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Narayanpet Assembly constituency

![Legislative Assembly constituencies of Telangana with 73-Narayanpet highlighted][float-right] Narayanpet Assembly constituency is one of the 119 constituencies in the , encompassing the town of Narayanpet and adjacent rural areas primarily within in southern , . Designated as constituency number 73, it forms part of the constituency and elects a single through in general elections held every five years. The constituency, characterized by agrarian economy with significant reliance on crops like , , and , reflects the broader developmental challenges of the region including dependencies and rural needs. As of the , it is represented by Chittem Parnika Reddy of the , who secured victory with 84,708 votes against the incumbent candidate. This shift marked a notable turnover from the previous assembly, where the seat was held by the , underscoring competitive electoral dynamics influenced by local issues such as water management and employment opportunities in the district.

Overview

Location and Boundaries

![Map of Telangana Legislative Assembly constituencies highlighting Narayanpet][float-right] The Narayanpet Assembly constituency is an electoral segment within in the state of , . Narayanpet district was established on 11 October 2016 by bifurcating the erstwhile district, incorporating several mandals including those forming the core of this constituency. Geographically positioned in southern , it lies within the constituency, contributing to the region's representation in the national parliament. As per the Delimitation of Parliamentary and Assembly Constituencies Order, 2008, the encompasses the mandals of Koilkonda, , Damaragidda, and Dhanwada. These administrative divisions define its territorial extent, focusing on rural landscapes typical of the . The boundaries adjoin the to the northwest and the to the east, with the influencing nearby topography. Following the bifurcation of and the creation of on 2 June 2014 under the , no alterations were made to the assembly constituency boundaries delineated in , preserving the original configuration for electoral purposes. This stability ensures continuity in voter mapping across subsequent elections.

Reservation Status and Electoral Significance

Narayanpet Assembly constituency has been reserved for Scheduled Castes () since the 2008 delimitation of assembly constituencies in , mandating that only candidates belonging to the SC category may contest elections from this seat. This status acknowledges the demographic weight of SC communities in the region, where they constitute a substantial portion of the electorate, thereby shaping party nominations and campaign focuses toward issues pertinent to these groups, such as social welfare and land rights. As a rural constituency embedded in 's agrarian heartland, Narayanpet exerts influence on state-level politics through its voter base reliant on and allied sectors, affecting negotiations among the , (BRS, previously Telangana Rashtra Samithi), and (BJP). High voter turnout, often exceeding state averages in rural polls, reflects the constituency's engaged populace and its capacity to sway outcomes in closely contested assemblies. The seat's integration into the underscores its broader electoral relevance, as one of seven assembly segments contributing to parliamentary representation from this underdeveloped region. Following 's statehood in 2014, Narayanpet has mirrored shifting allegiances in southern Telangana, where regional parties initially consolidated power before facing challenges from national alternatives, highlighting its role in testing welfare promises and infrastructural demands central to rural mobilization.

Geography and Demographics

Physical Geography

The Narayanpet Assembly constituency lies within the of southern , encompassing a predominantly rural terrain shaped by the Deccan Plateau's undulating landscape. This region belongs to the Southern Telangana Agro-Climatic Zone, characterized by a with hot, dry summers peaking in May and moderate winters, alongside annual rainfall ranging from 600 to 853 mm, mostly concentrated in the June-to-September period. Prevailing soils consist primarily of red sandy loams and sandy soils, which support rainfed and irrigated cultivation but are prone to erosion in sloped areas. The constituency's location in the basin is pivotal, as the river enters at Thangadigi village in Krishna Mandal, , flowing northward and furnishing essential surface water for amid the zone's water-scarce conditions. These features underpin an agriculture-oriented environment, with vast expanses dedicated to crops like and , adapted to the basin's seasonal flows and profiles. Topographical variations, including low hills and scattered patches, contribute to localized challenges such as uneven and monsoon-induced inundation near river channels, influencing distribution and land usability.

Population and Socioeconomic Profile

As per the 2011 , the area encompassing the Narayanpet Assembly constituency recorded a total of 566,874, comprising 282,231 males and 284,643 females, with a of 1,009 females per 1,000 males. Approximately 89% of the resides in rural areas (503,907 individuals), underscoring the constituency's agrarian and underdeveloped profile, while urban stands at 62,967. Scheduled Castes account for around 13.9% and Scheduled Tribes for 6% of the , based on data from key mandals within the constituency. The rate in the region is 49.93%, markedly lower than 's state average of 66.54%, with disparities evident in rural settings where access to remains limited. This low literacy correlates with socioeconomic challenges, including a dominated by , where cultivation and allied activities engage the majority—over 70% in similar rural districts—leading to dependence on rain-fed farming and vulnerability to droughts. Poverty indicators, such as subdued and high reliance on seasonal labor, drive patterns, particularly of young males to nearby urban hubs like for non-farm employment in construction and services. The gender ratio, while balanced overall, reflects traditional social structures with lower female workforce participation outside . These factors highlight persistent development needs in , skill enhancement, and diversification beyond primary sectors.

Administrative Divisions

Mandals and Local Governance

The Narayanpet Assembly constituency comprises the mandals of , Damaragidda, and Dhanwada, which form its core administrative subunits. Narayanpet mandal, with its headquarters in town, serves as the central hub, while Damaragidda and Dhanwada mandals have their administrative centers in their respective namesake towns. These mandals operate under the administration, established on 17 February 2019 through bifurcation from the former to enhance localized governance efficiency. Local governance in these mandals is primarily managed through Mandal Parishads, the intermediate tier of the three-level Institutions as defined under the Panchayat Raj Act, 1994 (amended in 2018). Mandal Parishad Development Officers (MPDOs) head these bodies, scrutinizing and approving development proposals from subordinate s, overseeing revenue collection, and coordinating infrastructure maintenance such as roads and . In the implementation of schemes like the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA), Mandal Parishads facilitate job card issuance, work site monitoring, and wage payments at the mandal level, bridging planning with district oversight to ensure at least 100 days of wage for rural households. Coordination between mandal-level entities and the district administration occurs via the District Collector, who integrates assembly constituency-specific priorities—such as and drives—into broader district plans without direct electoral influence. This structure emphasizes decentralized execution, with Mandal Parishads empowered to allocate funds for local priorities like minor irrigation and sanitation under schemes administered by the Panchayat Raj and Rural Development Department. The absence of urban local bodies within these mandals underscores the rural focus, where gram panchayats handle village-level disputes and basic services under mandal supervision.

Political History

Formation and Delimitation

The Narayanpet Assembly constituency was delimited under the Delimitation of Parliamentary and Assembly Constituencies Order, 2008, issued by the following the 84th and based on the 2001 Census to ensure roughly equal electorate sizes across segments. This exercise reassigned boundaries for Andhra Pradesh's 294 assembly seats, incorporating mandal-level administrative units while prioritizing contiguity and population balance. Narayanpet, designated as constituency number 73 and classified as general (non-reserved), comprises the mandals of Koilkonda, Narayanpet, Damaragidda, and Dhanwada, primarily drawn from district to reflect demographic distributions without altering reserved status allocations elsewhere in the region. The delimitation process involved public consultations, draft proposals notified in , and final gazette publication on February 19, 2008, after addressing representations to maintain electoral equity amid Andhra Pradesh's administrative divisions. These boundaries were legally enforced for elections from 2009 onward, superseding prior configurations under the 1976 delimitation order. Following the , which bifurcated the state on June 2, 2014, was allocated to the newly formed as one of its 119 constituencies, with boundaries frozen as per the 2008 order pending future census-based revisions. The Act's Second Schedule amended the delimitation framework to preserve existing segments for successor states, ensuring continuity in voter representation without immediate redrawing to facilitate the transition. This reconfiguration integrated into Telangana's parliamentary constituency, upholding the prior mandal inclusions for administrative coherence. The Narayanpet Assembly constituency, as a Scheduled Caste-reserved rural seat in the agrarian district, has seen dominance by the Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS, later rebranded as or BRS) in the post-statehood era, aligning with the party's statewide control through targeted welfare measures like farm cash transfers and power subsidies aimed at smallholders and marginalized groups. This hold reflected voter prioritization of regional identity and immediate economic relief over national alternatives, with TRS/BRS consolidating support among Scheduled Caste voters—who form a substantial demographic—and backward classes reliant on patchy . However, critiques of uneven welfare delivery, including delays in irrigation infrastructure despite promises of projects like , eroded this base by highlighting gaps between rhetoric and outcomes in a region plagued by recurrent droughts. Shifts in voter behavior underscore the role of cycles, where agrarian grievances—such as insufficient networks and depletion—prompt swings toward opposition pledges of enhanced farm support and loan waivers, as evidenced in the 2023 reversal favoring amid broader dissatisfaction with BRS governance. dynamics amplify these patterns, with communities (predominantly and subgroups) often aligning with parties offering sub-categorization reforms or targeted quotas, while backward castes weigh alliances against perceived favoritism in scheme implementation; national parties like the (BJP) maintain marginal influence, limited by weaker rural organization despite occasional national momentum. Electoral turnout in Narayanpet has consistently ranged between 65% and 70%, indicative of steady but not exceptional engagement in a constituency where swing hinges on verifiable in coverage—currently below 40% for cultivable land—and critiques of both overpromising and opposition . Long-term trends suggest vulnerability to policy delivery failures, as voters in such semi-arid belts prioritize causal links between and over ideological appeals, fostering pragmatic rather than partisan loyalty.

Representatives

List of Members of the Legislative Assembly

The Narayanpet Assembly constituency, formed after the 2014 bifurcation of , has elected three MLAs across its initial terms.

Election Results

2014 Election

The 2014 election for the Narayanpet Assembly constituency marked the inaugural polls for the newly formed following the state's from on June 2, 2014. Held amid widespread enthusiasm from the , the contest focused on fulfillment of long-standing demands such as improved irrigation infrastructure, job creation for locals, and equitable , which had been central to the statehood agitation led by the Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS). Voter turnout reached 68.28% out of 199,018 registered electors, reflecting high participation in this rural constituency characterized by agricultural dependence and socioeconomic challenges. S. Rajender Reddy of the (TDP) emerged victorious, securing 40,107 votes (29.6% of valid votes polled), defeating the TRS candidate K. Shivakumar Reddy, who obtained 37,837 votes (27.9%), by a narrow margin of 2,270 votes. Total valid votes cast were approximately 135,538. The TDP's win in bucked the broader TRS sweep across —where TRS secured 63 of 119 seats—likely due to Reddy's local influence, established political networks, and the party's emphasis on development alliances, despite the TRS's momentum from spearheading the statehood campaign.
CandidatePartyVotesVote Share
S. Rajender (Winner)TDP40,10729.6%
K. Shivakumar (Runner-up)TRS37,83727.9%
S. Rajender , a 49-year-old post-graduate with no declared criminal cases, reported assets exceeding ₹29 and liabilities around ₹5.5 in his election affidavit, underscoring his established socioeconomic standing in the constituency. The result highlighted localized voter preferences over statewide sentiment, with TDP capturing 15 seats in overall through targeted appeals on governance and against the , which had opposed formation.

2018 Election

S. Rajender Reddy of the Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) won the Narayanpet Assembly constituency in the held on December 7, 2018, securing 68,767 votes and approximately 43% of the total votes polled. This victory retained the seat for TRS, which had held it since the 2014 formation of , reflecting strong rural support in the agriculture-dependent constituency. The election saw TRS consolidate power amid a campaign centered on farmer welfare initiatives, including the fulfillment of farm loan waivers up to ₹1 per farmer and the pre-poll launch of the offering ₹5,000 per acre per crop season as direct investment support. Opposition parties, primarily and allies, contested these measures as fiscally irresponsible, highlighting the TRS government's rising state —estimated at over ₹2 by late 2018—and questioning their long-term for smallholders in rain-fed areas like . No major alliances disrupted TRS dominance in the seat, with independent and minor party candidates polling minimally, such as under 3% for several contenders. Statewide voter turnout reached 73.2%, with Narayanpet aligning closely given its rural profile and high stakes on agrarian promises; total electors numbered around 203,000, yielding substantial participation. TRS's margin underscored voter preference for continued welfare delivery over opposition critiques, aiding the party's overall sweep to 88 seats.

2023 Election

In the , conducted on November 30, Chittem Parnika Reddy of the (INC) secured victory in Narayanpet by obtaining 84,708 votes (84,005 via EVM and 703 postal), defeating incumbent S. Rajender Reddy of the (BRS), who polled 76,757 votes, with a margin of 7,951 votes. The outcome reflected widespread against the decade-long BRS rule, fueled by voter frustration over persistent delays in vital for Narayanpet's rain-fed and allegations of lapses including in public projects. countered with a welfare-centric platform, pledging swift enactment of its six guarantees—such as Rs 2,500 monthly pensions for eligible women, waiver of crop loans up to Rs 2 , and 200 units of free household electricity—which addressed rural economic vulnerabilities and unkept BRS promises on similar fronts. A. Revanth Reddy's strategic oversight as INC state president facilitated the party's rural outreach, enabling it to capitalize on discontent and consolidate anti-BRS votes in constituencies like , contributing to the broader ouster of the incumbent government.

Development Initiatives

Infrastructure and Economic Projects

In February 2025, A. Revanth Reddy laid the foundation stones for projects worth approximately ₹1,000 in the Narayanpet Assembly constituency, emphasizing road and public buildings to address long-standing developmental gaps attributed to the previous (BRS) regime's neglect. Key road initiatives included the Tunkimetla-Narayanpet and Kothakonda-Maddur roads at ₹296 , alongside Kalburagi-Kodangal, Ravulapalli-Maddur, and Kosgi-Daulatabad roads costing ₹193 , aimed at improving rural access and reducing travel times in this backward region. Additional rural road works under the CRR scheme were allocated ₹12.7 , with high-level bridges planned on routes like Appakapalle-Gundamal and Maddur-Lingalched to enhance . Public building projects under the same initiative comprised a college academic block (inaugurated at ₹56 ), a new hostel (₹130 ), a Integrated Residential School Complex (₹200 ), a nursing college (₹26 ), and a 100-bed unit (₹40 ), alongside facilities like rural stations in Dhanwada and (₹5.58 ) and a Mandal Parishad Office in Marikal (₹7 ). These efforts were positioned as accelerations compared to the BRS era, during which the constituency reportedly suffered from inadequate investment, contributing to a state-wide debt burden of ₹8 and unpaid bills exceeding ₹40,000 upon the 's assumption of power in late 2023. Electricity in has seen incremental progress through the State Southern Power Distribution Company Limited (TSSPDCL), with 12 new 33/11 kV substations proposed to bolster rural supply, of which two were completed by mid-2025 to support in underserved areas. Economic projects included a ₹1.23 petrol bunk operated by women's self-help groups, promoting local entrepreneurship and employment for marginalized groups. Broader economic momentum stems from district-level investments, such as a proposed 3,279 MW wind-solar hybrid project in and adjacent areas, part of 's ₹29,000 clean energy push announced in April 2025, expected to generate jobs and attract private investment despite implementation timelines pending final approvals. These initiatives contrast with prior delays in non-agricultural under BRS, where rural road and power upgrades lagged, as evidenced by the government's prioritization post-2023.

Irrigation and Agricultural Development

The Narayanpet Assembly constituency, situated in a semi-arid region of Telangana, features agriculture dominated by rain-fed cultivation, with major crops including paddy, groundnut, and pulses on approximately 80% of its farmland lacking assured irrigation prior to recent initiatives. Efforts to mitigate this have centered on lift irrigation schemes drawing from local reservoirs and rivers, as the area's undulating terrain and distance from major river basins limit gravity-fed systems. The Narayanpet-Kodangal Lift Irrigation Scheme (NKLIS), launched in 2024 under Chief Minister A. Revanth Reddy, targets stabilization of water supply for over 1 lakh acres across Narayanpet, Kodangal, and Makthal constituencies, including provision of drinking water to Narayanpet district. Valued initially at ₹2,945 crore with tenders invited by June 2024, the project employs pumping infrastructure to cover dry lands previously dependent on erratic monsoons, aiming to enable multi-cropping and yield improvements of up to 20-30% in analogous Telangana schemes based on post-irrigation data from similar lift projects. Preceding administrations under the (BRS) emphasized broader projects like extensions, promising comprehensive coverage of drought-prone southern districts including Narayanpet's former Mahabubnagar linkages, yet official critiques highlight negligible net gains in irrigated age despite expenditures exceeding ₹1.45 lakh crore statewide, with no additional irrigated in targeted areas per government audits. Local data indicate that irrigated extent in remained below 25% of cultivable land through 2023, prompting the current scheme's focus on localized lifts to address shortfalls in BRS-era commitments for full ayacut stabilization. Supporting agricultural resilience, farmers in the constituency access subsidies via the , providing ₹5,000 per acre biannually as investment support, alongside crop loans at subsidized rates through the Telangana State Cooperative Apex Bank, benefiting over 90% of smallholders with holdings under 2 hectares. Crop insurance enrollment under the covers losses from and pests, though uptake stands below 20% district-wide due to awareness gaps and claim delays, with payouts totaling ₹150-200 annually in 's southern mandals for events like the 2022-23 dry spell. mitigation includes soil health cards distributed to 1.5 farmers since 2017 for nutrient-specific inputs and micro-irrigation subsidies covering 30% of system costs, fostering shifts to water-efficient crops and reducing vulnerability in rain-shadow zones. These measures, combined with NKLIS, are projected to elevate average yields from 1.5-2 tons per hectare in rain-fed conditions to 3-4 tons under stabilized supply, per empirical benchmarks from 's completed lift projects.

Controversies

Lift Irrigation Project Disputes

The Narayanpet-Kodangal Scheme (NKLIS) is designed to pump water from the to irrigate approximately 100,000 acres across drought-prone areas in , , and Makthal assembly constituencies, including 53,745 acres in , 25,738 acres in Makthal, and additional extents in such as Vutkur and Jayamma reservoirs. The , conceptualized as a priority initiative by A. , involves modernizing existing reservoirs and constructing pumping infrastructure in phases, with Phase 1 focused on enhancing storage and distribution for both and supply to . The total estimated cost stands at ₹4,350 , with Phase 1 budgeted at ₹2,945 , though critics allege from an original ₹1,450 estimate to favor specific contractors. Contracts for the scheme were awarded to Megha Engineering & Infrastructures Ltd (MEIL) and Raghava Constructions Pvt. Ltd., firms accused by opposition parties of receiving preferential treatment due to prior electoral bond donations totaling ₹148 crore to the ruling Congress party. Proponents, including the state government, argue the project addresses chronic water insecurity in rain-fed regions, enabling stable agriculture and reducing migration, with empirical precedents from similar lift schemes like Palamuru Rangareddy LIS demonstrating increased ayacut stabilization in arid zones despite high upfront costs. However, the scheme supports only one annual crop cycle per irrigated acre, prompting BJP leaders to question its cost-effectiveness at ₹7,000 crore equivalent (adjusted for scope) versus decentralized rainwater harvesting models that yield multi-crop benefits at lower expense. On August 26, 2025, the National Green Tribunal's Southern Bench halted all construction activities, citing the absence of prior environmental clearance and potential ecological harm from reservoir expansions and water diversion without impact assessments. The tribunal's order emphasized violations under the Environment Protection Act, mandating compliance before resumption, though the Union Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change had earlier issued Terms of Reference for clearances on August 27, 2025, highlighting procedural gaps. Opponents, including Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS) leaders, have demanded tender cancellation and blacklisting of MEIL, pointing to opaque bidding and links to ruling party affiliates as evidence of corruption risks, while dismissing government urgency claims amid repeated delays in analogous projects. In October 2025, the Telangana High Court dismissed a public interest litigation seeking an Enforcement Directorate probe into fund misappropriation, ruling insufficient evidence at the scrutiny stage but noting the need for administrative transparency.

Land Acquisition and Farmer Protests

In 2025, farmers in the Assembly constituency intensified protests against land acquisition for the Narayanpet-Kodangal Project, primarily under the Congress-led government, alleging inadequate compensation and coercive survey tactics. Demonstrations occurred on July 21 in town, where families raised slogans against officials offering Rs. 14 lakh per acre, far below claimed market values of Rs. 50 lakh or more per acre. By February 9, similar unrest erupted in Utkoor mandal's Tipranpally-Bapuram area, with cultivators refusing to yield land they had farmed for generations. Tensions peaked in August during land surveys in Damaragidda village, where protesters demanded Rs. 30 lakh per acre and halted proceedings, leading to arrests of local leaders and an incident on August 28 where a prostrated before staff to avert seizure. The government responded by revising compensation to Rs. 20 lakh per acre on September 14, aiming to facilitate acquisition while assuring , though farmers persisted in claims of undervaluation and risks without sufficient alternatives. Legal interventions provided recourse, as the suspended the project on August 26 amid petitions over acquisition processes and environmental impacts, stalling surveys and highlighting procedural lapses. Pro-acquisition advocates, including state officials, emphasized benefits like enhanced for arid lands, potential job creation, and agricultural productivity gains to justify , contrasting farmer criticisms of insufficient payouts, lack of transparent , and fears of favoritism in contractor selections. Historical parallels under the prior Bharat Rashtra Samithi (BRS) regime involved land takings for broader irrigation initiatives, such as , which submerged villages and drew comparable grievances over forced methods, though Narayanpet-specific disputes were less documented before 2025; BRS figures later critiqued handling while claiming prior engagements yielded better farmer consultations. As of October 2025, compensation disputes remain unresolved for many affected holdings, with no comprehensive data on total acres or families, but ongoing cases underscore persistent tensions between development imperatives and .

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