomatic correspondence and court gossip—that Francisco was unable to consummate the marriage due to impotence or disinterest, with paternity of surviving offspring attributed by some to Isabella's favorites such as Captain Enrique Puigmoltó or Colonel Marfori.[84] These claims, while unsubstantiated by direct evidence, reflected the era's political scandals and the queen's documented extramarital affairs, which contributed to her controversial public image.[84] The surviving children included:| Name | Birth–Death | Notes |
|---|---|---|
| Infanta Isabel | 20 December 1851 – 22 April 1931 | Married Prince Gaetan, Count of Girgenti; no issue.[84][26] |
| Alfonso XII | 28 November 1857 – 25 November 1885 | Succeeded as king in 1874; father of Alfonso XIII.[84] |
| Infanta Maria de la Paz | 30 June 1862 – 13 November 1946 | Married Prince Ludwig Ferdinand of Bavaria.[84][80] |
| Infanta Eulalia | 12 February 1864 – 8 March 1931 | Married Prince Antonio of Orleans; mother of Alfonso, Infante of Spain.[84] |