Fact-checked by Grok 2 weeks ago

Red Angel

Melchor Rodríguez García (1893–1972), known as the Red Angel (El Ángel Rojo), was a anarcho-syndicalist trade unionist affiliated with the CNT and FAI who, as of Prisons in during the , halted extrajudicial executions by militias and saved thousands of prisoners, primarily right-wing detainees targeted in "sacas" (forced transfers leading to killings). Appointed to the role in November 1936 by the government amid widespread revolutionary violence, Rodríguez personally intervened against lynch mobs, such as on December 8, 1936, when he prevented the murder of nearly 1,000 inmates by refusing to release them and threatening to arm the prisoners for . Over his three-month tenure ending in March 1937, he implemented prison reforms including information bureaus and improved conditions, earning his nickname from grateful Falangist prisoners despite his leftist ideology, which led to clashes with hardline anarchists and communists favoring retribution. After the defeat, Rodríguez lived modestly as an worker, rejected economic favors, and endured multiple imprisonments under for distributing anti-regime materials, dying from injuries sustained in custody while upholding non-violent anarchist principles. In 2016, honored him by naming a street after the Red Angel, recognizing his humanitarian stand against wartime atrocities.

Early Life and Background

Birth and Family Origins

Melchor Rodríguez García was born on May 30, 1893, in the Triana neighborhood of , , into a poor working-class family. His father, Isidoro Rodríguez, worked as a and died in an accident at the Guadalquivir River docks when Melchor was young, leaving him orphaned early and raised primarily by his mother in straitened circumstances. The family's economic hardship in Seville's proletarian districts exposed Rodríguez to the daily struggles of manual laborers from childhood, as he received only elementary schooling before entering the workforce at age thirteen to contribute to the household. Growing up in Andalusia, a region historically marked by agrarian poverty, frequent strikes, and the rise of anarcho-syndicalist organizing among rural and urban workers, provided an environment steeped in class conflict and mutual aid networks that influenced his early sympathies toward proletarian causes. This upbringing in a milieu of labor exploitation, without inherited privilege or stability, fostered a pragmatic awareness of socioeconomic inequities, though Rodríguez later eschewed violent radicalism in favor of humanistic principles shaped by these origins.

Early Career as Bullfighter and Labor Activist

Melchor Rodríguez García, born in on May 30, 1893, began his brief career as a novice (novillero) in his early twenties, debuting in the category of lights (de luces) on September 5, 1915, in near . He participated in several fairs, including events in and , gaining some local notoriety before retiring around 1920 following additional corridas in those cities. His departure from bullfighting stemmed from personal ethical objections to the spectacle's inherent violence and animal suffering, aligning with emerging anarchist principles that rejected such ritualized cruelty as antithetical to human dignity and non-violence toward sentient beings. Transitioning from the arena, Rodríguez immersed himself in labor organizing in Seville's working-class sectors, particularly as secretary of the woodworkers' and coachbuilders' (carroceros) union affiliated with the anarcho-syndicalist Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT). By the early 1920s, he led efforts in strikes against exploitative bosses, including a significant 1920 action by the wood and coachbuilding syndicate that highlighted demands for better wages and conditions in construction-related trades. These activities marked his shift toward organized worker resistance, emphasizing direct action and mutual aid over state mediation, though focused on economic grievances rather than broader revolutionary theory at this stage. Under the Primo de Rivera dictatorship (1923–1930), Rodríguez faced repeated arrests for anarchist agitation, including multiple detentions in for union leadership and strike orchestration, which authorities viewed as subversive threats to public order. These imprisonments, numbering over a dozen in facilities like Madrid's Cárcel Modelo after his relocation there in 1920 to evade further pursuit, forged his resilience against repression without fostering endorsement of retaliatory violence, instead reinforcing a commitment to principled non-aggression amid systemic injustice.

Ideological Development

Affiliation with Anarcho-Syndicalism and CNT-FAI

Melchor Rodríguez García affiliated with the , Spain's preeminent trade union federation, during the early phase of his labor activism following his time as a . The CNT, emphasizing worker-managed production through decentralized syndicates and rather than parliamentary or state-mediated reforms, provided the framework for Rodríguez's advocacy of as the path to libertarian . His formal ties extended to the Federación Anarquista Ibérica (FAI), founded in 1927 to safeguard the CNT's revolutionary ethos against reformist dilutions, where he emerged as an influential figure by , promoting ideological rigor alongside pragmatic critiques of undisciplined violence that could undermine worker solidarity. Within these organizations, Rodríguez prioritized syndicalist principles of industry-wide over competing models like , participating in pre-war labor mobilizations that sought to establish autonomous worker councils. This reflected a doctrinal commitment to causal mechanisms of struggle—where control directly supplanted bourgeois property—contrasting with the FAI's purist vigilance against any concessions that might centralize away from the base. Despite the CNT's abstentionist stance on elections, Rodríguez's alignment with broader anti-fascist fronts in demonstrated a tactical adaptation, viewing electoral victories as temporary bulwarks against reaction while maintaining fidelity to union sovereignty.

Evolution Toward Humanism and Opposition to Violence

By the 1920s, following his arrival in Madrid in 1920 and affiliation with the CNT and FAI, Melchor Rodríguez aligned with "Los Libertos," a group within Spanish anarchism that championed a humanist orientation prioritizing ethical consistency, individual dignity, and restraint against gratuitous violence over purely insurrectionary tactics. This affiliation marked a departure from more doctrinaire militant strains, as "Los Libertos" critiqued both state authoritarianism and unchecked revolutionary excesses, advocating social transformation through principled action rather than vengeful upheaval. Rodríguez's repeated exposure to repression under the Primo de Rivera dictatorship (1923–1930), including over 20 imprisonments for strike organization and journalistic dissent, fostered a conviction that coercive violence—whether from the state or in retaliation—perpetuated destructive cycles incompatible with libertarian ideals of fraternity and justice. These experiences, documented in biographical accounts, tempered his early revolutionary zeal, leading him to emphasize breaking retaliatory patterns as essential to avoiding the moral degradation observed in prior labor conflicts and authoritarian crackdowns. In the mid-1930s, amid escalating political tensions, Rodríguez articulated this maturation through writings and public positions that rejected "eye-for-an-eye" reprisals, insisting on safeguarding individual rights irrespective of ideological allegiance to prevent from eroding . His advocacy for a "humanist " fused pacifist restraint with anti-authoritarian commitments, viewing violence as a counterproductive force that begot further rather than , though he did not eschew defensive measures universally. This stance, rooted in first-hand causal insights from repression's repercussions, distinguished his thought from prevailing syndicalist militancy and anticipated principled interventions in crisis.

Role During the Spanish Civil War

Appointment as Head of Prisons in

On December 5, 1936, Justice Minister Juan García Oliver, an anarchist colleague of Melchor Rodríguez García, appointed him as special delegate with full powers over 's prisons, following a decree aimed at centralizing control amid escalating disorder. This elevation came after Rodríguez's brief earlier role in , from which he had resigned due to conflicts with uncontrolled militias, and was re-established to enforce governmental authority. The appointment occurred in the immediate aftermath of the Paracuellos massacres, a series of extrajudicial executions in late November 1936 that claimed between 2,000 and 4,000 lives, primarily right-wing prisoners targeted by communist-led groups and militias under the loose oversight of the Defense . The Largo Caballero government, facing internal pressures from anarchist and socialist factions to curb the violence, moved to dissolve the autonomous elements of the , which had facilitated unchecked "sacas" (prisoner extractions for killing), and imposed Rodríguez's oversight to reassert state control over incarceration. Rodríguez's mandate specifically targeted the prevention of further lynchings among the estimated 10,000 to 12,000 right-wing detainees held in key facilities like Ventas Prison, drawing on his stature within the CNT-FAI to command compliance from rival militias and jail guards. This politically necessitated role leveraged anarchist networks to override communist influences, prioritizing administrative restoration over revolutionary retribution in a city besieged and rife with fifth-column fears.

Measures to Halt Executions and Protect Prisoners

Upon assuming the role of General Director of Prisons in on December 5, 1936, Melchor Rodríguez enacted protocols mandating judicial authorization and identity verification for any prisoner extraction or transfer, thereby curbing the irregular "sacas" that had facilitated mass executions without trial. He positioned armed guards aligned with anarchist oversight at key facilities, including the Cárcel Modelo, San Antón, Porlier, and Ventas, to block unauthorized access by militias and enforce orderly management. These safeguards appealed directly to the loyalty of CNT-FAI militants, emphasizing adherence to revolutionary discipline over impulsive retribution. Rodríguez's interventions stemmed from a principled stance against summary violence, asserting that even designated enemies warranted procedural protections amid wartime chaos, in opposition to norms of unchecked "revolutionary justice." His efforts yielded tangible outcomes, with records indicating he preserved the lives of approximately 1,532 prisoners slated for execution, among them prominent detainees like writer Rafael Sánchez Mazas and athlete . To maintain vigilance, Rodríguez conducted personal nightly rounds across Madrid's prisons, disarming agitated groups and quelling threats to inmates. In one documented case in December 1936 at Ventas Prison, he directly confronted and dispersed a mob intent on mass prisoner release and , restoring control and preventing bloodshed through on-site authority.

Conflicts with Communist Factions and Exposure of Atrocities

Rodríguez's tenure as head of prisons in brought him into direct conflict with communist elements within the Republican apparatus, particularly José Cazorla, the communist-affiliated councillor for public order in the Madrid Defense Junta. In February 1937, Rodríguez confronted Cazorla over the continued detention of individuals who had been judicially absolved, highlighting the communists' parallel, unauthorized detention networks that bypassed official oversight. This tension escalated as Rodríguez uncovered and publicly denounced secret prisons operated under Cazorla's authority, which functioned as extrajudicial and execution sites akin to Soviet-style checas, aimed at eliminating perceived internal enemies including anarchists and other non-communist Republicans. In April 1937, Rodríguez exposed these Stalinist checas in the CNT-affiliated press, accusing Cazorla of maintaining private jails for systematic abuse and disappearances, a revelation that underscored the communists' drive for centralized control in opposition to anarchist principles. These networks contributed to the disappearance of thousands in , with checas overall linked to approximately 3,000 deaths in the city through organized terror by early 1937. His disclosures, including documentation of practices and victim lists, fueled inter-factional strife and prompted the dissolution of the Madrid Defense Junta by the central government under communist influence. The backlash from the PCE and PSUC led to Rodríguez's removal from his prison directorship in March 1937, as Soviet-aligned forces consolidated power and marginalized anarchist voices. Despite this, his interventions marked a pivotal curb on the peak phase of Republican-side violence, which estimates place at 50,000 to 70,000 extrajudicial killings nationwide, with accounting for over 8,000 executions primarily in 1936 before partial restraints took hold. This exposure revealed the causal role of communist centralization in perpetuating atrocities against ideological rivals, contrasting with Rodríguez's humanist push for accountability amid the broader .

Immediate Post-War Experiences

Surrender of Madrid and Interactions with Franco Forces

In the wake of General Segismundo Casado's coup on March 5, 1939, against the communist-dominated Republican leadership, Melchor Rodríguez García was appointed acting mayor of Madrid by the National Defence Council, serving briefly from March 11 to 13 before the formal handover process. His role involved coordinating the city's administration amid internal Republican infighting and the advancing Nationalist forces, prioritizing the prevention of urban destruction as per Casado's directives to avoid a scorched-earth policy. Rodríguez, adhering to his anarchist principles of non-violence, focused on facilitating an orderly transition rather than futile resistance, which he viewed as incompatible with preserving civilian lives and infrastructure. On March 28, 1939, Rodríguez oversaw the peaceful surrender of to a Nationalist delegation, marking the end of control over the capital without significant bloodshed or sabotage. He negotiated directly with Francoist envoys to ensure the integrity of key city assets, including utilities and , and advocated for the or of prisoners held in facilities, extending his prior humanitarian efforts into the transition period. These interactions emphasized mutual guarantees against reprisals, with Rodríguez refusing offers of personal or financial incentives to flee, opting instead to remain and face potential consequences. The handover preserved 's infrastructure from demolition, averting the fate of other contested cities like , where resistance had led to heavier destruction.

Trial, Imprisonment, and Release

Following the Nationalist victory and the surrender of on March 28, 1939, Melchor Rodríguez García was arrested by regime forces. He faced prosecution for military rebellion, a charge commonly leveled against officials under the regime's tribunals, despite his prior organized surrender of prison administration duties. Initially acquitted in his first trial, the prosecutor's appeal led to a in March 1940, imposing a sentence of 20 years and one day of imprisonment. Rodríguez was incarcerated in facilities, where his actions during the war—particularly halting extrajudicial executions of right-wing prisoners—earned him enmity from hardline Falangists who regarded him as a traitor for undermining revolutionary violence against their faction. This perception fueled demands for harsher punishment, including execution, but he avoided the death penalty due to testimonies and petitions from military officers and prisoners he had protected, including high-ranking Nationalists whose lives he spared. The sentence, while severe relative to his non-combat administrative role and surrenders, reflected the regime's broad application of rebellion statutes to former authorities, though shorter than life terms or executions imposed on many peers. He served approximately four years before release in , an early attributable to the accumulated endorsements from beneficiaries of his wartime humanitarian measures, which underscored inconsistencies in Falangist calls for against a figure who had demonstrably restrained atrocities.

Later Life and Death

Post-Release Activities and Economic Struggles

Following his release on provisional liberty in 1944, Melchor Rodríguez García faced severe economic hardship, living in as his anarcho-syndicalist affiliations and refusal to collaborate with the Franco regime barred him from stable employment or official positions. His blacklisting stemmed from ongoing militancy in the CNT, which repeatedly led to re-arrests and further for activities, exacerbating his financial precarity during the 1940s and 1950s. Rodríguez rejected offers of monetary compensation and job placements from Francoist authorities at the war's end, prioritizing ideological integrity over material security despite acknowledgments of his wartime efforts to protect Nationalist prisoners. His post-release public engagement remained minimal, confined to sporadic, underground contacts with CNT exile networks, through which he maintained ties to libertarian circles without broader political involvement.

Death and Burial

Melchor Rodríguez García died on February 14, 1972, in at the age of 78 from illness. His was modest, reflecting his post-war economic hardships, but drew an eclectic assembly including anarchist activists, survivors of the 1936 Republican prison massacres whom he had protected, and Francoist officials. The ceremony featured his coffin draped with both an anarchist flag and a , a rare public concession to under the dictatorship, where such displays were ordinarily prohibited. Anarchist attendees sang the CNT anthem , and the event proceeded without police intervention, underscoring Rodríguez's cross-factional respect. He was interred at San Justo Cemetery in .

Legacy and Commemoration

Recognition in Democratic Spain

In 2016, the Madrid City Council unanimously approved dedicating a street to Melchor Rodríguez, replacing Franco-era nomenclature with recognition of his role as the city's last mayor, via a proposal supported across political groups including Ciudadanos, PSOE, and others. This honor, formalized in January, highlighted bipartisan consensus on his legacy in a democratic context. In April 2023, the Ayuntamiento de Madrid proposed and subsequently awarded Rodríguez the Medalla de Honor posthumously, citing his efforts to protect lives amid wartime divisions. The accolade, described in coverage as symbolic yet substantive, underscored his embodiment of transcending ideological lines. Further commemoration occurred in May 2024, when Mayor incorporated Rodríguez's portrait into the official gallery of Madrid's mayors, completing the Medalla de Honor's recognition and affirming his place in civic history despite his anarchist background. This addition, under a center-right administration, reflected ongoing cross-ideological acknowledgment in post-Franco institutions.

Role in Historiography of Republican Atrocities

Rodríguez's interventions during the height of the in late 1936 provide empirical evidence challenging historiographical tendencies to portray violence as primarily spontaneous mob action rather than directed policy. The Paracuellos massacres, which claimed between 2,000 and 5,000 lives through the organized evacuation and execution of prisoners by militias and committees from November 7 onward, exemplified systematic elimination of perceived fifth columnists under the authority of the Madrid Defense Junta. His reappointment as special delegate for prisons on December 4, 1936, immediately halted these killings by enforcing protections against unauthorized transfers and executions, demonstrating that such violence was subject to centralized control rather than inevitable chaos. This causal sequence—escalating official-sanctioned killings interrupted by deliberate administrative override—counters claims that atrocities were fringe deviations or uncontrollable responses to the military uprising. Anarchist chronicler César Peirats, in his CNT history, documents Rodríguez's role as a CNT affiliate who leveraged union influence to impose order on operations, saving thousands amid the 1936-1937 peak of extrajudicial executions estimated at over 50,000 across zones. Such intra-factional restraint, particularly against communist-dominated committees, underscores that involved policy choices, with anarchists occasionally acting as internal brakes on more ideologically rigid elements seeking total liquidation of opponents. Revisionist analyses, including those emphasizing primary data over equilibrated narratives, position Rodríguez's actions as pivotal in exposing the Red Terror's non-fringe character, as his opposition to ongoing purges required confronting entrenched mechanisms rather than mere rabble. This challenges left-leaning historiographical equivalences of Nationalist and Republican repressions, where the latter's framework enabled peaks of in 1936-1937 that his humanitarian efforts mitigated but did not originate. Empirical focus on verifiable interventions like his thus privileges data-driven causal realism, revealing systemic complicity over minimized disorder in accounts prone to understating Republican agency due to ideological alignments in and .

Debates on Anarchist Contributions Versus Mainstream Narratives

Melchor Rodríguez's actions as an anarchist leader who prioritized humanitarian restraint over revolutionary retribution have sparked ongoing debates about the role of anarchist ideology in the zone during the . Proponents of recognizing anarchist contributions highlight Rodríguez as a rare humanist figure who, as director of Madrid's prisons from November 1936, halted extrajudicial executions, including the Paracuellos massacres, thereby saving an estimated thousands of prisoners—primarily rightists, clergy, and suspected fifth columnists—from death squads operated by communist and anarchist militias. His exposure of abuses in checas— detention centers where torture and killings occurred, with records indicating thousands of victims in alone—challenged narratives portraying the as morally superior to Franco's forces, earning praise from conservative historians for underscoring the Red Terror's scale, estimated at 38,000 to 72,000 deaths nationwide. Critics from leftist perspectives, including some within anarchist circles, have portrayed Rodríguez as naive or even a collaborator for intervening against what they termed "revolutionary justice," arguing that his policies undermined the class war's necessities amid existential threats from the Nationalist advance; for instance, communist factions accused him of protecting "fascist elements" by enforcing in prisons, leading to his ousting in December . Conversely, right-leaning analysts question whether Rodríguez's anarchist roots inadvertently enabled the initial chaos, noting that CNT-FAI militias, including those he once led, participated in early killings of and conservatives before his moderating influence, suggesting his later restraint exemplified ideology's failure to constrain wartime violence rather than a redeeming anarchist virtue. These debates pit anarchist , which emphasizes Rodríguez's fidelity to anti-authoritarian principles by rejecting Stalinist purges and prioritizing empirical mercy over dogmatic retribution—as documented in CNT archives—against mainstream narratives that often minimize the Red Terror's ideological drivers. Outlets like and El País, influenced by academic trends sympathetic to , have historically downplayed anarchist and communist complicity in atrocities, framing them as spontaneous excesses rather than systemic, while Rodríguez's case illustrates causal limits of utopian ideologies in favoring verifiable restraint and individual accountability over collective vengeance. This tension underscores broader historiographical divides, where right-slanting accounts leverage Rodríguez to counter sanitized left portrayals, asserting that his outlier status reveals the Republic's internal barbarity as ideologically rooted, not merely reactive.

References

  1. [1]
    Melchor Rodriguez: The Red Angel Of The Spanish Civil War
    Feb 1, 2020 · Melchor Rodriguez: The Red Angel Of The Spanish Civil War ... Relations between Anarchists and Marxist Socialists have always been marked by ...Missing: biography | Show results with:biography
  2. [2]
    Melchor “El Ángel Rojo” Rodríguez García (1893-1972) - Find a Grave
    ... Spanish Republic, he contributed to save the life of several war prisoners during the Spanish Civil War, during the known as sacas, transfers of groups of ...Missing: achievements | Show results with:achievements<|separator|>
  3. [3]
    Erasing Franco's memory one street at a time - BBC News
    Feb 12, 2016 · But two weeks ago Madrid City Council agreed unanimously to name a street after a man known as the Red Angel, Melchor Rodriguez Garcia. ... Born ...Missing: biography | Show results with:biography
  4. [4]
    Melchor Rodríguez García - Historia Hispánica
    El Ángel Rojo. Sevilla, 1893 – Madrid, 14.II.1972. Delegado general de Prisiones. Anarquista Político, ca Sindicalista. Events and locations. Biography. Nació ...
  5. [5]
    Melchor Rodríguez. El matador sevillano que salvaba vidas ...
    ... Melchor Rodríguez así lo había prometido a ... De familia pobre, pronto huérfano de padre, obrero muerto en accidente en los muelles del Guadalquivir. ... Sevilla.
  6. [6]
    Melchor Rodríguez García - Todos (...) los Nombres_
    Melchor Rodríguez fue de facto el último alcalde de Madrid durante la República y recibió el encargo, el 28 de febrero de 1939 por el Coronel Casado y ...Missing: tipógrafo | Show results with:tipógrafo
  7. [7]
    [PDF] Melchor Rodríguez, el “Ángel Rojo”: El adalid del anarquismo ...
    Melchor Rodríguez García nació en 1893 en Sevilla, en el seno de una familia humilde, su ... movimiento obrero en defensa de los trabajadores, ante la ...
  8. [8]
    https://katesharpleylibrary.net/s1rpf4
  9. [9]
    MELCHOR RODRÍGUEZ GARCÍA [La mayor wiki taurina]
    Jun 23, 2023 · Sevilla, 30 de mayo de 1893 · Debut de luces: Sanlúcar de Barrameda, el 5 de septiembre de 1915. · Presentación en Madrid: el 4 de agosto de 1918 ...
  10. [10]
    https://elpais.com/cultura/2023-04-04/melchor-rodriguez-una-medalla-para-el-angel-rojo-defensor-de-la-vida-de-sus-enemigos-en-la-guerra-civil.html
  11. [11]
    Melchor Rodríguez, una medalla para 'El ángel rojo', defensor de la ...
    Apr 3, 2023 · En 1920, huyendo de la policía sevillana por impulsar una huelga contra los patronos como secretario del sindicato de la madera, llegó a Madrid.
  12. [12]
    Melchor Rodríguez García, el Ángel Rojo. - Historias de Alcalá
    Jan 7, 2015 · Su activismo durante la Dictadura de Primo de Rivera provocó que pasara varias veces por la cárcel, situación que también se dio durante el ...
  13. [13]
    Rodriguez Garcia, Melchor - Kate Sharpley Library
    Very active during the years leading up to the civil war, he was outstanding in the Madrid construction strike of 1936.Missing: achievements | Show results with:achievements
  14. [14]
    Workers Power and the Spanish Revolution
    Nov 2, 2018 · To prevent abuses of this sort, Garcia Oliver appointed an anarchist, Melchor Rodriguez, head of prisons in Madrid. Meanwhile, the ...
  15. [15]
    Melchor RodrIguez y Los Libertos - Acracia
    Exnovillero, oficial chapista y activo sindicalista, fue el responsable de las prisiones republicanas entre noviembre de 1936 y marzo de 1937 y posteriormente, ...
  16. [16]
    [PDF] Melchor Rodríguez y Los Libertos - Dialnet
    Oct 6, 2008 · Melchor Rodríguez García ha llegado a Madrid en 1920 huyendo de ... cos, fascistas de Primo de Rivera y jonsistas, entre ellos Ramiro Ledesma.
  17. [17]
    Melchor Rodríguez: El humanismo libertario - CGT València
    Melchor Rodríguez García (1893-1972), «El Ángel Rojo», como llegaron a llamarle por su intervención providencial y decisiva en el fin de ...
  18. [18]
    La historia olvidada de las personas justas de la guerra civil española
    Jul 31, 2021 · Melchor Rodríguez, de orígenes humildes en Sevilla, construyó para sí una ideología que fusionaba el humanismo pacifista con los principios ...
  19. [19]
    Le llamaban el 'ángel rojo' - Confederación Nacional del Trabajo
    Jan 11, 2009 · Melchor Rodríguez formó parte de una corriente ácrata, humanista, integrada en Los Libertos, grupo libertario celoso de sus principios que ...<|separator|>
  20. [20]
    Los Pacifistas de la Revolución: Simone Weil y Melchor Rodríguez
    Jul 25, 2016 · Sobre su féretro dejaron una bandera rojinegra y un crucifijo. A diferencia de Simone Weil, Melchor Rodríguez nunca fue religioso, fue ...
  21. [21]
    El Ángel Rojo y las dos placas que podrían recordarlo en Libertad y ...
    May 31, 2025 · Melchor Rodríguez García (Sevilla 1893- Madrid 1972) mantuvo sus principios humanistas y defendió a ultranza la legalidad y los derechos humanos ...
  22. [22]
    El carcelero de Paracuellos que la República premió con un puesto ...
    Feb 24, 2024 · A partir del 5 de diciembre, Melchor Rodríguez vuelve a encargarse de las prisiones madrileñas tras su dimisión el 14 de noviembre al ...
  23. [23]
    Paracuellos (Chapter 10) - The 'Red Terror' and the Spanish Civil War
    ... appointment of Melchor Rodríguez as director general of Madrid's prisons. At the CNT-FAI meeting on 8 November, Rodríguez announced that governing body of ...
  24. [24]
    El doctor suizo que pudo frenar la matanza de Paracuellos, pero al ...
    Feb 26, 2024 · ... Melchor Rodríguez [el Ángel Rojo] para parar las sacas el 9 de ... 5 de diciembre, cuando retoma su puesto", resume Corral, autor de ...
  25. [25]
    [PDF] MR and Los Libertos - Kate Sharpley Library
    inmates started referring to him as 'The Red Angel', a label which he rejected. He set up an information. □. □ bureau, a prison hospital and improved food ...Missing: biography | Show results with:biography
  26. [26]
    Melchor Rodríguez, «el ángel rojo» - ABC
    Jul 24, 2025 · Melchor Rodríguez, «el ángel rojo» ... Se fue a las cárceles —la Modelo, San Antón, Porlier, Ventas— y puso orden donde reinaba la locura.
  27. [27]
    Melchor Rodríguez, el anarquista que detuvo la matanza de 1.500 ...
    Jun 21, 2021 · En este primer capítulo se narra cómo Rodríguez evitó la matanza de los 1.500 presos de la cárcel de Alcalá de Henares en diciembre de 1936 a ...
  28. [28]
    Melchor Rodríguez, el “Ángel Rojo” que detuvo las matanzas de ...
    May 29, 2024 · Su valentía contrarrestó la represión durante la Guerra Civil, ganándose el apodo de “Ángel Rojo”.
  29. [29]
    La guerra: "sacas" y traslados - Cárcel de Ventas
    ... Melchor Rodríguez García en el cargo de ... Se calcula que unos doscientos presos varones fueron asesinados en las llamadas “sacas” de Ventas de 1936.
  30. [30]
    ¡¡¡ACTUALIZADO!!! Madrid condecora a Melchor Rodríguez, el ...
    May 15, 2023 · En abril de 1937, Melchor, en el diario CNT, denunció la existencia de checas estalinistas bajo las órdenes directas de Cazorla. Aunque Melchor ...
  31. [31]
    Melchor Rodríguez García: Un hombre bueno en la Guerra Civil
    Mar 16, 2013 · El 15 de febrero de 1932 es nuevamente encarcelado por liderar la huelga de chapistas. En 1933 nuevamente ingresó en prisión varias veces: en ...<|separator|>
  32. [32]
    Checas de Madrid - Instituto CEU de Estudios Históricos
    En esos meses, más de 1.000 chequistas sembraron el terror en Madrid y asesinaron a cerca de 3.000 personas, triste balance que denota su importante papel en la ...
  33. [33]
    https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/red-terror-and-the-spanish-civil-war/antifascist-madrid/5A7024A809CE4B33FBA4D13B657C08BA
  34. [34]
    Antifascist Madrid (Chapter 3) - The 'Red Terror' and the Spanish ...
    Still, not all new CNT-FAI centres were turned into revolutionary tribunals. Melchor Rodríguez García independently occupied the Marqués de Viana's palace ...
  35. [35]
    1939
    Melchor Rodríguez García fue nombrado alcalde de Madrid con la misión de rendir la ciudad a los nacionales, lo cual sucedió el 28 de marzo. Por la mañana ...
  36. [36]
    [PDF] Revista de Historia Militar número 129 - Publicaciones Defensa
    May 20, 2021 · EL 28 DE MARZO DE 1939 EN MADRID. Y LA “OFENSIVA DE LA VICTORIA”. Tras el golpe casadista y los enfrentamientos subsiguientes, la quinta.
  37. [37]
    [PDF] Os salvaré la vida - SOLIDARIDAD OBRERA
    Apr 1, 2018 · la población para la entrega de Madrid a Franco. Nadie entendía ... Melchor Rodríguez nació el 30 de mayo de 1893 en Sevilla, en el ...
  38. [38]
    The CNT in the Spanish Revolution, Volume 2 - The Anarchist Library
    In November 1984 he suffered a heart attack as he left an International Colloquium in Barcelona on the Spanish civil war and had to be hospitalised for over ...
  39. [39]
    [PDF] Glossary of Key Figures
    was ordered to place fellow anarchist Melchor Rodríguez García in charge of. Madrid's jails in December 1936. Promised justice that was 'hot' and 'alive' and.
  40. [40]
    Melchor Rodríguez García, anarquista, actuó como un ... - Facebook
    Melchor Rodríguez García (Sevilla 1893- Madrid 1972) mantuvo sus principios humanistas y defendió a ultranza la legalidad y los derechos humanos en los peores ...
  41. [41]
    “Quien salva una vida, salva al mundo entero”: la muerte de Melchor ...
    Jul 26, 2012 · “EL ÁNGEL ROJO. LA HISTORIA DE MELCHOR RODRÍGUEZ, EL ANARQUISTA QUE DETUVO LA REPRESIÓN EN EL MADRID REPUBLICANO”, ALFONSO DOMINGO, Ed.
  42. [42]
    Melchor Rodríguez García - Caminando por Madrid
    Dec 14, 2022 · El Angel Rojo salvó la vida a miles de prisioneros franquistas. Se lo agradecieron con 5 años de cárcel, menos mal que luego se acordaron de ...
  43. [43]
    Melchor Rodríguez García - Wikidata
    date of birth. 30 May 1893 Gregorian. 1 reference. stated in · BnF authorities ... place of birth · Seville. 0 references. date of death. 14 February 1972. 2 ...Missing: father | Show results with:father
  44. [44]
    Madrid sustituirá las calles franquistas por víctimas del terrorismo
    Jan 27, 2016 · Sí se ha aprobado por unanimidad, también a propuesta de Ciudadanos, dedicar una calle al anarquista Melchor Rodríguez García, el último alcalde ...
  45. [45]
    Melchor Rodríguez, el 'ángel rojo' de la Guerra Civil, tendrá calle en ...
    Jan 27, 2016 · Melchor Rodríguez, durante la Guerra Civil. El pleno aprueba por ... El castigo por ser del otro bando era seguro, la dimensión, variaba.<|control11|><|separator|>
  46. [46]
    Las víctimas del terrorismo darán nombre a las calles franquistas en ...
    Jan 27, 2016 · Por unanimidad de todos los grupos se ha aprobado que se dedique una calle al anarquista Melchor Rodríguez García, el último alcalde de Madrid ...
  47. [47]
    Todos los muertos de Paracuellos que evitó el anarquista Melchor ...
    Apr 1, 2023 · ... Ventas y San Antón con supuesto destino a Valencia, —eufemismo ... Segismundo ...
  48. [48]
    Una medalla para Melchor Rodríguez - El Salto
    Mar 31, 2023 · El último alcalde republicano, Melchor Rodríguez, “El Ángel Rojo”, uno de los principales impulsores del movimiento obrero madrileño. Melchor ...
  49. [49]
    Almeida incorpora el retrato del anarquista Melchor Rodríguez ...
    May 10, 2024 · En 2023 el Ayuntamiento concedió a Melchor Rodríguez la Medalla de Honor a título póstumo, un honor que, según Almeida, se completa hoy ...
  50. [50]
    Introduction - The 'Red Terror' and the Spanish Civil War
    The actions of Melchor Rodríguez García, the 'red angel' in ending the Paracuellos massacres, are widely known and rightly celebrated. But there were others ...