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Solor

Solor is a volcanic island in the Lesser Sunda Islands of Indonesia, positioned off the eastern tip of Flores within the Solor Archipelago.^[1] The island features rugged terrain typical of the region's volcanic arcs, formed by the subduction of the Indo-Australian plate.^[2] Historically, Solor served as an early hub for Portuguese traders seeking sandalwood, with a trading post established around 1520 in the village of Lamakera on its eastern coast.^[3] The Portuguese constructed a fortress there in the mid-16th century to protect their interests amid competition from local powers and later Dutch incursions, marking one of the earliest European footholds in the Indonesian archipelago.^[3] This colonial legacy included alliances with local Muslim communities, notably in whaling activities that persist today, as Lamakera remains one of Indonesia's few traditional whaling villages under international aboriginal subsistence provisions.^[4] The island's strategic location facilitated trade routes between Maluku, Timor, and beyond, contributing to cultural exchanges and conflicts involving Topass mercenaries of mixed Portuguese-Indonesian descent who resisted Dutch expansion into the 17th century.^[5]

Geography

Location and Physical Features

Solor is a volcanic island in the Lesser Sunda Islands of Indonesia, forming part of the Solor Archipelago. Positioned off the eastern extremity of Flores, it lies to the west of the Alor Strait, with central coordinates at approximately 8°28′ S latitude and 123°00′ E longitude.^[1] The island's volcanic geology contributes to its rugged topography, featuring multiple peaks visible in regional satellite imagery.^[6] The land area of Solor measures roughly 218 km². Its highest point, a volcanic cone, elevates to 875 m above sea level.^[7] Surrounding smaller islets integrate into the Solor Archipelago, while proximity to Adonara island across a narrow strait and to Lembata further east shapes shared marine features and inter-island passages conducive to ecological linkages.^[4]

Climate and Natural Resources

Solor experiences a tropical monsoon climate, with average annual temperatures ranging from 25°C to 30°C and minimal seasonal variation due to its equatorial proximity. Humidity levels remain high year-round, often exceeding 80%, contributing to an oppressive feel. The wet season extends from mid-October to late May, lasting approximately 7.3 months, during which monthly rainfall can surpass 200 mm, particularly peaking in January. The dry season, from June to September, features reduced precipitation under 50 mm per month, influenced by the southeast monsoon winds. These patterns are periodically altered by El Niño events, which tend to suppress rainfall and exacerbate drought conditions in eastern Indonesia.^[8] The island's volcanic origins yield fertile yet stony soils that support subsistence agriculture, primarily of crops like corn, rice, and root vegetables, though yields are constrained by terrain and erosion. Marine resources dominate, with surrounding coral reefs fostering rich biodiversity that sustains fisheries, including traditional whale hunting in areas like Lamakera. These ecosystems provide essential protein sources for local populations but face pressures from overfishing and climate variability.^[4] Geothermal potential exists owing to the archipelago's position amid volcanic activity, with hot springs and fumaroles indicating subsurface heat suitable for energy extraction; however, exploitation remains negligible due to infrastructural and economic barriers. Solor's location within the tectonically active Ring of Fire exposes it to frequent seismic events and tsunami risks, stemming from subduction zones along the Flores back-arc thrust, though major pre-20th-century eruptions on the island itself are undocumented in available records.^[9]

Demographics

Population and Settlement Patterns

The population of Solor Island stood at 34,029 according to Indonesia's 2020 Population Census, with an estimated mid-2023 figure of around 35,000 based on official projections from Statistics Indonesia.^[10]^[11] This yields an average density of approximately 150 inhabitants per square kilometer across the island's 226 square kilometers, though local variations range from 87 persons per square kilometer in Solor Barat district to 240 in Solor Timur, reflecting constraints imposed by volcanic terrain and limited arable land.^[12] Settlement patterns emphasize coastal concentrations, where over 70% of residents live in villages oriented toward marine access for fishing and inter-island trade, supported by narrow fringing plains amid steep interior slopes.^[9] Inland hamlets, typically smaller and dispersed, cluster around higher-elevation agricultural plots for crops like corn and cassava, constrained by the island's rugged volcanic geography that discourages dense upland habitation. Urbanization remains minimal, with no major towns exceeding a few thousand residents and development focused on fort-linked historic sites rather than modern expansion.^[9] Out-migration, driven by limited local opportunities, sees significant numbers of working-age individuals relocating to urban hubs like Kupang or Flores Island centers, contributing to stagnant growth rates of under 0.3% annually in some districts.^[13] Basic infrastructure lags, with many coastal and inland settlements experiencing unreliable electricity—electrification ratios below 95% in parts of East Nusa Tenggara—and dependence on rainwater harvesting or springs for water amid seasonal shortages, as noted in provincial energy assessments.^[14]

Ethnic Groups, Languages, and Religion

The population of Solor consists predominantly of the Lamaholot people, an indigenous Austronesian group native to the Solor Archipelago, eastern Flores, Adonara, and Lembata, with historical ties to maritime trade networks in the region.^[15] This ethnic majority reflects long-standing settlement patterns shaped by volcanic island ecology and inter-island exchanges, though limited data exists on precise admixture from external groups such as Bugis seafarers or internal Flores migrants, which appear marginal based on available ethnographic profiles.^[16] Lamaholot dialects, part of the Central Malayo-Polynesian branch, serve as the primary vernacular languages across Solor, exhibiting variations such as the Solor dialect noted for distinct phonetic features like nasal vowels that carry morphological significance in local grammar.^[17] Indonesian functions as the official national language, used in administration and education, while literacy challenges persist in remote villages, aligning with broader Nusa Tenggara Timur provincial averages below the national rate of 96% as reported in 2020 census data.^[18] Religiously, the Lamaholot population of Solor is characterized by a Christian majority, estimated at 75%, predominantly Catholic due to enduring influences from 16th-century Portuguese missions that established some of Indonesia's earliest sustained Christian communities in the archipelago.^[15] A Muslim minority, approximately 25%, traces to pre-colonial trade contacts with Makassarese and other Islamic networks, concentrated in coastal areas with historical fortifications.^[19] These proportions mirror regency-level data from East Flores, where Catholics comprise over 78% amid Indonesia's overall Muslim dominance.^[20]

Administration and Settlements

Administrative Divisions

Solor Island is administratively incorporated into East Flores Regency (Kabupaten Flores Timur) within East Nusa Tenggara Province (Provinsi Nusa Tenggara Timur), Indonesia, following the standard tiered structure of Indonesian local government.^[21] The island itself is divided into three kecamatan (subdistricts): Solor Barat, Solor Timur, and Solor Selatan, which collectively encompass its territory and serve as the primary subdivisions for governance and service delivery.^[22]^[21] Each kecamatan is led by a camat (subdistrict head), who coordinates implementation of regency-level policies, including public administration, security, and community programs, under the authority of the bupati (regent) of East Flores Regency.^[23] These subdistricts are further subdivided into desa (villages) as the foundational administrative units, responsible for grassroots-level decision-making through village heads (kepala desa) elected by local residents.^[24] Authority flows hierarchically from national ministries through provincial governors to regency bupatis, ensuring alignment with Indonesia's decentralized governance framework established by Law No. 23/2014 on Regional Government. No documented boundary adjustments or administrative reorganizations specific to Solor's kecamatan have occurred since the 2010s, maintaining the current tripartite division for resource allocation and jurisdictional clarity.^[22] This structure supports efficient oversight of the island's approximately 226 km² within the regency's broader 1,669 km² area, though regency-wide planning occasionally addresses inter-island coordination in the Solor Archipelago.^[25]

Major Towns and Villages

Ritaebang functions as the primary administrative hub and sole kelurahan in West Solor District, serving as the district capital with limited urban infrastructure amid a landscape dominated by rural desa. It coordinates local governance, health services, and connectivity for surrounding settlements, including a medical post established in the early 2000s.^[26] The district comprises Ritaebang alongside fourteen rural desa focused on subsistence farming, such as corn and rice cultivation in inland areas, and small-scale fishing along the coasts.^[27] Notable desa in West Solor include Balaweling I and II, Dani Wato, Kalelu, Karawatung, and Tanah Lein, where communities rely on agrarian activities and seasonal maritime pursuits.^[27] These villages exhibit a rural character, with populations centered around family-based households and traditional housing, lacking significant commercial or industrial development. Coastal desa like those near Ritaebang support ferry operations linking to Larantuka on Flores island, facilitating passenger and goods transport essential for regional trade.^[28] In East Solor District, Menanga acts as the sub-district center, a desa with approximately 1,200 residents engaged in fishing and serving as a port for inter-island ferries to Larantuka, Terong, and Lembata.^[29] Lamakera, located on the eastern tip, stands out as a Muslim-majority coastal village historically centered on whaling and ray fishing, providing seasonal income through traditional hunts permitted under cultural exemptions.^[4] Inland desa in this district prioritize dryland agriculture, underscoring the archipelago's overall rural orientation without major urban equivalents.

History

Pre-Colonial Period

The Solor Archipelago was inhabited by Austronesian-speaking peoples, including ancestors of the Lamaholot ethnic group, whose settlement patterns reflect broader Neolithic migrations across the Lesser Sunda Islands, though direct archaeological evidence specific to Solor remains sparse and primarily inferred from regional patterns and oral genealogies.^[30] Local traditions trace clan origins to migrations from Java or nearby islands, with ruling lineages emerging in the late 14th century, such as the Patigolo Arkian in Larantuka, suggesting the establishment of small chiefdoms rather than large centralized kingdoms.^[31] These societies organized around patrilineal clans in coastal villages, adapting to the islands' volcanic terrain through self-reliant practices like swidden agriculture, fishing, and gathering marine resources. Pre-colonial economies centered on subsistence activities, with communities relying on maize, root crops, and coastal fishing, supplemented by hunting large marine mammals such as whales and rays in villages like Lamakera, a practice rooted in indigenous techniques predating external influences.^[32] Religious beliefs were animistic, centered on ancestral spirits and natural forces, with rituals tied to clan identities and environmental cycles, as evidenced by enduring oral histories and pre-Islamic cultural markers in Lamaholot folklore.^[33] Solor served as a node in regional maritime networks connecting the archipelago to Java, Sulawesi, and Timor, facilitating trade in forest products, sulphur from local volcanoes, and possibly aromatic woods, attracting Malay and Javanese merchants by the 14th century, as noted in Majapahit records listing "Solot" among vassal territories.^[31] This commerce supported village-based exchange without developing hierarchical states, emphasizing decentralized alliances among clans for defense and resource access in the absence of monumental architecture or written records beyond external chronicles.^[30]

Portuguese Influence and Fortifications

Portuguese traders began frequenting the Solor islands in the 1520s, drawn by the lucrative sandalwood trade, which supplied markets in China and beyond via Malacca.^[3] These early visits involved establishing temporary warehouses on the island to facilitate the collection and export of sandalwood, a commodity essential for incense, perfumes, and medicinal uses.^[3] By 1559, Jesuit friar Baltasar Dias documented approximately 200 Portuguese merchants from Malacca wintering on Solor, awaiting favorable monsoon winds for their voyages, highlighting the island's role as a seasonal trade hub.^[34] To secure their commercial interests against regional rivals, including Muslim traders from Ternate, the Portuguese constructed a stone fortress on Solor in 1566, named Forte de Nossa Senhora da Piedade, under the initiative of Dominican friars.^[3] This fortification served as a strategic outpost, protecting spice and sandalwood routes while enabling the rendezvous of Portuguese galleons en route to the Moluccas.^[3] Missionary efforts accompanied trade from 1561, when four Dominican friars arrived from Malacca and established a presence in Solor, focusing on converting local Lamaholot-speaking populations to Catholicism.^[3] These activities resulted in early baptisms and the construction of churches, with 18 such structures erected by 1599 across Solor, Adonara, Flores, and Ende, fostering hybrid Christian communities that integrated Portuguese customs with indigenous traditions.^[3] Conflicts arose with local chieftains and the Sultanate of Ternate, which exerted influence over parts of the region, as Portuguese expansion disrupted traditional trade networks dominated by Muslim intermediaries.^[3] The fort's establishment boosted local trade volumes, as Solor became a provisioning stop for vessels carrying spices like cloves and nutmeg alongside sandalwood, though it also facilitated the introduction of enslaved labor from Timor and other islands to support fort maintenance and agriculture.^[3]

Dutch Colonial Era and Transition to Independence

The Dutch East India Company (VOC) captured Fort Solor from Portuguese control on April 18, 1613, following a siege that began on January 27 and involved heavy bombardment reducing the structure to ruins.^[35] Led by Captain Apollonius Schotte, the Dutch forces overcame a garrison comprising approximately 100 Portuguese soldiers, 30 married Portuguese men, and around 1,000 local inhabitants, mostly women and children, who were subsequently allowed safe passage.^[36] The fort was renamed Fort Henricus (later Fort Fredrik Hendrik) and served as a key VOC outpost for controlling regional trade routes in the Solor Archipelago and Timor.^[35] Under VOC administration from 1613 onward, Solor became a hub for extracting and exporting high-value resources, particularly aromatic sandalwood endemic to the islands of Solor and Timor, which was traded across Asia for its use in incense and carvings.^[37] The company also engaged in the slave trade, sourcing laborers from local Timorese and Solorese communities for fort maintenance, shipping, and export to other Dutch possessions, with records indicating systemic capture and transport of slaves through Solor's ports amid broader regional patterns of intertribal raiding intensified by European demand.^[38] Administrative control involved appointing mestizo or local assistants to manage warehouses and trade, though VOC profitability in Solor remained marginal compared to spice islands due to persistent local alliances with Portuguese remnants.^[39] Local resistance to Dutch rule manifested through alliances of Topasses—mixed Portuguese-Indigenous communities—who launched raids and skirmishes against VOC forts in the Solor-Timor region during the 17th and 18th centuries, leveraging kinship ties and firearms acquired from Portuguese sources to challenge monopolistic trade practices.^[40] These efforts were ultimately suppressed by Dutch military reinforcements and divide-and-rule tactics, including co-opting rival chiefs, leading to the erosion of Topass power by the mid-18th century.^[41] After the VOC's bankruptcy and dissolution in 1799, direct Dutch colonial governance assumed control, incorporating Solor into the residency of Timor and maintaining exploitative resource extraction with minimal infrastructural investment. During World War II, Japanese forces occupied Solor as part of their 1942 conquest of the Dutch East Indies, administering the island briefly until their surrender in 1945, with local impacts including forced labor requisitions similar to those across eastern Indonesia.^[42] Following Indonesia's proclamation of independence on August 17, 1945, Solor integrated into the Republic without significant separatist movements, unlike regions such as West Papua; Dutch attempts at reassertion via federal structures failed amid the broader Indonesian National Revolution, culminating in full sovereignty transfer by December 1949.^[43] This smooth incorporation reflected Solor's peripheral economic status and demographic homogeneity under prior colonial administration.^[44]

Economy and Development

Traditional Economy

The traditional economy of Solor centered on subsistence activities adapted to the archipelago's rugged volcanic terrain and surrounding marine environments. Slash-and-burn agriculture predominated, exploiting the islands' stony volcanic soils for small-scale cultivation of maize, coconuts, bananas, and papayas, though yields were constrained by soil infertility and irregular rainfall, with rice typically imported from neighboring regions.^[4] Fishing supplemented agriculture, leveraging coral reefs for reef fish and shellfish, while coastal communities harvested marine resources using outrigger canoes and simple gear. In villages such as Lamakera on eastern Solor, specialized whaling formed a cornerstone of marine exploitation, with hunters employing harpoons launched from tengawa boats to pursue sperm whales and other cetaceans during the austral winter migration, yielding meat for local consumption and oil or ambergris for barter.^[45] This practice, documented in ethnohistorical accounts from the 19th century, supported communal feasting and status hierarchies within Muslim fishing clans, distinct from broader subsistence fishing.^[46] Pre-colonial resource allocation operated through decentralized clan and village (suku) systems, where kinship groups controlled swidden plots and fishing grounds via customary (adat) tenure, minimizing conflict via reciprocal obligations rather than centralized authority.^[38] Historical trade amplified these bases, with Solor's strategic straits position enabling barter and export of sandalwood procured from Timor hinterlands and, in some cases, slaves captured in regional raids, exchanged for textiles, iron, and ceramics with Makassarese or Portuguese intermediaries as early as the 16th century.^[47] ^[38] Inter-island barter networks, involving goods like patola cloths and elephant tusks, linked Solor communities to Flores and Timor into the 18th century, sustaining wealth beyond local production.^[48]

Modern Challenges and Opportunities

In Flores Timur Regency, encompassing the Solor archipelago, the poverty rate reached 11.25% as of November 2024, surpassing Indonesia's national average of 9.36% recorded in September 2023.^[49] ^[50] This reflects broader underdevelopment in East Nusa Tenggara province, where gross regional domestic product per capita averaged approximately IDR 20.58 million (about USD 1,300) in recent assessments, compared to the national figure of IDR 75 million (about USD 4,800).^[51] ^[52] Local livelihoods depend predominantly on subsistence fishing and small-scale agriculture, supplemented by remittances from provincial migrant workers, which account for a significant portion of household income amid limited formal employment.^[53] Infrastructure shortcomings compound economic stagnation, including rudimentary road networks prone to erosion and seasonal disruptions, as well as underdeveloped ports reliant on ferries susceptible to weather delays.^[54] These deficits restrict goods transport, market access, and external investment, with Solor's isolation—approximately 50 km east of Flores—exacerbating connectivity issues in a province where over 1,000 islands face similar logistical hurdles.^[55] Environmental pressures further strain resources, as overfishing has depleted local marine stocks by up to 50% in Indonesian fisheries overall, diminishing yields for small-scale operators in areas like the Flores Sea adjacent to Solor.^[56] Coastal erosion, driven by deforestation for agriculture and rising sea levels, threatens habitable land and agricultural viability on low-lying islands.^[57] While marine biodiversity offers scope for eco-tourism, such as diving around coral-fringed reefs, empirical barriers including poor accommodation, unreliable transport, and weak local governance have confined visitor numbers to negligible levels relative to nearby sites like Komodo.^[58] Regional renewable energy prospects, including geothermal fields on Flores, hold theoretical promise for energy-independent growth, yet Solor's remoteness, high upfront costs, and inconsistent policy enforcement—evident in Indonesia's stalled 40% geothermal reserve utilization—curtail viable implementation.^[59] These factors, rooted in geographic causality and institutional inefficiencies, empirically constrain diversification beyond subsistence patterns.^[60]

Culture and Society

Local Traditions and Customs

The Lamaholot people of Solor organize society through patrilineal clans, or suku, which trace descent exclusively through male lines and govern inheritance of land and house territories within villages. These segmentary descent groups, numbering several per community, mediate marriage exchanges—typically uxorilocal for first unions—and enforce adat rules on resource allocation, ensuring continuity of communal tenure systems observed ethnographically since the mid-20th century.^[32]^[33] Oral histories, transmitted via elders during village assemblies, recount ancestral migrations across the Solor-Alor chain and early encounters with Austronesian seafarers, serving as charters for clan territories and maritime taboos against overfishing specific reefs. These narratives, cross-verified against linguistic and archaeological patterns, underscore a cultural emphasis on sea-based identity, with motifs of heroic voyages integrated into chants performed at clan initiations.^[30] Maritime crafts include the construction of outrigger canoes (prahu) using hardwood frames lashed with rattan, a skill maintained by male specialists for inter-island navigation and whaling hunts in Lamakera village, where teams of 10-15 men deploy harpoons from synchronized boats targeting sperm whales seasonally from May to October. Gender divisions assign men to offshore fishing and vessel repair, while women handle coastal shellfish gathering, dryland swidden farming of corn and cassava, and mat-weaving from pandanus leaves for sails and storage.^[4] Customary practices blend pre-colonial elements, such as clan-mediated bridewealth in gongs and livestock, with adaptations from trade eras, like incorporating metal tools into woodworking rituals without disrupting patrilineal authority structures. These persist amid modernization, as evidenced by ongoing clan disputes resolved via ancestral oaths rather than state courts in rural enclaves.^[61]

Religious Composition and Historical Legacy

Catholicism predominates in Solor, comprising approximately 70-80% of the population according to ethnographic surveys of the Lamaholot people, who form the island's ethnic core.^[15] This dominance traces to Portuguese Dominican missions established in 1562, when friars from Malacca arrived to evangelize alongside fort construction for sandalwood trade control.^[62] These missions integrated religious conversion with colonial enforcement, baptizing locals under the protection of structures like Fortaleza de Solor, fostering resilient Catholic communities that withstood later Dutch incursions.^[3] Islam constitutes pockets, estimated at 15-20%, primarily among coastal traders and migrants from Java who settled in villages like Solor proper, forming Muslim principalities such as the Paji by the 19th century.^[63] Protestant minorities, around 5-10%, emerged post-Dutch capture of Solor in 1613, though they remain marginal compared to Catholicism's entrenched legacy.^[15] Pre-colonial animism, centered on ancestral spirits protecting villages, persists in syncretic forms, blending with Christian sacraments through rituals honoring the living-dead, as documented in missionary records.^[62] The historical interplay of religion and power dynamics yielded community divisions, with Catholic adherents historically aligned to European patrons for defense against Makassarese raids, while Muslim groups maintained autonomy through trade networks.^[40] This colonial tethering of faith to fortresses and commerce built enduring church institutions but also sowed intergroup tensions, evident in segregated villages and occasional conflicts over resources, though contemporary interfaith relations exhibit low overt tension amid shared adat customs.^[64] Empirical adherence surveys underscore Catholicism's vitality through active parishes, contrasting with Islam's trader enclaves, without evidence of widespread ecumenical dilution.^[15]

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Sep 7, 2010 · Portuguese overseas settlements usually consisted of the European Portuguese officials, soldiers, merchants and priests; the Portuguese mestiço; ...
[41]
https://brill.com/view/journals/bki/163/1/article-p1_1.pdf
[42]
Experiencing Kupang - International Office UNDANA
Representatives of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) first encountered Kupang in 1613 after having conquered the Portuguese fort on the island of Solor.
[43]
[PDF] The Indonesian Revolution of 1945-49 - USINDO
After Sukarno and Hatta declared independence, the Europeans attempted to re-colonize Indonesia. The first allied troops to arrive were not actually Dutch, but ...
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Indonesia's Date of Independence - The Indo Project
Oct 24, 2018 · Indonesians celebrate 17 August annually as the date of their independence from Dutch rule. On that date in 1945, a proclamation of independence from the Dutch ...
[45]
Lamakera, Solor. Ethnohistory of a Muslim Whaling Village of ... - jstor
1636 In May, the Portuguese burn down Lamakera and other villages (Tiele en Heeres 1890: 311). 1652 On February 4th, a Sengaji Rape (or Rapi) of Lamakera.
[46]
[PDF] Robert Barnes - WHALING OFF LEMBATA - IWGIA
Lamakera, Solor and Lamalera, Lembata both hunt whales, though of different species. It is especially striking that there was never any mention in the ...
[47]
[PDF] Timor, Sandalwood, and Global Trade Rivalry on Timor - Atlantis Press
Then, the Portuguese was allowed to collect sandalwood in their territory [16]. According to Nordholt, the weakening of the unity of realm was a result of ...Missing: Solar | Show results with:Solar<|separator|>
[48]
Barter and Money in an Indonesian Village Economy - jstor
Hogendorp (1780: 427) describes great trading in the same century on Solor of iron, elephant tusks, silk patola and other cloths which the islanders obtained ...Missing: ethnography | Show results with:ethnography
[49]
Percentage of Population Living Below the National Poverty Line by ...
Sep 2, 2024 · Flores Timur, 11,25. Sikka, 11,89. Ende, 22,57. Ngada, 11,87. Manggarai, 19 ... The poverty rate of Nduga Regency in 2015 uses the 2014 figures.
[50]
Percentage of Poor Population in East Flores Regency, 2015-2024
Jun 30, 2025 · The poverty rate in East Flores Regency as of November 30, 2024, was recorded at 11.25 percent. This figure is down 0.52 percent compared to ...
[51]
[PDF] Convergence of regional GDP Percapita among the big islands in ...
Meanwhile the lowest Regional GDP per. Capita is held by East Nusa Tenggara Province, with the amount of IDR 20.581.130. If classified by each big island ...<|separator|>
[52]
Indonesia's GDP Growth Rate in Q4-2023 was 5.04 percent (y-on-y)
Feb 5, 2024 · ... GDP per capita reached IDR75.0 million or US$4,919.7. Indonesia's economy in 2023 grew by 5.05 percent, lower than the achievement in 2022 ...Missing: East Tenggara
[53]
Exploring the Reality of Poverty in East Nusa Tenggara, Indonesia ...
The Central Bureau of Statistics (BPS) of the Republic of Indonesia places this province as one of the ten poorest provinces in Indonesia in 2022 and is the ...<|separator|>
[54]
An Off-Grid Energy Provider in Indonesia Innovates to Maximize the ...
Feb 5, 2024 · Remote and underdeveloped areas in East Nusa Tenggara are particularly challenging, where the lack of basic infrastructure, such as roads and ...Missing: Modern Solor
[55]
The enterprising archipelago: Propelling Indonesia's productivity
Apr 30, 2025 · At the top end, the per capita GDP of Jakarta is 14 times higher than that of Nusa Tenggara Timur at the bottom. 14 ...
[56]
Wow, Overfishing Reduced Fish by Almost 90%? - Aruna.id
Feb 10, 2025 · It was found that more than 50% of the wild fish population in Indonesia experienced overfishing. This not only impacts the current generation, but also future ...
[57]
Climate Stories | Fisheries and Blue Economy - World Bank
Mar 3, 2023 · Overfishing, plastics, habitat destruction, and warming waters have depleted the ocean's natural bounty and particularly hurt Ghana's ...<|control11|><|separator|>
[58]
https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2667010025002732
[59]
Investing in Indonesia's Geothermal Energy Sector
Jan 22, 2025 · Indonesia has 12 geothermal projects open for investment, with 40% of global reserves, and 2.6 GW installed capacity, driven by government ...
[60]
Harnessing the power of Indonesia's geothermal energy - Deloitte
This article discusses how we can harness the power of Indonesia's geothermal energy by overcoming barriers to commercial viability.
[61]
(PDF) Solor Islands - Academia.edu
It highlights specific treaties, governmental communications, and local historical events that showcase the complexities of territorial control and cultural ...
[62]
https://brill.com/downloadpdf/display/book/9789047441830/Bej.9789004170261.i-1004_005.pdf
[63]
[PDF] Solor Islands - Oxford University Research Archive
In 1851 as an earnest to cover a debt incurred by its colony in East Timor, the government of Portugal ceded control of its 'possessions' on Flores, Solor,.
[64]
Learning From The Socio-Religious Integration In Solor Village ...
Solor Island (located to the east of Flores Island). Those who were brought over were mostly Islam. and settled in one of the central city areas known. as Solor ...Missing: demographics | Show results with:demographics