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Albanian iso-polyphony

Albanian iso-polyphony is a traditional vocal polyphonic music form indigenous to , featuring songs with two solo parts—a leading melody and a countermelody—accompanied by a choral known as the iso, which provides harmonic support and derives its name from the ison in music. This style, performed predominantly by male singers, structures pieces in two to four voices and employs pentatonic scales, distinguishing it from monodic northern traditions. The genre encompasses two primary regional variants: the Gheg style from , which is more monophonic and modal, and the Tosk/Lab styles from the , where flourishes with imitative (Tosk) or contrasting (Lab) interactions, the latter uniquely incorporating a fourth for harmonic enrichment called the hedhës. In , songs often feature a rhythmic iso tied to the text, while Toskëria emphasizes a continuous on the "e" with staggered breathing among singers. The leading (marrës or marëns), responsive counter (kthyes), and sustaining (iso or mbajtës) form the core, with performances evoking epic, lyrical, or ritualistic moods through descending melodic lines. Historically rooted in oral , Albanian iso-polyphony traces its origins to pre-Byzantine and possibly eras (as early as the 6th–5th centuries BCE), enduring through centuries of invasions, including rule, and suppression under , when it was preserved in rural communities despite . Revived in the post-communist period through , like the National Festival in (established 1968), and scholarly efforts, it remains integral to social rituals such as weddings, funerals, and celebrations, symbolizing communal identity and . Proclaimed a Masterpiece of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity by in 2005 and inscribed on the Representative List in 2008, the tradition faces threats from rural depopulation, economic pressures, and , yet persists through dedicated ensembles and by professional folk artists rather than familial lines.

Introduction and Musical Characteristics

Definition and Overview

Albanian iso-polyphony is a traditional polyphonic singing style central to , distinguished by a sustained drone voice, known as the "iso," that underpins interwoven melodic lines to create layered harmonies. This vocal tradition, inscribed on UNESCO's Representative List of the of Humanity in 2008, emphasizes group performance without instrumental accompaniment, fostering a sense of communal expression through its intricate vocal interplay. The term "iso" originates from the Greek word "ison," meaning "equal" or "same," which denotes the unchanging, resonant drone that serves as the harmonic anchor in the composition. Typically performed by two to four voices, predominantly by men, iso-polyphony is primarily associated with the southern Albanian regions of Toskëria and Labëria, with stylistic variants in the north, utilizing pentatonic scales and recitative-like phrasing to evoke emotional depth and narrative flow. These elements contribute to its rhythmic precision and ornamental flourishes, setting it apart as a sophisticated form of vocal artistry. In contrast to the monophonic strands of Albanian music, which feature solo or unison singing, iso-polyphony's multiple voices produce unique harmonic tensions—often dissonant intervals resolving into consonance—that define its distinctive sonic identity within broader Balkan polyphonic traditions.

Vocal Structure and Techniques

Albanian iso-polyphony typically features a three-part vocal structure, consisting of the merrës (taker or melody leader), who initiates and carries the primary melodic line; the kthyes (turner or responder), who provides a countermelody that interweaves with the lead; and the iso (drone), performed by a chorus that sustains a single note as a harmonic foundation. In the four-part Lab variant, a hedhës (thrower) adds a third solo voice for harmonic enrichment. The iso drone varies regionally: continuous on the vowel "e" with staggered breathing in Tosk style, or rhythmic and tied to the text in Lab style. The principles rely on a pedal from the iso, which anchors the while allowing dissonant intervals—such as seconds and sevenths—between the merrës and kthyes to create tension that resolves into consonances like thirds and fifths. This interplay produces a distinctive characterized by microtonal inflections and rhythmic freedom in the lines, contrasting with the steady, vowel-based sustain of the . Performance techniques emphasize group singing, with the iso requiring precise breath control through staggered inhalation among singers to maintain uninterrupted continuity. Improvisational elements appear in the solo parts, where singers add personal embellishments like trills or glissandi, though within established melodic contours. Ensembles are predominantly male, reflecting gender-specific roles in traditional contexts. Songs follow a basic architecture beginning with an (shtjellje), often led by the merrës in free , transitioning to interwoven dual solos supported by the iso , and building to climactic choral sections where all voices converge in . This progression heightens emotional intensity through gradual textural layering.

Historical Development

Origins and Ancient Roots

Albanian iso-polyphony traces its ancient roots to the cultures of the pre-Common Era , where it is believed to have emerged among shepherds and farmers as a form of communal vocal expression. Historians link this tradition to the , who inhabited the western Balkan Peninsula over 2,500 years ago and are considered ancestors of modern , with the practice likely developing in the mountainous regions of present-day and surrounding areas. Archaeological hints, such as a 15th-century BCE ring and double flutes from the 4th-3rd centuries BCE discovered in , suggest early polyphonic instrumental practices in southwest that may parallel vocal forms. These elements indicate a deep tied to oral traditions in societies, predating and later influences. The musical features of iso-polyphony, including s and techniques, are viewed as survivals of ancient layered possibly connected to proto-Indo-European cultural layers. Ethnomusicologist Vasil S. Tole posits that the in differs from the scales of Byzantine chants, supporting its origins rather than later borrowings, while the sustained (iso) mimics natural sounds like thunder, reflecting prehistoric istic functions. Mythological songs and dances in the tradition proto-Indo-European influences, preserving elements of ancient communal performances that layered voices for ceremonial purposes. These characteristics underscore the form's role as an oral chronicle of pre-Christian life events, such as funerals and harvests, in isolated communities. Scholars emphasize the primarily development of iso-polyphony, with only faint ties to pre-Christian rituals and minimal direct from music, despite the shared term "iso" for the . Tole argues that while the technique may superficially resemble the Byzantine ison, the folk practice evolved separately in southern Albanian regions like those of the and Labs, rooted in local anthropological continuities such as traditional garments and social structures traceable to times. This evolution highlights the tradition's resilience in rural, pre-medieval contexts, distinct from formalized . The earliest written documentation of practices resembling iso-polyphony appears in 17th- and 19th-century traveler accounts from the Albanian highlands, noting choral and moaning vocal styles. For instance, 17th-century observations by in referenced collective moaning that aligns with polyphonic lamentations. These accounts capture the tradition's vitality in oral form long before systematic recordings, providing initial ethnographic glimpses into its ancient vocal structures.

Evolution Through Centuries

During the medieval period and under rule from the 14th to 19th centuries, Albanian iso-polyphony was preserved primarily through oral in remote southern regions, resisting and external influences while maintaining its core vocal structures. This , initially rooted in lament-based songs known as vajtim, gradually expanded to encompass broader social themes such as , life, and historical events, reflecting evolving community expressions without significant integration. Despite the Empire's cultural impositions, the practice endured in isolated areas like and Toskëria, where communal singing reinforced ethnic identity. In the , iso-polyphony saw notable structural advancements in , transitioning from simpler two-voice forms—featuring a and countermelody—to more intricate three- and four-part configurations, driven by internal cultural exchanges among local communities rather than external or influences. These developments emphasized vocal , with the addition of a choral (iso) that provided stability, allowing for greater emotional depth through controlled dissonance. The four-part style, particularly prominent in Labërian variants, emerged as the most complex, incorporating roles like the leader (marrës), second voice (kthyes), third voice (hedhës), and sustaining , which heightened expressive tension in performances. The early marked a phase of consolidation for iso-polyphony, coinciding with Albania's independence in 1912 and subsequent collection efforts that documented and standardized regional practices. Key figure Neço Muko played a pivotal role in the and by recording over 60 pieces, refining the four-part Labërian style through innovative vocal techniques that blended tradition with heightened emotional elements, such as the introduction of a third voice for richer harmony. These recordings, alongside growing scholarly interest in folk traditions post-independence, helped transition iso-polyphony from intimate two-voice duets to larger ensemble forms, amplifying its use of dissonance to convey profound sentiment in social and celebratory contexts. During the mid-20th century, under communist rule from to , iso-polyphony experienced fluctuating fortunes: initially promoted as part of national folk through state ensembles and festivals starting in the , it later faced suppression during cultural purges in the , surviving mainly in rural areas despite official discouragement of "backward" traditions.

Regional and Cultural Contexts

Geographic Distribution

Albanian iso- is primarily practiced in the southern regions of , encompassing , Myzeqia, Toskëria, and Chamëria. These areas form the core of its cultural landscape, with distinct stylistic expressions tied to local traditions; for instance, features elaborate multipart singing, while Toskëria emphasizes drone-based harmonies. Epicenters of performance include the mountainous districts around in and the coastal zones near in Toskëria, where festivals and ensembles sustain the practice. The tradition extends beyond Albania's borders through Albanian communities, particularly in , , , and , where emigrants from rural southern areas maintain performances amid migration pressures. Limited variants appear in among Gheg groups, though these differ stylistically from the southern iso form. Iso-polyphony is performed in the Tosk and Albanian dialects, which shape its lyrical themes, phonetic delivery, and melodic contours, reflecting the linguistic diversity of these southern communities. Today, iso-polyphony remains concentrated in rural villages of , where intergenerational transmission persists in family and community settings. Urban areas have seen a marked decline since the late , driven by modernization, youth , and the rise of , leaving the tradition vulnerable outside its rural strongholds. Regional variations, such as the rhythmic drones in versus the ornamented melodies in Chamëria, highlight its adaptive geographic embedding.

Social and Ritual Functions

Albanian iso-polyphony serves as a vital element in various traditional social contexts, primarily accompanying weddings, funerals, harvest feasts, religious celebrations, and festivals. These performances foster communal bonding and mark significant events, with songs often functioning as laments known as kaba during rituals or as epic narrations that recount heroic tales and historical moments. In male gatherings or informal assemblies, the music reinforces group identity and social cohesion among participants. Predominantly performed by male singers, iso-polyphony underscores traditional roles within communities, where men lead complex multipart to express collective strength and . Women occasionally participate in simpler two- or three-part forms, particularly in regions like , contributing to family and ritual settings but typically in less elaborate structures than the male-dominated four-part Labërian style. This division highlights how perpetuates social hierarchies while allowing for inclusive expressions in everyday communal life. Symbolically, iso-polyphony embodies core values, including through welcoming songs for guests, in laments that evoke deep sorrow, and via narratives of heroism drawn from figures like . Lyrics frequently reflect daily life, romantic love, and satirical commentary on societal issues, integrating the music into the cultural fabric as a means of preserving and emotional . In ritual integration, it accompanies pre-wedding ceremonies and dances without instrumental support, emphasizing vocal purity and communal harmony to heighten the ceremonial atmosphere.

Specific Forms and Variations

Pleqërishte

Pleqërishte represents the most intricate and emblematic variant of Albanian iso-polyphony, distinguished by its profound emotional depth and ritualistic origins. This genre, sung exclusively by men, originates from the regions of and in , where it embodies a slow, low-pitched style with a mournful that evokes communal sorrow. Characterized by extended solos that allow for expressive vocal , pleqërishte draws on ancient practices, often referred to as "e qara me bote" (mourning with the world), linking it to prehistoric traditions that prefigure classical tragic choruses. In terms of structure, pleqërishte typically employs four voices in a polyphonic framework unique to , featuring a lead singer known as the marrës (taker or initiator), who initiates the , and a hedhës (thrower or third soloist) that relieves the marrës during prolonged exchanges in a call-and-response pattern. This alternation sustains the intensity of the solos while the supporting voices provide an iso and countermelody, creating a layered with intense dissonances and rhythmic freedom that defies strict meter. A representative example is the song "Doli shkurti, hyri ," performed by the Pleqtë e Gjirokastrës, which narrates a historical battle led by against forces, showcasing the genre's narrative prowess through its drawn-out vocal lines. Historically, pleqërishte has been preserved through 20th-century ensembles and recordings, particularly those captured by Radio during the communist era (1946–1991), which documented performances by groups like Pleqtë e Gjirokastrës (active 1940–1980) and Poliçan’s singers. Lyrical themes center on laments for loss, death, and the hardships of life, intertwined with of such as rivers and mountains, reflecting the people's resilient bond with their environment. This form stands as the pinnacle of iso-polyphonic expression due to its archaic emotional cluster and the seamless coordination among singers—positioned in a semi-circle without a —fostering a unified, visceral sound that captures the essence of .

Other Polyphonic Forms

In addition to more complex styles, Albanian iso-polyphony encompasses simpler two-part and three-part forms that emphasize accessibility and communal participation. Two-part forms typically feature a leading voice known as the marrës (taker or initiator) paired with a responding kthyes (returner), often accompanied by a basic (iso) sung by the group, creating duets suitable for women's performances in regions like and . These structures are commonly used in wedding songs and epic narratives, featuring faster tempos and rhythmic interplay compared to slower, more elaborate variants. Three-part forms build on this by adding a distinct voice (mbajne zë or iso), with the marrës and kthyes weaving melodic lines above it, often in parallel thirds or responsorial exchanges, and are prevalent in southern social gatherings. Thematic varieties within these forms highlight diverse emotional and functional expressions. Love songs utilize two-part duets to convey romantic longing through intimate call-and-response patterns, often performed in lighter, upbeat rhythms during festive occasions. Valle songs accompany dances and employ three-part structures with pronounced rhythmic drive to support group movements, fostering communal energy at celebrations. Kaba, originally an lament derived from saze ensembles, has been adapted into vocal forms featuring slow, emotive drones and melodic sighs, evoking sorrow in three-part arrangements for funerals or reflective events. Regional distinctions add further diversity to these polyphonic expressions. In Myzeqia, three-part styles predominate with a continuous on the note E, incorporating parallel thirds and occasional dissonances for expressive depth in women's songs. Chamëria, by contrast, features hybrid three-part forms blending wide-ranging melodies, rubato rhythms, and ornamental flourishes, often in responsorial styles that reflect the area's cultural crossroads. Notable ensembles, such as the group led by honored artist Xhemal Laçi, exemplify these Chamëria hybrids through performances that integrate local dialects and influences into vocal . Compared to more solemn traditions, these forms exhibit less dissonance and greater rhythmic propulsion, prioritizing melodic clarity and to suit lighter social functions like dances and weddings rather than solemnity. This rhythmic emphasis, often with the providing steady support akin to the core iso technique, enhances their role in everyday communal bonding.

Recognition and Preservation

UNESCO Inscription

Albanian folk iso-polyphony was proclaimed a of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity by on November 25, 2005, as part of an initiative to recognize exemplary expressions of worldwide. This proclamation highlighted its unique vocal structure and cultural significance, leading to targeted safeguarding efforts. In 2008, during the third session of the Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the in , , it was formally inscribed on the Representative List of the of Humanity. The inscription met key criteria under the 2003 Convention, including recognition as an transmitted through generations via community participation and performance, its role in expressing Albanian cultural identity, and the urgent need for due to threats from , rural exodus, , and insufficient legal and financial protections. These factors underscored the practice's vulnerability, as younger generations increasingly migrate to urban areas and abroad, disrupting traditional transmission primarily maintained by professional folk artists rather than family structures. The recognition significantly raised global awareness of Albanian iso-polyphony, fostering increased interest in and academic research that supported its revival. This led to documentation projects, including the 2005 "Inventory of Performers on Albanian Folk Iso-Polyphony," a UNESCO-supported initiative that cataloged key practitioners, groups, and regional styles to aid preservation efforts following the proclamation. UNESCO's documentation of the tradition includes videos and descriptive materials that emphasize its distinctive musical interplay, such as the choral drone providing a continuous or rhythmic foundation alongside solo melody and countermelody lines. These resources illustrate how the iso (drone) anchors the polyphonic texture, enabling dynamic exchanges between soloists and the chorus in social contexts.

Modern Revival and Challenges

During the communist era (1944–1991), the ban on foreign music promoted traditional forms like iso-polyphony as a national pastime. Following the fall of in 1991, the tradition experienced a sharp decline due to massive —over 700,000 Albanians left by the early 2000s— that disrupted rural communities, and the influx of Western , which diminished interest among younger generations. This hollowed out villages where iso-polyphony thrived, while urban youth prioritized contemporary genres, creating a generational gap where, as ethnomusicologist Edit Pula noted, "youngsters didn’t understand or care about iso-polyphony." Revival efforts gained momentum in the late , anchored by the National Folklore Festival in , established in 1968 and held every five years, which showcases iso-polyphony alongside dances and instruments, drawing over 1,200 performers and international audiences in its 2023 edition to foster cultural continuity. Educational initiatives include the 2022 opening of an iso-polyphony museum in 's repurposed bunkers, offering workshops for youth, while artists like Arian Shehu—known as the "godfather" of the genre—have composed over 500 pieces and mentored new performers through recordings and live sessions. Similarly, Shkelqim Beshiraj's videos of traditional songs have amassed 1.5 million views, bridging oral traditions with digital dissemination to engage communities. Modern adaptations have revitalized iso-polyphony through fusions with contemporary elements, such as DJ RDN's integrations of dance beats with traditional vocals, and ensembles like those led by 13-year-old Demirxhiu and 22-year-old Flavio Xhafer, who perform at festivals and online platforms. tours by groups, including diaspora ensembles from and a 17-member troupe representing in in 2015, have promoted the genre abroad, enhancing its global visibility. UNESCO's safeguarding projects, funded by from 2006 to 2010, established teaching chambers in , trained cultural workers, and created performer registries to transmit the tradition to , while a 2011–2012 initiative developed an electronic database for digitized inventories, accessible online to preserve oral repertoires. In 2025, contemporary works like the Symphony ALBANOI, which incorporates iso-polyphony elements, were premiered on (May 6), demonstrating the tradition's adaptability and continued relevance in fostering . Looking ahead, iso-polyphony plays a vital role in bolstering identity amid , with digital archives like database and platforms countering threats from youth disinterest and unauthorized remixes, though sustained efforts in and are essential to ensure its survival as a living heritage.

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