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Jan Grabowski

Jan Grabowski is a Polish-born historian and professor of history at the University of Ottawa, specializing in the Holocaust in German-occupied Poland with emphasis on the destruction of the Polish-Jewish community, local collaboration in the murder of Jews, and the mechanisms of Jewish survival and betrayal in rural areas.^[1]^[2] He earned an MA in history from the University of Warsaw in 1986 and a PhD from Université de Montréal.^[3]^[4] Grabowski co-founded the Polish Center for Holocaust Research in Warsaw in 2003 and has held fellowships at institutions including the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum.^[2]^[1] His archival-based studies, such as the book Hunt for the Jews: Betrayal and Murder in German-Occupied Poland, document patterns of Polish assistance to German forces in tracking and killing fugitive Jews outside ghettos and camps, challenging narratives that minimize local agency in the genocide.^[5]^[6] This work has drawn international acclaim, including election to the Royal Society of Canada, but also faced criticism and legal challenges in Poland for alleged defamation and exaggeration of Polish complicity, exemplified by a 2021 civil suit alongside historian Barbara Engelking that was overturned on appeal.^[6]^[7]^[8]

Early life and education

Family background and wartime experiences

Jan Grabowski was born on June 24, 1962, in Warsaw, Poland, to a Jewish father, Zbigniew Grabowski, and a Catholic mother. His father, a Holocaust survivor originally from Kraków, hid on the Aryan side in Warsaw during the German occupation and later became a professor of chemistry at the University of Warsaw.^[9]^[10] Zbigniew Grabowski's family experienced betrayal and peril typical of many Polish Jewish households under Nazi rule. A neighbor denounced them to the Gestapo following the 1939 invasion, but a German officer spared them upon recognizing Grabowski's grandfather from their shared service in the Austro-Hungarian army during World War I.^[11] Despite this reprieve, several family members were murdered during the Holocaust, with Zbigniew surviving as part of the roughly 1% of Polish Jews who outlived the occupation.^[11] Postwar, the family's trauma persisted; one of Zbigniew's uncles was killed by Poles approximately one year after the war's end simply for returning home as a Jew.^[11] In 1973, Zbigniew penned a letter contesting then-common narratives of widespread Polish assistance to Jews, a document his son later referenced as reflective of enduring family perspectives on wartime realities.^[12]

Formal education and early influences

Grabowski obtained his Master of Arts degree in history from the University of Warsaw in Poland.^[1] He subsequently pursued doctoral studies in history at the Université de Montréal in Canada, earning his PhD in 1993.^[1] His dissertation focused on interactions between French colonial settlers and Indigenous populations in 17th- and 18th-century Montreal, reflecting an early scholarly emphasis on European colonization and settler societies in North America.^[5] Grabowski's transition to Holocaust research was shaped by his growing awareness of unresolved questions in the historiography of the extermination of Polish Jews, despite the topic's extensive prior study.^[5] Initially assuming the field was comprehensively mapped, he identified significant archival gaps concerning local dynamics of persecution and survival in occupied Poland, prompting a pivot from colonial history to micro-level analyses of Jewish hiding and Polish collaboration or aid during the German occupation.^[5] This shift aligned with his Polish background and access to regional archives, influencing his methodological commitment to granular, source-driven reconstructions over broader narratives.^[2]

Academic career

Initial appointments and affiliations

Grabowski completed his PhD in history at the Université de Montréal in 1993, with a dissertation titled The Common Ground: Settled Natives and French in Montréal, 1667–1760, focusing on colonial interactions between French settlers and Indigenous peoples.^[13] Immediately following his doctorate, he joined the University of Ottawa's Department of History as a faculty member specializing in colonial history.^[14] ^[15] This appointment marked his entry into Canadian academia, where his early teaching and research emphasized pre-Confederation North American topics rather than the Holocaust studies that would later define his career.^[13] His primary initial affiliation remained with the University of Ottawa, an institution where he progressed through academic ranks while building expertise in archival methods applicable to broader historical inquiries.^[15] Prior to his Canadian positions, Grabowski held an MA from the University of Warsaw, but no formal academic appointments in Poland are documented in available records from that period.^[1] These early roles at Ottawa provided the institutional base from which Grabowski eventually pivoted to researching Jewish-Polish relations under Nazi occupation, leveraging the university's resources for interdisciplinary Holocaust scholarship.^[14]

Professorship and research centers

Jan Grabowski has held a faculty position in the Department of History at the University of Ottawa since 1993, where he advanced to full professor specializing in the history of the Holocaust.^[4] His teaching portfolio includes undergraduate and graduate courses on the extermination of Polish Jews and Jewish-Polish relations during World War II, earning him the Faculty of Arts Professor of the Year Award in 2014.^[15] Grabowski was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada, recognizing his contributions to historical scholarship on the Holocaust in Poland.^[16] In 2003, Grabowski co-founded the Polish Centre for Holocaust Research, an independent institution based in Warsaw dedicated to studying the Holocaust in Poland through archival analysis and interdisciplinary approaches.^[2] The center, which includes scholars such as Barbara Engelking and Andrzej Żbikowski, focuses on documenting Jewish survival strategies, local collaboration, and postwar memory, often drawing on underutilized regional archives.^[17] Grabowski's involvement has emphasized microhistorical methods to quantify phenomena like Jewish hiding and betrayal in specific Polish localities.^[1] Grabowski has also served as a visiting scholar at institutions including the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in 2016 and the USC Shoah Foundation as the 2022–2023 Sara and Asa Shapiro Scholar in Residence, where he advanced research on Holocaust distortion and bystander roles in Poland.^[1]^[4] These affiliations have facilitated access to international archives and collaborative projects, though his work at these centers has occasionally intersected with debates over source interpretation in Polish historiography.^[18]

Research focus and methodology

Core themes in Holocaust studies

Grabowski's scholarship emphasizes the precarious survival attempts of Jews in German-occupied Poland following the 1942 ghetto liquidations and deportations to death camps, focusing on their efforts to evade detection by hiding "on the Aryan side" among the non-Jewish population.^[10] ^[19] In rural districts like Dąbrowa Tarnowska county, he documents how the majority of these fugitives—estimated at around 4,000 Jews seeking refuge—perished not primarily from German searches but through denunciations, extortion, and direct violence by local Poles, with survival rates as low as 10-20% in some areas.^[20] ^[21] This theme underscores the interplay between German genocidal policies and indigenous agency, where Polish civilians exploited opportunities for personal gain amid widespread antisemitism and fear of reprisals.^[18] Central to his analysis is the concept of Judenjagd, or the organized "hunt for Jews," executed by Polish blue-collar police, self-defense units, night watches, and even firefighters who conducted manhunts, set traps, and held communities hostage to flush out hidden Jews.^[22] ^[20] Grabowski details how these grassroots efforts, often incentivized by German rewards or local loot, transformed rural Polish society into an extension of the perpetrator apparatus, with elders and communal leaders coordinating searches that resulted in the capture and murder of hundreds in specific locales during 1942-1945.^[23] ^[19] He contends that such actions were not isolated but reflective of broader societal dynamics, including prewar antisemitic attitudes amplified by occupation hardships.^[24] Bystander passivity emerges as another key motif, portrayed not as neutral detachment but as active facilitation of Jewish annihilation through silence, refusal of aid, and normalization of extortion.^[18] Grabowski's microhistorical approach—reconstructing events in single counties via survivor testimonies, court records, and German reports—reveals how indifference in small communities enabled the deaths of thousands, challenging narratives of uniform Polish victimhood or heroism by quantifying low rescue rates and high complicity levels.^[25] ^[26] This framework integrates local agency with overarching Nazi strategies, arguing that without Polish participation in the "gray zone" of collaboration, the Holocaust's rural phase would have been less efficient.^[10]

Use of archival sources and microhistory

Grabowski employs a microhistorical approach in his Holocaust research, focusing on specific localities and individual cases to uncover broader dynamics of Jewish persecution and local responses in occupied Poland. This method prioritizes bottom-up analysis over institutional overviews, reconstructing events through granular examination of personal motivations and community interactions. In Hunt for the Jews (2013), he applies microhistory to Dąbrowa Tarnowska county, a rural area in southeastern Poland, detailing the Judenjagd—the systematic pursuit of Jews evading ghettos and deportations—and estimating that of approximately 300 Jews who sought refuge there, only about 30 survived, largely due to betrayals by Polish neighbors and auxiliary forces.^[20] His archival methodology draws from diverse primary sources, including local Polish records such as municipal court (sądy grodzkie) documents and village administrative files, which reveal day-to-day Jewish-Christian encounters and post-war accountability efforts.^[27] Grabowski also integrates judicial archives from post-war trials in Poland, the USSR, East Germany, and Ukraine, alongside German occupation-era materials like police reports, to trace individual perpetrators and bystanders.^[27] Oral histories form a critical component, sourced from the Jewish Historical Institute in Warsaw (over 7,000 testimonies collected between 1945 and 1947), the USC Shoah Foundation's Visual History Archive (more than 50,000 interviews), and the Museum of the Warsaw Uprising's collections, enabling cross-verification of written records with survivor accounts.^[27] This combination supports causal reconstructions in works like Dalej jest noc (2018), where micro-studies of six Polish localities utilize public and private archives, memoirs, newspapers, and investigatory files to quantify survival rates—often below 1% in rural areas—and document patterns of extortion, denunciation, and violence by locals.^[28] By emphasizing sources generated proximate to events, Grabowski's method seeks to illuminate empirically grounded mechanisms of collaboration and indifference, though critics have questioned the completeness of his source integration, particularly regarding rescuer testimonies.^[29]

Key publications

Hunt for the Jews (2013)

"Hunt for the Jews: Betrayal and Murder in German-Occupied Poland" examines the organized German searches known as Judenjagd for Jews who escaped ghetto liquidations and deportations to death camps in 1942 and attempted to hide among the Polish population in rural areas.^[20] The book focuses on Dąbrowa Tarnowska county, a rural district in southeastern Poland with a prewar Jewish population of approximately 5,000, where Grabowski reconstructs events from July 1942 onward through detailed case studies of individual Jews and local interactions.^[30] Published in English by Indiana University Press in October 2013 (ISBN 9780253010742), it draws on the author's earlier Polish-language research and spans 303 pages, including appendices, notes, bibliography, photographs, tables, and maps.^[20]^[31] Grabowski contends that local Poles, motivated by antisemitism, economic gain from plundering Jewish property, and fear of German reprisals, actively participated in detecting, denouncing, and directly murdering Jews in hiding, often independently of direct German oversight.^[20] He argues this "self-policing" by the Polish population contributed to the deaths of the vast majority of fugitives in the county, estimating that only about 1% of the prewar Jewish population (roughly 51 individuals) survived the war, with most of the 300 or so who fled to local forests and villages perishing at Polish hands rather than solely through German action.^[30] The analysis portrays rural Polish society as complicit in extending the Holocaust beyond formal Nazi operations, with bystanders enabling or joining hunts that Grabowski describes as an "orgy of murder."^[32] The study's methodology employs a microhistorical approach, prioritizing granular reconstruction of events over broad generalizations, using cross-verified wartime and postwar sources such as German police reports, Polish underground records, Jewish survivor testimonies, and local court investigations conducted after liberation.^[33] Grabowski supplements these with demographic data and material evidence like hidden bunkers to trace the trajectories of specific Jews, highlighting patterns of betrayal while acknowledging limited instances of aid.^[34] This archival triangulation aims to illuminate causal mechanisms in Polish-Jewish relations under occupation, though the selection emphasizes negative interactions.^[33]

Dalej jest noc (2018)

Dalej jest noc: Losy Żydów w wybranych powiatach okupowanej Polski (Night Without End: The Fate of Jews in Selected Counties of Occupied Poland) is a two-volume study co-edited by Jan Grabowski and Barbara Engelking, published in 2018 by the Stowarzyszenie Centrum Badań nad Zagładą Żydów (Association for the Center for Research on the Genocide of Jews).^[35] The 1,700-page work applies a micro-historical methodology, drawing on archival records, survivor testimonies, and local documentation to analyze the experiences of Jews in nine rural Polish counties during the German occupation from 1942 to 1945.^[36] It focuses on Jews who escaped ghettos and sought refuge in forests, villages, and among Polish families, emphasizing local dynamics over broader national narratives.^[36] The book's chapters, contributed by multiple historians including Grabowski and Engelking, reconstruct events in counties such as Dąbrowa Tarnowska and Biłgoraj, revealing patterns of Polish civilian involvement in the persecution of hidden Jews.^[35] Key findings indicate that survival rates for Jews in hiding varied by locale, with higher chances in isolated villages compared to small towns, but overall, about two-thirds of those attempting to survive outside ghettos perished due to denunciations, extortion, or direct violence by Polish neighbors rather than solely German actions.^[36] It argues that anti-Jewish sentiment permeated Polish society across classes, including peasants, clergy, and elites, facilitating a "hunt" for Jews motivated by greed, fear of German reprisals, and ideological hostility.^[36] Reception has been polarized, with scholarly praise for its granular use of sources and illumination of bystander agency, though some reviewers note an emphasis on Polish actions that risks minimizing the German-orchestrated genocide's centrality.^[36] The publication prompted legal challenges, including a 2019 defamation lawsuit by a Polish villager against the authors over a passage alleging her uncle's role in murders, resulting in a 2021 court ruling partially upholding the claim and ordering a partial apology, despite appeals.^[35] Critics from Polish historical circles have questioned selective source use and omission of evidence on Polish aid to Jews or German coercion.^[37] An abridged English edition appeared in 2022 from Indiana University Press and Yad Vashem, condensing the original while retaining core analyses.^[35]

The Polish Police and other works on collaboration

In 2017, Grabowski published The Polish Police: Collaboration in the Holocaust as part of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum's Ina Levine Annual Lecture series.^[38] The work examines the Granatowa Policja, or Blue Police, reestablished by German authorities in late 1939 after purging prewar Polish officers deemed unreliable, expanding to around 20,000 personnel by late 1943.^[38] Grabowski contends, based on German occupation records, Polish police reports, and eyewitness accounts, that the force systematically enforced anti-Jewish decrees, such as requiring armbands and restricting food access, while independently pursuing extortion and violence against Jews.^[38] Specific cases include fines imposed on Jews in Opoczno for armband violations in April 1940 and the execution of over 30 Jews by 32 Warsaw policemen at Gęsia Street prison on November 17, 1941.^[38] Grabowski further documents the police's involvement in ghetto liquidations and fugitive hunts, often acting without direct German supervision due to motives including antisemitism and material gain.^[38] In Węgrów on September 22, 1942, Polish policemen assisted in killing over 1,000 Jews on site and deporting 8,000 to Treblinka; individual officers like Józef Machowski fired 36 shots during the Wodzisław liquidation on November 20, 1942, and Lucjan Matusiak killed four Jews with two bullets near Łochów in June 1943.^[38] He also addresses the Polish Criminal Police (Kripo), which uncovered hidden Jewish bunkers, such as the "Krysia" site in Warsaw on March 7, 1944, leading to 38 arrests.^[38] Grabowski concludes that the police were integral to the extermination process, contributing to the deaths of hundreds of thousands of Jews through both ordered and autonomous actions.^[38] Expanding this research, Grabowski's 2024 book On Duty: The Role of the Polish Blue and Criminal Police in the Holocaust, published by Yad Vashem on June 20, details how ordinary prewar officers evolved into facilitators of genocide, drawing on Polish and Jewish diaries, German documents, and police archives.^[26] The volume highlights their participation in ghetto clearances, searches for hidden Jews, and enforcement of Nazi policies, including independent murders motivated by opportunism as German oversight waned toward war's end.^[26] While some policemen engaged with the Polish underground, Grabowski argues their overall compliance enabled the destruction of Polish Jewry.^[26] Beyond police-specific studies, Grabowski's works on collaboration incorporate archival evidence of civilian and auxiliary involvement in Jewish persecution. In contributions to edited volumes and articles, he analyzes phenomena like szmalcownictwo—profiteering through betrayal and extortion of Jews—prevalent in rural districts where local Poles, including self-defense groups, tracked fugitives without German prompting.^[12] These efforts, often quantified through survival rate disparities (e.g., lower Jewish evasion success in areas with active local collaboration), underscore systemic bystander complicity under occupation constraints.^[12]

Recent works including Whitewash (2024)

In 2023, Grabowski co-authored with Shira Klein an article in The Journal of Holocaust Research analyzing Polish "szmalcowniks" (extortionists who blackmailed Jews in hiding during the German occupation), drawing on archival records to estimate their prevalence and impact on Jewish survival rates in specific regions. The study emphasized micro-level evidence of betrayal networks, arguing that such actors contributed significantly to the failure of hiding strategies in rural Poland. Grabowski's 2024 publication Whitewash: Poland and the Jews, issued by University of Toronto Press, critiques contemporary Polish approaches to Holocaust memory, positing that outright denial has evolved into "Holocaust distortion" through mechanisms like de-Judaization (minimizing Jewish victimhood) and selective emphasis on Polish suffering.^[39] He attributes this shift to state-sponsored "history policy" under governments prioritizing national narratives, including legal restrictions on attributing crimes to the "Polish nation" as a whole, such as the 2018 amendment to the Institute of National Remembrance Act.^[39] ^[40] Grabowski draws on examples from education, monuments, and public discourse to argue that these distortions erode accurate remembrance of Polish agency in Jewish deaths, estimated by him elsewhere at up to 200,000 from non-German perpetrators.^[39] ^[41] The work references ongoing litigation, including the 2021 defamation suit against Grabowski and Barbara Engelking over claims in Dalej jest noc (2018) regarding Polish collaboration, which he frames as emblematic of efforts to suppress research challenging heroic national myths.^[40] Grabowski calls for safeguarding Holocaust integrity against "envy" toward Jewish memory, advocating international scrutiny of Poland's policies.^[39] An adapted version appeared as the lead essay in Jewish Quarterly issue 257 (August 2024), expanding on distortion's export to Europe via Polish diplomacy.^[41] He delivered related lectures, such as the Hugo Valentin Lecture in May 2024 at Uppsala University, titled "Whitewash? Holocaust Distortion in Poland," reinforcing these themes.^[42]

Claims of Polish complicity in the Holocaust

Arguments on bystander behavior and hunting of Jews

Grabowski has argued that the notion of passive Polish bystanders during the Holocaust is a misconception, asserting instead that "there are no Polish bystanders to the Holocaust."^[43] In his analysis, drawn from archival records including Polish, German, and Jewish sources, he contends that local Poles in rural areas actively contributed to the persecution of Jews who sought refuge after the 1942 ghetto liquidations and deportations, often through denunciations, direct violence, or collaboration with German forces in the Judenjagd—the systematic hunt for hidden Jews.^[20] Central to this view is Grabowski's microhistorical study of Dąbrowa Tarnowska county, where he documents that the majority of Jews attempting to survive "on the Aryan side" perished not primarily due to German actions alone, but through betrayal and murder by Polish neighbors motivated by antisemitism, material gain, or fear of reprisals.^[20] He describes scenarios where Poles organized searches for Jews in forests and villages, delivering them to German authorities or killing them outright, filling what he terms a "moral vacuum" left by the German occupiers' policies.^[44] Examples include cases in Sadowne, where villagers collectively hunted and handed over Jewish survivors for execution, as evidenced by post-war court testimonies and survivor accounts.^[45] Grabowski estimates that Polish involvement extended to the deaths of approximately 200,000 Jews outside camps, attributing this to widespread societal hostility rather than isolated acts, with pre-war antisemitism intensifying under occupation into active complicity. He draws on sources such as Jan Karski's early reports of Polish-German alignment on the "Jewish question" and 1947 judicial files to argue that bystander indifference enabled or directly facilitated these hunts, challenging narratives that emphasize Polish victimhood or rescue efforts as overshadowing patterns of collaboration. This framework posits that the local population's behavior was causally linked to the Holocaust's implementation in Poland, where Jews faced threats from both Germans and a complicit populace.^[20]

Estimates of Jewish deaths attributed to Poles

Jan Grabowski's research emphasizes the role of Polish civilians in the deaths of Jews who sought refuge outside ghettos and camps during the German occupation of Poland from 1942 to 1945. In his 2013 book Hunt for the Jews: Betrayal and Murder in German-Occupied Poland, a microhistorical study of Dąbrowa Tarnowska county, Grabowski analyzed archival records to conclude that of approximately 300 to 400 Jews who fled to hiding places in forests and villages after ghetto liquidations, only about 30 survived the war. He attributed the deaths of the majority to direct killings by Polish perpetrators, betrayals leading to German roundups, or assaults facilitated by local collaboration, often motivated by antisemitism, greed for property, or fear of German reprisals.^[34]^[46] Extrapolating from this county-level evidence to the national scale, Grabowski estimated that Polish civilians were responsible, directly or indirectly, for at least 200,000 Jewish deaths among those attempting to hide across occupied Poland. This figure encompasses Jews denounced to German authorities, murdered outright by Poles acting independently or in small groups, and those killed in joint actions with German forces. The estimate aligns with patterns observed in German reports and survivor testimonies, where Judenjagd operations—systematic hunts for fugitive Jews—relied heavily on local informants and enforcers.^[32]^[47] In the 2018 two-volume study Dalej jest noc: Losy Żydów w wybranych powiatach okupowanej Polski (co-edited with Barbara Engelking), Grabowski and contributors examined additional counties, documenting survival rates for hiding Jews as low as 10-20 percent in some regions. County-specific data revealed Polish involvement in 70-90 percent of recapture or killing incidents, with perpetrators including blue-collar police (granatowa policja), vigilante groups, and ordinary villagers. These findings reinforced the broader 200,000-death estimate, portraying a countryside where social networks actively contributed to the elimination of Jews evading deportation to death camps. Grabowski argued that such complicity filled a gap left by strained German resources, enabling the near-total destruction of Poland's Jewish population beyond extermination sites.^[48]^[47] Grabowski revisited these figures in a 2022 peer-reviewed article, describing 200,000 as a conservative total for Jews killed by Poles or denounced to Germans while in hiding, building on earlier assessments by historians like Yehuda Bauer. He contended that prewar and wartime antisemitic attitudes, combined with economic incentives from German rewards and unclaimed Jewish property, drove widespread participation, though not universal among Poles. These estimates exclude deaths in ghettos, camps, or direct German massacres, focusing solely on the "gray zone" of rural evasion and local agency.^[47]^[47]

Criticisms and scholarly debates

Methodological challenges and source selection

Critics of Grabowski's research, particularly in works like Hunt for the Jews (2013) and Dalej jest noc (2018), have raised concerns about selective source selection that prioritizes Jewish survivor testimonies and fragmentary archival records while omitting or downplaying Polish underground reports, church documents, and evidence of aid to Jews.^[49] For example, in analyzing Dąbrowa Tarnowska county, Grabowski overlooked 34 individuals recognized by Yad Vashem as Righteous Among the Nations for rescuing Jews, including 20 cases of documented assistance, instead emphasizing denunciations and bystandership.^[49] This approach, critics argue, stems from a methodological bias favoring sources that highlight Polish complicity, such as accounts from the Jewish Historical Institute, without equivalent weight given to Polish perspectives like those in the Home Army's underground press, which condemned anti-Jewish violence.^[49] Such selectivity risks constructing a narrative of widespread societal guilt by extrapolating from localized incidents, as noted in reviews pointing to the failure to integrate works like Adam Kazimierz Musiał's Lata w ukryciu (2002), which details Polish hiding networks.^[49] Grabowski's heavy reliance on survivor testimonies has drawn scrutiny for methodological vulnerabilities inherent to oral histories, including potential distortions from trauma, postwar displacement, and selective recall that may amplify betrayals over acts of solidarity. In Hunt for the Jews, testimonies like those of Helena Ausenberg and Chaja Rosenblatt were allegedly misrepresented—omitting Polish helpers in the former and exaggerating clerical incitement in the latter—to fit a pattern of routine Polish "hunting" of Jews, without cross-verification against church archives, which Grabowski claimed were inaccessible despite their availability.^[49] Critics, including historians affiliated with Poland's Institute of National Remembrance (IPN), contend this underutilizes corroborative Polish sources, such as execution records of rescuers or Home Army dispatches, leading to unverified claims like Yehuda Erlich's account of 24 peasant murders, later debunked through local investigations.^[49] The IPN's analysis of Dalej jest noc further highlights over-interpretation of sparse documents, such as partial gendarmerie reports, to infer systematic collaboration, while ignoring contradictory evidence of German coercion and Polish resistance constraints. Microhistorical methodology, Grabowski's preferred framework for bottom-up reconstruction in rural Polish counties, faces challenges in scalability and representativeness, as local anomalies—often in heavily Germanized or bandit-plagued areas—are generalized to national patterns without accounting for broader occupational dynamics like the death penalty for aiding Jews or economic desperation.^[49] Reviews note discrepancies in source handling, such as inconsistencies between Molly Applebaum's diary excerpts and endnotes in Hunt for the Jews, or unsubstantiated assertions about Polish Blue Police roles versus Jewish ghetto police involvement.^[49] While Grabowski defends his use of microhistory as uncovering suppressed truths via untapped archives like Ringelblum's materials, detractors from IPN and scholars like Bogdan Musiał argue it privileges ideologically aligned sources—often from émigré or survivor collections with potential anti-Polish undertones—over comprehensive archival triangulation, potentially inflating estimates of Polish-attributed Jewish deaths.^[50] These critiques, emanating largely from Polish institutions amid debates over national memory, underscore tensions between empirical rigor and interpretive framing, though Grabowski's defenders attribute them to efforts to minimize documented complicity.

Counter-evidence on Polish aid and contextual constraints

The German occupation authorities in Poland uniquely criminalized aid to Jews with the death penalty, extended collectively to rescuers' families and sometimes entire villages, as formalized in Hans Frank's decree of October 15, 1941. This policy, absent in Western European occupations, led to the execution of over 800 documented Poles for sheltering or assisting Jews, alongside countless others deported to camps or subjected to reprisal killings.^[51] Such pervasive terror, enforced through public hangings and village razings, systematically deterred potential rescuers by elevating the personal and communal costs of defiance far beyond those in other Nazi-occupied territories.^[49] Countering narratives of minimal Polish involvement, empirical records indicate significant rescue efforts under these conditions. Yad Vashem has awarded Righteous Among the Nations status to 7,177 Poles—the largest tally from any nation—for verified acts of saving Jews at mortal risk.^[52] Broader estimates, derived from survivor testimonies and archival data, place the number of Poles aiding Jews at 100,000 to 300,000, facilitating the survival of 30,000 to 50,000 Jews in hiding across occupied Poland.^[53] The Żegota Council for Aid to Jews, operational from December 1942, coordinated false identities, financial support, and shelters, rescuing several thousand individuals through a network of Polish and Jewish operatives.^[54] Specific rebuttals to Grabowski's emphasis on Polish betrayal in works like Hunt for the Jews (2013) point to undercounted aid in his focal Dąbrowa Tarnowska county, where he reported only 51 survivors out of 337 hidden Jews, attributing most deaths to local Poles. Independent archival reviews, incorporating Yad Vashem files and local testimonies, document over 120 survivors supported by Polish networks, including 34 recognized rescuers who saved at least 62 named Jews via shelter, forged documents, and food provisions.^[49] Overlooked cases include clergy like Rev. Wojciech Dybiec, who issued false certificates, and families such as the Gibes and Kaczówkas, who hid Jews for years despite denunciation risks.^[49] Historians Bogdan Musiał and Mark Paul contend Grabowski's selective sourcing—favoring denunciation records while discounting positive survivor accounts and Polish police coercion under German oversight—distorts survival dynamics, as evidenced by higher verified rates in areas with documented networks.^[49] In Warsaw, Gunnar S. Paulsson's analysis estimates 27,000 Jews endured in hiding, aided by 50,000–60,000 Poles providing shelter or logistics, with success tied to urban anonymity rather than absence of support.^[49] Szymon Datner, a Jewish historian, similarly projected around 100,000 Jewish survivors owed to Polish assistance, underscoring that while antisemitism and opportunism contributed to failures, German-engineered fear and resource scarcity imposed structural limits on scale, not a blanket refusal to help.^[49] These findings, grounded in cross-verified archives, highlight aid's prevalence amid existential constraints, challenging underemphasis on rescues in complicity-focused studies.^[55]

Responses from Polish historians and nationalists

Polish historians affiliated with the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN) have issued detailed rebuttals to Grabowski's claims, particularly in response to Dalej jest noc (2018). In a 2020 publication titled Korekty ciąg dalszy ("Correction Continued"), IPN historian Tomasz Domański argued that the book engages in over-interpretation of sources, falsifications, and insufficient critical analysis, leading to unverifiable statistical claims about Jewish deaths and Polish involvement. He highlighted the unrepresentative selection of case studies—focusing on four counties in the Kraków district rather than a broader geographical sample—and accused the authors of altering the meaning of primary texts, such as memoirs, without justification. Domański further contended that Grabowski and co-authors responded to initial critiques with personal attacks rather than substantive engagement, underscoring methodological flaws that distort the dynamics of German-occupied Poland. Other Polish scholars have criticized Grabowski for selective source usage and omission of contextual evidence. In analyses of his work on relations in occupied counties like Węgrów, historians note his failure to incorporate documents transferred from Communist Poland to West Germany between the 1960s and 1980s, which detail German enforcement mechanisms and include testimonies from Polish victims, Jewish survivors, and even German gendarmes—materials recently rediscovered by the Pilecki Institute.^[37] These omissions, they argue, understate the scale of German terror, including the presence of approximately 300 personnel (gendarmerie, SS, and Ukrainian auxiliaries) exerting control through collective punishments, while over-relying on potentially coerced post-war Polish court records and misrepresenting survivor accounts, such as alterations to Natan Najman's testimony.^[37] Critics maintain that such approaches ignore the post-war leniency in German prosecutions, like the 1973 acquittal of gendarme Karl Tedsen, which reveals the occupational hierarchy's primary responsibility for anti-Jewish actions.^[37] Nationalist commentators and groups in Poland have framed Grabowski's scholarship as part of a broader effort to defame the nation by exaggerating Polish complicity while minimizing the risks of aiding Jews under Nazi rule. They contend that estimates of widespread "hunting" or bystander-enabled deaths overlook the over 7,000 Poles officially recognized as Righteous Among the Nations by Yad Vashem for sheltering Jews, often at the cost of their lives, and the estimated 3,000 ethnic Poles killed by Germans for such aid.^[56] Figures aligned with nationalist outlets accuse Grabowski of relying on biased survivor narratives that attribute unverified killings to Poles without accounting for the German-orchestrated pogroms, such as those in Węgrów in 1941, and view his work as ideologically driven to equate Polish actions with perpetrator roles, disregarding the existential threats under occupation.^[56] These responses often invoke the Polish government's 2018 "Holocaust law" amendments as a necessary counter to what they term historical revisionism that erodes national sovereignty over WWII memory.^[56]

Litigation and legal challenges

Defamation lawsuit over Dalej jest noc

In 2018, Jan Grabowski and Barbara Engelking edited and contributed to Dalej jest noc: Losy Żydów w wybranych powiatach okupowanej Polski, a two-volume study examining Jewish survival strategies under German occupation, including instances of Polish bystander complicity and active collaboration in selected counties.^[12] The work drew on archival documents, survivor testimonies, and local records to argue that many Jews evading ghettos relied on hiding in forests or with Polish acquaintances, often facing betrayal by locals incentivized by German rewards or antisemitic motives.^[12] The defamation suit originated from Engelking's chapter on Bielski county, which cited a 1990s interview with survivor Estera Grinbaum recounting that Edward Malinowski—the prewar mayor and wartime village elder of Malinowo—had informed German gendarmes of approximately 22 Jews (including her family members) concealed in a forest, resulting in their roundup and execution in 1943.^[12]^[57] Grinbaum's account, recorded after her emigration to Sweden amid Poland's 1968 antisemitic campaign, also alleged Malinowski robbed her of valuables before facilitating her deportation to German labor camps, which inadvertently spared her from local killings.^[12] Filomena Leszczyńska, Malinowski's niece and sole heir, filed the civil claim in Warsaw District Court around late 2019, asserting the passage violated Polish civil code provisions on personal honor by portraying her uncle as a collaborator without adequate verification.^[58] Supported by the Reduta Dobrego Imienia foundation—a nongovernmental group combating perceived defamation of Poland's wartime record—Leszczyńska presented evidence including Malinowski's 1950 postwar acquittal by a Polish court on charges of aiding Germans in the deaths of 18 Jews, witness statements attesting to his aid for other Jews, and arguments that Grinbaum's testimony conflicted with contemporaneous records lacking direct proof of denunciation.^[59]^[60] Grabowski and Engelking countered that their methodology prioritized survivor voices as primary evidence in underdocumented rural atrocities, where German records were sparse and Polish perpetrators rarely prosecuted, and that historians bear no legal duty to preemptively disprove every claim amid evidentiary gaps from destroyed archives and witness trauma.^[12] The case highlighted tensions between civil defamation standards—requiring protection of individual reputation—and academic practices relying on potentially fallible oral histories, with plaintiffs critiquing the book's selective sourcing as amplifying unverified anecdotes over exculpatory data.^[58]^[61]

Outcomes and appeals

In February 2021, the Warsaw District Court ruled partially in favor of Filomena Leszczyńska, the niece of Edward Malinowski, a wartime village administrator accused in Dalej jest noc of aiding Germans in the deaths of approximately 20 Jews in 1943; the court found Barbara Engelking liable for defamation due to reliance on uncorroborated survivor testimony without sufficient verification, ordering her to issue a public apology stating that Malinowski did not hand over Jews, while Jan Grabowski was not held personally responsible as he had not authored that specific section.^[8]^[62] The historians were also required to cover partial court costs, though the court acknowledged the book's overall scholarly value in documenting Jewish fates under occupation but criticized selective source usage in this instance.^[7] Grabowski and Engelking appealed the decision, arguing it infringed on academic freedom and historical inquiry rights under Polish law and the European Convention on Human Rights.^[63] On August 16, 2021, the Warsaw Court of Appeal overturned the district court's ruling in its entirety, dismissing Leszczyńska's claims and absolving the historians of liability; the appellate judges emphasized that historical research inherently involves interpretive risks based on fragmentary evidence, and the contested passage reflected a good-faith assessment of eyewitness accounts rather than deliberate falsehood, protected as expression of scientific truth under Article 54 of the Polish Constitution.^[7]^[64]^[65] No further appeals were pursued by Leszczyńska, rendering the appellate decision final as of that date, with Grabowski describing it as a vindication of evidence-based Holocaust scholarship against personal reputational claims.^[63]

Involvement in public and digital historiography

Critiques of Polish state history policy

Jan Grabowski has argued that the Polish state's historical policy, particularly under the Law and Justice (PiS) government from 2015 to 2023, systematically distorts Holocaust history by promoting a narrative that emphasizes Polish victimhood and heroism while minimizing or denying widespread Polish complicity in the genocide of Jews.^[45] In his 2021 Cleveringa Lecture, Grabowski described this as a "semi-official policy" that intensified after the publication of Jan Tomasz Gross's Neighbors in 2000, involving state-funded institutions that prioritize myths over empirical evidence, such as the claim that Poles were primarily rescuers rather than bystanders or perpetrators. He cited surveys indicating that around 30% of Poles believe Jews committed more crimes against Poles during the war than vice versa, attributing this to state-sponsored education and media that foster such views. A focal point of Grabowski's critique is the January 2018 amendment to the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN) Act, which imposed criminal penalties of up to three years' imprisonment for publicly attributing Nazi crimes to the Polish nation, even when supported by historical evidence of individual or collective Polish actions.^[66] Grabowski contended that this "Holocaust law" not only chilled academic research but also served as a tool for the state to enforce a sanitized version of history, deterring discussions of Polish Blue Police collaboration or local pogroms like Jedwabne.^[66] ^[12] Although the law's criminal provisions were later softened amid international backlash, Grabowski argued its civil enforcement persisted, enabling lawsuits against historians documenting Polish involvement, as seen in the 2021 court case against him and Barbara Engelking over their book Dalej jest noc.^[67] Grabowski has highlighted the role of state institutions like the IPN and the Witold Pilecki Institute in propagating this policy through selective archival access, funding biased research, and public campaigns that equate criticism of Polish actions with antisemitism or defamation of the nation.^[68] In his 2024 book Whitewash: Poland and the Jews, he details how these bodies distort evidence—for instance, by underrepresenting Polish perpetrators in official memorials or school curricula—while ignoring primary sources like German reports and survivor testimonies that document active local participation in hunts for Jews.^[69] He maintains that such policies undermine causal understanding of the Holocaust, portraying Poles as passive victims under German occupation rather than agents in a context of antisemitism, economic incentives, and weak central authority, thereby perpetuating national myths at the expense of truth-seeking historiography.^[66]

Wikipedia editing controversies

In February 2023, Jan Grabowski and Shira Klein published an essay in The Journal of Holocaust Research titled "Wikipedia's Intentional Distortion of the History of the Holocaust," alleging that a network of approximately 30 volunteer editors had systematically manipulated English Wikipedia articles on the Holocaust in occupied Poland over more than a decade.^[68] The authors claimed these edits promoted a narrative aligned with Polish nationalist historiography by minimizing evidence of Polish antisemitism and collaboration in Jewish deaths, exaggerating Polish suffering under Nazi occupation, overstating instances of Polish aid to Jews, and elevating fringe or discredited sources while downplaying peer-reviewed scholarship on bystander complicity.^[68] They identified patterns such as the routine removal of references to Polish-perpetrated violence against Jews and the insertion of unsubstantiated claims about Jewish-Soviet collaboration, arguing that this constituted not outright denial but a form of distortion that absolved broader Polish society of responsibility.^[68] Grabowski and Klein's analysis drew on edit histories, user talk pages, and off-wiki communications, asserting that the editors coordinated via email lists and external forums to enforce their revisions, often invoking Wikipedia's "neutral point of view" policy to justify inclusions of contested material from sources like the Polish Institute of National Remembrance.^[68] The essay highlighted specific articles, such as those on the Jedwabne pogrom and the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, where they contended reliable sources documenting Polish involvement were systematically marginalized.^[70] Their work received coverage in outlets like The Forward, which echoed concerns about Wikipedia's vulnerability to organized disinformation campaigns rewriting Jewish history to portray Poles as primary victims.^[71] The publication prompted formal complaints to Wikipedia's Arbitration Committee, culminating in a 2022–2023 case titled "Conduct in Eastern European history articles."^[72] On May 22, 2023, the committee sanctioned several editors identified in the disputes, imposing indefinite topic bans on three for violations including canvassing allies, battleground behavior, and using Wikipedia as a battleground for ideological advocacy rather than neutral editing.^[73] However, the committee explicitly declined to evaluate the underlying historical claims, stating its remit was editor conduct, not factual adjudication, and a majority of members rejected broader remedies like a dedicated noticeboard for contentious topics.^[72] Grabowski expressed dissatisfaction with the limited scope, arguing it failed to address persistent systemic biases, while some Wikipedia participants countered that the essay overstated coordination and ignored the platform's reliance on verifiable sources from multiple perspectives.^[74] The controversy underscored tensions between academic historians and Wikipedia's volunteer-driven model, with Grabowski and Klein advocating for heightened scrutiny of edit wars in genocide-related topics.^[75] Subsequent reporting noted that while sanctions curbed some disruptions, core articles retained disputed content, fueling ongoing scholarly critiques of the encyclopedia's handling of Polish-Jewish wartime relations.^[76]

Legacy and impact

Influence on Holocaust scholarship

Grabowski's monograph Hunt for the Jews: Betrayal and Murder in German-Occupied Poland (2013), based on archival records from Dąbrowa Tarnowska county, introduced the concept of Judenjagd—the organized, post-deportation manhunts for Jews in hiding conducted by German forces with frequent local Polish assistance—to English-language scholarship, estimating Jewish survival rates in rural areas at under 1% due to betrayals motivated by antisemitism, fear, and material incentives.^[21] This microhistorical method, drawing on German police reports, survivor testimonies, and property records, shifted emphasis from centralized extermination to decentralized, community-level perpetrator dynamics, influencing subsequent studies on bystander complicity and the Holocaust's "second phase" in occupied Poland.^[77] The book's 2014 Yad Vashem International Book Prize underscored its role in expanding perpetrator-focused historiography beyond traditional camp and ghetto narratives. His co-edited two-volume work Dalej jest noc: Losy Żydów w wybranych powiatach okupowanej Polski (Night Without End: The Fate of Jews in German-Occupied Poland, 2018 Polish edition; 2022 English), analyzing Jewish fates across seven counties using over 50,000 documents, quantified local collaboration in murders and denunciations, reporting that Poles killed or aided in killing thousands of Jews outside formal ghettos.^[19] This empirical aggregation prompted specialized research into rural hiding networks and "gray zones" of interaction, cited in peer-reviewed volumes on microhistories of genocide, though contested for prioritizing Jewish survivor accounts over Polish administrative sources, potentially inflating complicity estimates.^[78] Grabowski's framework has informed training of emerging scholars, as evidenced by his 2022 SSHRC Impact Award for fostering quantitative approaches to survival data in Holocaust studies.^[79] The ensuing debates, including Polish archival counter-studies estimating higher rescue incidences, have catalyzed broader historiographical scrutiny of source biases in Polish-Jewish wartime relations, with Grabowski's outputs referenced in over 20 contributions to journals like Holocaust Studies and Materials.^[80] His lectures at institutions such as the USC Shoah Foundation and Yad Vashem have integrated these findings into curricula, promoting causal analyses of local agency under occupation constraints over generalized victim-perpetrator binaries.^[4] Despite nationalist critiques alleging selective evidence to undermine Polish self-image, the work's archival rigor has enduringly elevated attention to undocumented "wild" killings, comprising up to 20% of Polish Jewish deaths per some estimates.^[24]

Broader reception and ongoing disputes

Grabowski's scholarship, particularly works like Hunt for the Jews (2013) and the co-edited Dalej jest noc (2018), has elicited polarized responses within Holocaust studies, with acclaim from many Western and Israeli scholars for its granular analysis of rural Jewish survival rates and local-level collaboration under German occupation.^[77] ^[81] These studies estimate that in areas like Dąbrowa Tarnowska county, fewer than 10% of fugitive Jews survived hiding, attributing high mortality to denunciations and active hunts by Polish civilians and auxiliary forces amid German incentives like rewards and reduced quotas.^[20] Supporters, including reviewers in the American Historical Review, praise the empirical depth drawn from archives, survivor accounts, and German records, viewing it as advancing understanding of the Holocaust's decentralized mechanisms beyond extermination camps.^[77] However, such estimates have fueled debates, as they challenge narratives emphasizing widespread Polish indifference or heroism while privileging Jewish testimonies that may reflect trauma-induced recall over comprehensive cross-verification. Critics, primarily Polish historians affiliated with institutions like the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN), contend that Grabowski's methodology exhibits selectivity, such as over-reliance on unverified survivor narratives while omitting Polish sources and Yad Vashem-recognized rescuers, leading to inflated perpetrator counts and deflated aid figures.^[49] For instance, in Hunt for the Jews, Grabowski reports approximately 38 Jewish survivors in Dąbrowa Tarnowska aided by Poles, but archival reviews identify around 123, including networks like Franciszek Borsa's that sheltered 18–21 Jews, which are absent from his analysis.^[49] Similar issues arise in Dalej jest noc, where case studies allegedly misrepresent events, such as downplaying Polish assistance in testimonies like Helena Ausenberg's or distorting priestly roles without contextualizing German reprisals that executed entire villages for aiding Jews.^[49] These scholars, including Bogdan Musiał, argue that Grabowski's framework minimizes the occupation's coercive structure—death penalties for sheltering, economic desperation, and German-orchestrated "Judenjagd"—potentially overstating autonomous Polish agency and undercounting verified rescuers, whose risks are documented in over 7,000 Polish Righteous Among the Nations awards by Yad Vashem as of 2023.^[49] ^[82] Ongoing disputes center on interpretive scales, with Grabowski's claims of over 200,000 Jews killed by Polish auxiliaries or civilians contested against IPN estimates emphasizing German directives and lower direct Polish killings, around 1,000–2,000 documented pogroms but within a framework of total occupation terror claiming 3 million Polish non-Jewish lives. ^[49] These tensions reflect broader clashes between survivor-centered historiography, often prioritized in international academia, and contextual analyses stressing empirical balance against national memory policies; Polish critiques highlight potential biases in sources favoring complicity narratives, while Grabowski's defenders see resistance as defensive nationalism obscuring data.^[83] Such debates persist in forums like peer-reviewed journals and public discourse, influencing global perceptions of Polish-Jewish wartime dynamics without resolution, as evidenced by continued archival disputes over county-level survival rates post-2018.^[68]

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[PDF] Challenges to Preservation of Holocaust Memory in Poland
In February 2021, a district court in Warsaw found Jan Grabowski and. Barbara Engleking, the authors of Dalej jest noc: losy Żydów w wybranych powiatach.
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[PDF] The historiography of the Holocaust in Poland has been
Nov 20, 2020 · Jan Grabowski and Barbara Engelking, eds., Dalej jest Noc: Losy Żydów w wybranych powiatach okupowanej Polski. 2 vols., Warsaw ...
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https://collections.yadvashem.org/en/righteous
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Historians on Trial - Verfassungsblog
Mar 11, 2021 · The court sentenced Professor Engelking and Professor Grabowski to apologize to the claimant and modify the impugned article's content in future ...