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Max Amann

Max Amann (24 November 1891 – 30 March 1957) was a German Nazi Party official, publisher, and politician who served as the party's first business manager from 1921 and director of the Franz Eher Verlag, the NSDAP's central publishing house responsible for disseminating propaganda works such as Mein Kampf.^[1]^[2] As president of the Reich Press Chamber from 1933 to 1945, Amann oversaw the Nazification of the German press, suppressing independent publications and consolidating media under party control.^[3]^[2] Holding NSDAP membership number 3 and the rank of SS-Obergruppenführer, Amann's early wartime service alongside Adolf Hitler in the List Regiment facilitated his rapid ascent within the party hierarchy.^[4]^[1] After World War II, he was convicted as a major offender and imprisoned for his role in the regime's propaganda apparatus.^[2]

Early Life and Military Service

Pre-War Background

Max Amann was born on 24 November 1891 in Munich, Germany.^[1] Prior to the outbreak of World War I, Amann entered military service with the Imperial German Army in 1912, enlisting in the 1st Royal Bavarian Infantry Regiment.

World War I Experience

Amann enlisted in the 1st Royal Bavarian Infantry Regiment in October 1912 and, following the outbreak of World War I on August 1, 1914, was transferred to the reserve battalion of the 16th Bavarian Reserve Infantry Regiment, known as the List Regiment after its initial commander, Colonel Julius List. The regiment deployed to the Western Front, where it participated in intense fighting, including the First Battle of Ypres from October to November 1914, during which it suffered heavy casualties while holding defensive lines against Allied advances.^[5] Rising to the rank of Feldwebel (staff sergeant), Amann commanded a company that included Adolf Hitler, a Gefreiter (lance corporal) serving as a regimental dispatch runner.^[6]^[7] In this role, Amann directly supervised Hitler during engagements such as the Battle of the Somme in July 1916, where the List Regiment endured prolonged artillery barrages and infantry assaults, resulting in significant losses. Later in the war, Amann nominated Hitler for promotion to non-commissioned officer status, though the recommendation was not approved by regimental headquarters.^[8]^[9] Amann remained with the regiment through the final offensives of 1918, including the Spring Offensive, before its demobilization following the Armistice on November 11, 1918. His frontline service exposed him to the regiment's repeated engagements against British, French, and later American forces, contributing to the unit's reputation for resilience amid Germany's eventual defeat.^[10]

Rise Within the Nazi Party

Initial Involvement and Party Management

Max Amann's connection to Adolf Hitler originated during World War I, where Amann served as a company sergeant in the same Bavarian regiment as Hitler, the 16th Reserve Infantry Regiment.^[4] This wartime association fostered a personal trust that influenced Amann's entry into politics after the war's end in 1918.^[2] Prompted by Hitler, Amann joined the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP) in the early 1920s and assumed responsibility for its business operations shortly thereafter.^[4] By 1922, he had been appointed director of the Franz Eher Verlag, the party's central publishing house in Munich, which handled the production and distribution of Nazi propaganda materials and generated essential revenue through sales.^[4] In this initial role, Amann managed day-to-day administrative tasks, including membership records and rudimentary financial oversight, aiding the party's organizational development amid post-war economic instability.^[2] Amann participated in the Beer Hall Putsch on November 8-9, 1923, leading to his arrest alongside other party leaders.^[4] After the temporary ban on the NSDAP was lifted in early 1925, Amann was elected to the position of Reichsgeschäftsführer, the party's chief business manager, on February 27, 1925.^[2] In this capacity, he centralized control over party finances, collecting dues from a growing membership—reaching approximately 27,000 by mid-1925—and channeling profits from Eher Verlag publications to fund propaganda efforts and electoral campaigns.^[2] Amann's management emphasized fiscal prudence, reportedly amassing party assets of over 100,000 Reichsmarks by 1926 through efficient handling of publishing royalties and donations, though his opaque accounting practices later drew scrutiny for personal enrichment.^[11]

Establishment of Eher Verlag

The Franz Eher Verlag, founded on January 2, 1887, by Franz Xaver Josef Eher (1851–1918), was a Munich-based publishing firm that initially focused on conservative and völkisch periodicals.^[12] Following Eher's death in 1918, the firm continued under successors until its acquisition by the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP) on December 17, 1920, for 115,000 Papiermark (equivalent to approximately 60,000 gold marks at the time).^[12] ^[13] This transaction, arranged through party funds raised by Adolf Hitler and others, secured control over the Völkischer Beobachter, a Munich antisemitic newspaper purchased earlier that year from Dietrich Eckart, which became the NSDAP's official organ published by the Verlag.^[14] Max Amann, Hitler's former sergeant from World War I and an early NSDAP member (membership number 2), joined the party in October 1921 as its first business manager, overseeing financial and administrative operations including the nascent publishing activities.^[11] In this capacity, Amann managed the Völkischer Beobachter's daily operations and stabilized the party's precarious finances amid post-war inflation, laying the groundwork for the Verlag's expansion as a propaganda tool. By 1922, Amann was appointed director of the Franz Eher Nachfolger GmbH (Eher successors), effectively establishing it as the NSDAP's Zentralverlag der NSDAP (central publishing house).^[4] ^[15] Amann's directorship professionalized the operation, integrating it tightly with party structures; he centralized printing, distribution, and content control, producing pamphlets, newspapers, and books aligned with NSDAP ideology. This development was crucial for the party's rise, as the Verlag generated revenue through subscriptions and sales while disseminating core texts, though initial outputs were limited by financial constraints and the 1923 party ban following the Beer Hall Putsch.^[16] Under Amann, the firm evolved from a acquired asset into a monopolistic entity, later absorbing competitors after 1933, but its foundational NSDAP phase under his management from 1922 marked the true establishment of its role in party propaganda infrastructure.^[2]

Leadership in Nazi Publishing and Propaganda

Management of Mein Kampf and Party Finances

Amann directed the operations of Franz Eher Verlag, the NSDAP's central publishing house, beginning in 1922, when he was appointed its manager shortly after assuming the role of the party's first business manager in October 1921.^[4] ^[17] Under his leadership, the firm published Adolf Hitler's Mein Kampf, with the first volume released on July 18, 1925, and the second on December 11, 1926; Amann oversaw the editorial process, which involved substantial revisions to the original manuscript to improve its coherence and marketability.^[18] The publication rights were held by Eher Verlag, owned by the NSDAP, ensuring that proceeds from sales accrued to the party rather than Hitler personally, though Amann managed disbursements including royalties paid to Hitler.^[19] Sales of Mein Kampf provided a critical revenue stream for NSDAP finances, particularly after the party's electoral gains; initial print runs were modest, but by 1933, over 850,000 copies were sold in that year alone amid aggressive promotion by party organizations, institutions, and required purchases for newlyweds and soldiers.^[18] Amann, acting as Hitler's financial intermediary, handled these royalties and leveraged Eher Verlag's monopoly on Nazi texts to generate broader income, including through high fees paid to Hitler and other leaders for articles in party outlets like the Völkischer Beobachter, which effectively funneled party funds back to elite members while sustaining operations.^[20] Prior to 1933, publishing profits constituted the NSDAP's primary financial base, with Amann's business acumen credited for transforming Eher Verlag into a profitable enterprise that supported propaganda dissemination and party expansion.^[17] By the late 1930s, Eher Verlag had become Germany's largest publishing house under Amann's control, producing millions of volumes of Mein Kampf—exceeding 5 million copies by 1939—and other ideological materials, with revenues integrated into the regime's centralized finances after the NSDAP's consolidation of power.^[18] Amann's dual role ensured tight alignment between publishing output and party treasury management, minimizing external dependencies and maximizing ideological control over printed content.^[20]

Control of the Nazi Press Apparatus

Max Amann was appointed Reich Leader for the Press (Reichsleiter der Presse) on 28 June 1933, a position in which he supervised the Nazi Party's publishing and journalistic activities until 1945. As director of the Franz Eher Verlag, the central publishing house of the NSDAP, Amann centralized control over party propaganda dissemination, including the daily newspaper Völkischer Beobachter, which served as the official organ of the Nazi movement.^[21] The Verlag under his management became the largest publishing enterprise in Germany, generating substantial revenues that funded party operations while enforcing ideological uniformity in printed materials.^[22] Amann expanded the Eher Verlag's influence by acquiring or influencing numerous independent newspapers, building an empire that encompassed around 80 publications and controlled a dominant share of daily press circulation. This strategy allowed the Nazis to nazify the media landscape systematically, sidelining non-conforming outlets through economic pressure and direct intervention.^[23] Policies under Amann's oversight, such as the Amann Ordinances issued in the mid-1930s, mandated mergers and closures to eliminate "unhealthy competition," reducing the number of newspapers from over 4,000 in 1933 to fewer than 1,000 by 1939 and ensuring surviving papers adhered to party directives.^[24] In coordination with the Reich Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda, Amann contributed to the suppression of anti-Nazi and Jewish-controlled publications, with over 1,200 opposition newspapers permanently banned in the early years of the regime. His role extended to vetting content and personnel, purging dissenting journalists and replacing them with party loyalists, thereby transforming the press into a tool for mobilizing public support for Nazi policies. Nuremberg trial affidavits detail how Amann's actions as NSDAP publisher facilitated the regime's program to eradicate all media opposition to the party.^[25]^[26] This apparatus not only propagated antisemitic and expansionist narratives but also enriched Amann personally through monopolistic practices, underscoring the fusion of ideological control and business interests in the Nazi press system.^[27]

Role in Cultural and Press Policies

Presidency of the Reich Press Chamber

Max Amann was appointed President of the Reich Press Chamber (Reichspressekammer) in late 1933, assuming the role of Reich Press Leader (Reichsleiter der Presse) within Joseph Goebbels' Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda.^[1]^[28] The chamber, established as one of seven professional organizations under the Reich Chamber of Culture on September 22, 1933, mandated membership for all individuals involved in publishing, editing, journalism, advertising, or related press activities.^[28] Admission required certification of Aryan ancestry dating back to 1800 or 1750, political reliability aligned with National Socialism, and absence of criminal convictions, effectively barring Jews, political opponents, and others deemed unreliable from the profession.^[29] In this position, Amann exercised broad administrative and economic control over Germany's press, enforcing the regime's Gleichschaltung (coordination) policies. He collaborated closely with Goebbels to restructure the press landscape, including the closure of non-compliant publications and the consolidation of ownership under Nazi influence. By 1939, Nazi-affiliated entities, often linked to Amann's Franz Eher Verlag, controlled 69% of German newspapers, up from 3% in 1933.^[30]^[31] Under his oversight, the chamber revoked licenses for thousands of outlets, reducing the total number of newspapers from approximately 4,700 in 1931 to around 1,100 by 1944 through mergers, shutdowns, and Aryanization of Jewish-owned firms.^[32] Amann decreed that publishing houses could be shuttered without notice if their content or ownership displeased Nazi authorities, prioritizing ideological conformity over journalistic independence.^[26] Amann's authority extended to regulating paper supplies, advertising allocation, and distribution networks, tools used to starve independent media of resources while favoring party-aligned publishers. The chamber enforced the Editors' Law (Schriftleitergesetz) of October 4, 1933, which prohibited Jews and non-Aryans from editorial roles and required press content to serve the "national honor" and avoid harming Germany's well-being.^[29] Daily press guidelines from the Reich Press Office, coordinated through Amann's apparatus, dictated approved topics and framing, transforming newspapers into vehicles for propaganda rather than sources of objective reporting. His tenure solidified the press as an instrument of state control, suppressing opposition voices and disseminating Nazi ideology to the public.^[33]

Suppression of Opposition Media

Under Amann's presidency of the Reich Press Chamber (Reichspressekammer), established as part of the Reich Chamber of Culture on September 22, 1933, and to which he was appointed on November 15, 1933, the Nazi regime systematically excluded opposition voices from German media through mandatory membership requirements and licensing controls.^[34] All publishers, editors, and journalists were required to join the Chamber, but admission was denied to individuals of Jewish descent, those with prior affiliations to anti-Nazi parties such as the Social Democrats or Communists, or anyone deemed politically unreliable under the Reich Press Law (Reichspressegesetz) of October 4, 1933, which mandated alignment with National Socialist principles.^[25] This framework enabled Amann, as Reich Press Leader (Reichsleiter der Presse), to supervise the reconstruction of the press's economic structure in line with Nazi political goals, effectively dismantling independent outlets by revoking licenses and forcing closures.^[30] Immediately following the Nazi assumption of power on January 30, 1933, Amann collaborated in the suppression of publications affiliated with opposition parties, including the immediate shutdown of over 100 Social Democratic and Communist newspapers in March 1933 as part of the regime's program to eliminate all press opposing the Party.^[25] By mid-1933, auxiliary organizations under Amann's oversight, such as the Combat League for the German Press (Kampfbund für die Deutsche Presse), conducted raids and seizures against non-compliant media, accelerating the purge of dissenting content.^[16] These actions extended to the Aryanization of Jewish-owned publications, where owners were coerced into selling assets at undervalued prices to Nazi-approved entities, often linked to Amann's Eher Verlag; for instance, prominent dailies like the Frankfurter Zeitung faced repeated interventions until fully Nazified.^[35] Amann's policies intensified in 1935 with a drive to eradicate remaining non-Nazi publications, concentrating ownership under state-vetted conglomerates and prohibiting new licenses for independent ventures, which reduced the number of daily newspapers from approximately 4,600 in 1931 to fewer than 2,200 by 1937, with content strictly censored for ideological conformity.^[36] In occupied Austria after the Anschluss on March 12, 1938, Amann personally decreed the Aryanization of the press, appointing Nazi commissars to seize and reorganize outlets, mirroring German precedents and ensuring rapid suppression of local opposition media.^[37] Through these measures, Amann enforced a monopoly on information dissemination, prioritizing propaganda over pluralism and rendering opposition media untenable without direct Reich sanction.^[38]

Art Collecting Activities

Development of Personal Collection

Amann accumulated substantial personal wealth through his control of the Nazi Party's publishing operations, particularly as managing director of Eher Verlag and the Völkischer Beobachter, which generated millions in revenue from subscriptions, book sales including Mein Kampf, and advertising during the 1930s economic recovery under the regime.^[39] This financial independence from party and state sources allowed him to initiate and expand a private art collection, distinct initially from official Nazi cultural initiatives, by purchasing works through established German art markets and dealers.^[39] His acquisitions emphasized traditional European paintings, aligning with Nazi preferences for pre-modernist art deemed representative of Germanic heritage, though specific early purchases remain sparsely documented beyond provenance records of later-held pieces.^[40] By the late 1930s, Amann's collection had grown to include dozens of items, funded directly from publishing profits rather than direct party allocations, as evidenced by post-war asset inventories that traced his holdings to business earnings rather than expropriated state funds.^[41] Unlike state-sanctioned collections such as those curated for the planned Führermuseum, Amann's efforts were self-directed, reflecting individual status-seeking within the Nazi hierarchy where art ownership signified cultural and financial prestige among leaders like Hermann Göring.^[42] German auction houses and galleries, operating under increasingly centralized Reich Chamber of Culture oversight which Amann himself influenced as president, facilitated these transactions, with records indicating routine purchases of old master drawings and paintings up to the early 1940s.^[43] The collection's development peaked amid wartime opportunities, but its core was established through legitimate market channels enabled by Amann's economic leverage, with no verified evidence of systematic reliance on coerced sales from Jewish owners prior to broader confiscation policies; however, provenance investigations have flagged ambiguities in several items' origins.^[40] In 2014, Bavarian State Painting Collections identified 14 works from Amann's holdings in their inventory, prompting registration with the Lost Art database for further scrutiny, underscoring the collection's scale—estimated at over 100 pieces by war's end—but also highlighting gaps in pre-1940 acquisition transparency due to destroyed or incomplete dealer ledgers.^[39]^[40]

Acquisition and Possession of Looted Art

Max Amann amassed his personal art collection primarily through expenditures funded by profits from the Franz Eher Verlag, the Nazi Party's publishing house, which generated substantial revenue from outlets like the Völkischer Beobachter.^[39] These funds enabled acquisitions focused on 19th-century German genre paintings and sculptures, reflecting tastes aligned with Nazi cultural preferences for traditional, representational art.^[39] In June 2014, provenance researchers at the Bavarian State Painting Collections identified 14 artworks—comprising 10 paintings and 4 sculptures—previously in Amann's possession, prompting their listing on Germany's Lost Art database for potential Nazi-era looting (Raubkunst).^[44] ^[39] These pieces, transferred to state holdings after 1945 as "transfers from state property," included works such as Rinderhirte vom Starnberger See by Johann Adam Klein, Rauferei vor der Schenke by Heinrich Bürkel, and Die Kartenlegerin by Eduard Kurzbauer, with unclear pre-Amann provenances raising suspicions of acquisition through coerced sales or confiscations during the Nazi period.^[39] No confirmed restitutions have resulted from these investigations, though the listings facilitate ongoing research into ownership claims.^[44] Amann's role as Reich Press Leader and proximity to Nazi leadership positioned him to benefit indirectly from wartime art markets distorted by persecution and plunder, though direct evidence of his personal involvement in looting operations remains limited to provenance gaps in his holdings.^[44] Postwar denazification proceedings classified him as a major offender, but art-related assets were not explicitly adjudicated beyond general forfeiture.^[39]

Post-War Fate and Legacy

Arrest, Denazification, and Sentencing

Following the unconditional surrender of Nazi Germany on May 8, 1945, Max Amann was arrested by U.S. military occupation authorities as part of the Allied effort to detain high-ranking Nazi officials responsible for propaganda and administrative roles in the regime.^[2] His capture occurred amid broader operations targeting individuals involved in the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP) leadership, given Amann's positions as Reichsleiter for the press and president of the Reich Press Chamber.^[1] Amann's denazification proceedings took place under the U.S.-administered zonal courts established by Control Council Law No. 10 in 1945, which categorized former Nazis based on their culpability levels, from nominal supporters to major offenders (Hauptschuldiger).^[2] The court evaluated evidence of his long-standing involvement in NSDAP publishing through Eher Verlag, suppression of independent media, and personal enrichment from party finances, deeming these actions integral to the regime's ideological control and war effort.^[1] Classified as a Hauptschuldiger for his "prominent guilty" status, Amann's case reflected the denazification system's aim to impose accountability on mid- to upper-level functionaries who enabled Nazi policies without direct command over military atrocities.^[2] On September 8, 1948, the denazification court sentenced Amann to ten years' confinement in a labor camp, confiscation of his assets—including properties and art collections acquired during the Nazi era—and forfeiture of pension rights and nearly all accumulated wealth derived from his publishing monopolies.^[1] This penalty aligned with guidelines for major offenders, emphasizing restitution and labor as punitive measures to deter residual Nazi sympathies, though enforcement varied amid evolving Cold War priorities in occupied Germany.^[2]

Imprisonment, Release, and Death

Following his classification as a Hauptschuldiger (major offender) by the Munich denazification court in 1948, Amann was sentenced to ten years in a labor camp, with permanent forfeiture of his property and pension rights.^[45] Concurrently, on 8 September 1948, the Munich Regional Court (Landgericht München) imposed a 2.5-year prison term for the 1933 mistreatment of journalist Fritz Gerlich, whom Amann had ordered detained and who was later murdered at Dachau concentration camp.^[45] ^[46] Amann began serving his sentences on 23 April 1948 at Munich-Neudeck prison, followed by transfers to Munich-Stadelheim and Straubing.^[45] Amann was granted early release in 1953 from Eichstätt internment camp, having lost his accumulated wealth from the Nazi era due to the denazification penalties.^[45] He died on 30 March 1957 in Munich at age 65.

Historical Assessments and Controversies

Amann's tenure as head of the Eher Verlag and president of the Reich Press Chamber has been evaluated by historians as instrumental in establishing a near-totalitarian monopoly over German publishing and journalism, enabling the mass dissemination of Nazi propaganda. By the late 1930s, under his direction, Eher Verlag controlled roughly 80 percent of the Reich's book output, including millions of copies of Mein Kampf and the Völkischer Beobachter, which served as the party's primary mouthpiece.^[47] This consolidation involved aggressive tactics such as the forced Aryanization of Jewish-owned firms like Ullstein Verlag and the closure of over 1,500 non-compliant newspapers between 1933 and 1935, as admitted in Amann's own post-war affidavit.^[25]^[34] Scholars describe Amann as a "shrewd, greedy, and ruthless" operator whose business acumen prioritized profit and efficiency over pure ideology, fostering internal rivalries—most notably with Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels—over control of media narratives.^[48] His personal enrichment, derived from royalties on Hitler's writings and Verlag expansions, amassed a fortune reportedly exceeding several million Reichsmarks, underscoring assessments of him as an opportunistic administrator rather than a fervent ideologue, despite his early loyalty to Hitler from World War I service.^[20] This duality has led to debates on his culpability: while enabling the suppression of dissenting voices and antisemitic incitement through media, Amann's focus on commercial dominance arguably amplified the regime's reach without his direct involvement in policy formulation.^[49] In post-war evaluations, Amann's denazification proceedings classified him as a Hauptschuldiger (major offender), resulting in a 1948 sentence of ten years in a labor camp for his role in cultural Gleichschaltung (coordination).^[20] Controversies arise from the perceived leniency of this outcome, as he avoided prosecution in the primary Nuremberg trials—despite affidavits detailing his oversight of press suppression—and was released early around 1950, dying in relative obscurity in 1957.^[25] Critics, drawing from archival evidence, argue this reflected Allied priorities favoring high-level war criminals over mid-tier functionaries like Amann, whose indirect contributions to propaganda sustained the regime's worldview; defenders in denazification contexts emphasized his lack of direct atrocities, highlighting tensions between legal pragmatism and moral accountability in assessing Nazi enablers.^[34]

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German politician (NSDAP), MdR and journalist (1891–1957)
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Amann, Max. 1891–1957. Direktor des Zentralverlags der NSDAP (Franz Eher Nachf. GmbH), Präsident der Reichspressekammer. Max Amann war als Leiter des ...Orte · Zitierweise · Lebensdaten
[46]
Max Amann - DER SPIEGEL
Max Amann, ehemaliger Reichsleiter und Pressevergewaltiger des ... Gefängnis verurteilt. Landfriedensbruch und Körperverletzung ...
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be commended for of sensational revisionism. But their book is both ...
Amann, Hitler's top sergeant during World War I, who became Reich press leader and director of the Eher Verlag, which came ultimately to account for 80 per ...
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480 BOOK REVIEWS complice of 1933 had become their master by ...
Ullstein, the great Mosse Verlag, and the. Ala advertising agency, were swallowed by. Amann's rapacious Nazi publishing con- cern, the Franz Eher Verlag. Yet ...
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The Frankfurter Zeitung: Mirror of Weimar Democracy - jstor
Max Amann often voiced his dismay at the harassment of small private ... subsidiary of the Nazi party's Eher Verlag. On 2o April I939 the ultimate ...Missing: percentage | Show results with:percentage<|separator|>