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Terry Glavin

Terry Glavin (born 1955) is a Canadian journalist, author, and conservationist noted for his reporting on human rights abuses in , environmental degradation, and critiques of prevailing media narratives. Born in the to parents, Glavin immigrated to in 1957 and grew up in , . As a columnist for the and , and a former contributing editor at , Glavin has authored or co-authored more than ten books, including The Last Great Sea: A Voyage Through the Human and Natural History of the (1996), which examines ecological and historical dimensions of the Pacific, and Come from the Shadows: The Long and Lonely Struggle for Peace in (2008). His works often integrate first-hand investigations into , such as in The Sixth Extinction (2006), and geopolitical conflicts, earning him awards like the Lieutenant Governor's Award for Literary Excellence in 2009 and the Hubert Evans Non-Fiction Prize. Glavin co-founded the Canada-Afghanistan Solidarity Committee and serves as a senior fellow at the Centre for , advocating for issues including persecution under the and opposition to movements like . He has drawn for challenging unsubstantiated claims of mass graves at former residential schools—later confirmed by anomalies but without exhumations revealing bodies—accusing media outlets of amplifying hysteria without empirical verification, a stance that critics have labeled insensitive while defenders argue it upholds factual rigor amid systemic biases in reporting.

Early Life and Background

Childhood and Family

Terry Glavin was born in 1955 in the to parents. In 1957, at the age of two, he immigrated with his family to , where he was raised in , a suburb east of , . His early years in the working-class neighborhoods of exposed him to the diverse immigrant communities along the flats, including vegetable farms that dotted the landscape. Limited public details exist on his immediate family dynamics, though Glavin has reflected on his heritage and the emigrant experiences of preceding generations in personal essays.

Education and Early Influences

Glavin was born in 1955 in the to parents and immigrated to in 1957, where he was raised in , , in an Catholic household. His early years in the suburban environs of South exposed him to the coastal ecosystems of the province, including regular fishing excursions along the shoreline that cultivated a foundational interest in and . During the late , as a teenager, Glavin delivered editions of the across South , gaining firsthand familiarity with news dissemination and local events through this routine labor. This practical immersion in journalistic processes, conducted without evident reliance on formal pedagogical structures, foreshadowed his predilection for over abstracted theory, fostering an analytical style grounded in direct observation of causal mechanisms in social and environmental domains. Public records yield scant details on Glavin's attendance at specific institutions for primary or , suggesting his formative development leaned toward autonomous into ecological and regional narratives, informed by the tangible realities of coastal pressures he encountered young. These influences oriented him toward empirical scrutiny of environmental decline and human impacts, distinct from ideologically driven academic frameworks prevalent in later institutional settings.

Journalistic Career

Early Journalism and Conservation Work


Terry Glavin commenced his journalism career in the 1980s at the Georgia Straight, where he reported on environmental issues and indigenous affairs in British Columbia. He subsequently joined the Vancouver Sun as a reporter and columnist, specializing in local ecology, anthropology, and resource conflicts.
In the late , Glavin covered First Nations-led blockades protesting on the Skeena River's north bank, highlighting tensions between industrial development and cultural preservation through on-the-ground accounts. His 1990 book A Death Feast in Dimlahamid documented these events, drawing on archaeological evidence and community testimonies to underscore empirical realities of Wet'suwet'en territorial claims amid resource disputes. Glavin's 1994 publication A in the Water, the inaugural volume in the Transmontanus series, examined the white sturgeon's prehistoric ecology and longstanding human interdependencies, prioritizing and historical records over anthropocentric idealizations. This work exemplified his approach to reporting, integrating fishery statistics with ethnographic insights to critique unsubstantiated environmental narratives. By the early 2000s, Glavin extended his advocacy linking ecological stewardship to , co-founding the Canada-Afghanistan Solidarity Committee to support reconstruction efforts amid post-Taliban challenges, though primarily focused beyond direct conservation.

Major Outlets and Columns

Glavin has held columnist positions at the and , outlets where he delivers opinion pieces on , , and domestic critiques, often challenging prevailing narratives in Canadian discourse. These roles represent a in his mid-career trajectory toward national-level commentary, building on earlier regional reporting to address underreported international developments, such as geopolitical tensions in Asia and the . He has maintained regular contributions to these publications since the early 2010s, with columns appearing frequently on topics like authoritarian regimes and energy policy realism, emphasizing empirical scrutiny over ideological conformity. A brief association with Maclean's magazine involved feature articles on global security and cultural conflicts, though Glavin later distanced himself from the outlet, self-identifying as a "refugee" amid its editorial shifts. In the post-2000s era, Glavin's output expanded to bi-weekly or near-regular intervals in national media, coinciding with broader industry consolidation and digital transitions that pressured conformity in coverage. His approach prioritized analysis, sidestepping echo chambers prevalent in legacy by drawing on firsthand reporting from zones and critiques grounded in verifiable data rather than consensus-driven reporting. This stance has positioned his work as a to institutionalized biases in outlets, fostering scrutiny of under-examined causal factors in global events.

International Reporting and Assignments

Glavin conducted on-the-ground reporting in in the years following the 2001 U.S.-led overthrow of the regime, traveling with interpreters and Afghan activists to assess progress toward stability and document local efforts against Islamist extremism. His 2011 book Come from the Shadows: The Long and Lonely Struggle for Peace in details these journeys, emphasizing the fragility of gains in , education, and amid ongoing insurgent threats. Glavin's fieldwork underscored the causal link between sustained Western military and diplomatic engagement and the prevention of reconquest, warning that premature withdrawal would enable the regime's return to power, as later borne out by the group's resurgence. In China's Uyghur Autonomous Region, Glavin reported from Urumqi shortly after the July 2009 ethnic riots that killed at least 197 people, primarily , amid Uyghur grievances over discrimination and cultural erasure. His book A Death Feast in Urumqi: Travels Through China's Bloody Rebellion draws on direct observations of the unrest's aftermath, including Han-Uyghur clashes and Beijing's subsequent measures that presaged mass . This reporting challenged Western tendencies to downplay state repression, providing empirical accounts of policies targeting , religion, and identity—precursors to the expanded "re-education" camps documented by later and survivor testimonies. Glavin's assignments extended to coverage of autonomy struggles, where he highlighted Beijing's demographic engineering and cultural suppression, such as the influx of settlers diluting populations in and restrictions on monastic education. His dispatches countered sanitized portrayals of China's "harmonious" minority policies by citing verifiable incidents, including self-immolations by over 150 between 2009 and 2019 protesting repression. Through these efforts, Glavin prioritized firsthand and data-driven scrutiny of authoritarian dynamics, revealing how regime narratives obscured violence against dissident groups in both and .

Authorship and Publications

Key Books and Themes

Terry Glavin's authorship emphasizes on-the-ground reporting and direct testimonies to illuminate human endurance amid cultural and environmental pressures. In Come from the Shadows: The Long and Lonely Struggle for Peace in (2011), he documents Afghan civilians and activists who supported interventions against the , drawing on travels with interpreters since September 11, 2001, to counter prevailing Western and highlight local demands for sustained military and developmental aid. The book prioritizes these empirical voices over abstracted geopolitical pessimism, portraying resilience as rooted in ordinary Afghans' rejection of totalitarian resurgence. Earlier works like The Sixth Extinction: Journeys Among the Lost and (2006) extend this motif to loss intertwined with cultural vanishing, integrating zoological, ecological, and anthropological evidence to argue that and human group extinctions share causal drivers such as disruption and neglect of . Glavin critiques alarmist narratives by focusing on verifiable cases, such as isolated communities preserving ecological practices amid modernization, underscoring human adaptability through specific, documented adaptations rather than generalized doom. Co-authored volumes, including A Stain Upon the Sea: West Coast Salmon Farming (2002) with Stephen Hume, apply similar scrutiny to and , relying on fishery data and stakeholder accounts to expose industrial overreach's tangible harms without ideological overlay. Recurring themes across these texts privilege anti-totalitarian stances—evident in opposition to oppressive regimes suppressing local agency—and empirical that grounds analysis in firsthand resilience, as in Glavin's portrayals of indigenous resistance in A Death Feast in Dimlahamid (1990), where oral histories affirm territorial claims against state erasure. This approach consistently favors causal chains derived from observable testimonies over detached theorizing, revealing patterns of human persistence against both natural decline and authoritarian control.

Non-Fiction Contributions

Glavin's non-fiction essays often challenge prevailing narratives by prioritizing over abstracted idealism, particularly in examinations of and cultural histories. In his 1996 collection This Ragged Place: Travels Across the Landscape, comprising nine essays on British Columbia's intertwined human and natural histories, Glavin dissects the consequences of policy missteps, such as overregulation in fisheries and , linking them directly to ecological decline and community hardships rather than attributing issues to inherent systemic flaws without causal analysis. The work, shortlisted for the Governor General's Literary Award for , underscores real-world outcomes of decisions detached from local knowledge, drawing on historical records and fieldwork to refute oversimplified . Through his foundational role in the Transmontanus series, launched in 1994 under New Star Books, Glavin edited and contributed volumes that fuse with pragmatic socio-political commentary, countering romanticized views of by highlighting human and policy-induced disruptions. As the series' editor until 2009, he oversaw monographs emphasizing verifiable ecological data over ideological prescriptions; his own A Ghost in the Water (1994), the inaugural entry, traces salmon-centric economies against colonial and modern interventions, revealing how regulatory failures exacerbated loss and food insecurity. Similarly, co-authoring Sturgeon Reach: The Heart of the Fraser (2010) in the series, Glavin documents the river's historical bounty and contemporary threats from damming and , advocating evidence-based over absolutist that ignores economic dependencies. These contributions debunk fallacies of pristine, ahistorical by evidencing causal chains from governance lapses to erosion. Glavin's shorter essays extend this approach to broader Canadian discourse, persistently critiquing postnational idealism—exemplified by visions of a borderless, value-neutral society—as empirically unviable amid mounting pressures like unchecked and resource conflicts. In a 2023 National Post essay, he argued that Prime Minister Trudeau's post-national framework, once promoted as , now correlates with public disillusionment over shortages and cultural strains, substantiated by polling showing widespread toward high immigration levels without corresponding gains. This empirical orientation recurs in his freelance pieces, where policy idealism is faulted for overlooking causal realities, such as how abstract narratives obscure divisions over development projects or environmental hampers alleviation in resource-dependent communities.

Core Views and Advocacy

Foreign Policy and China

Terry Glavin has articulated a hawkish perspective on , framing the as an authoritarian regime that poses direct threats to through operations, economic , and abuses. He has emphasized documented instances of Chinese meddling in Canadian elections, including the 2019 and 2021 federal votes, where targeted specific ridings and candidates via proxies like the . According to (CSIS) assessments cited by Glavin, designates Canada a "high priority" for such activities, encompassing influence over politicians, diaspora communities, and . Glavin argues that these efforts, often wittingly accommodated by elements within the , undermine democratic integrity and necessitate a policy shift away from engagement toward deterrence. Glavin's critique extends to the Trudeau government's persistence with a "business as usual" posture despite evidence of Beijing's , which involves the of over one million Muslim minorities in re-education camps since , forced labor, and cultural erasure. He has lambasted Ottawa's reluctance to impose Magnitsky sanctions on responsible officials or halt imports of goods linked to slave labor, such as those in solar panels and apparel supply chains, arguing that economic ties enable these atrocities. On broader , Glavin opposes deepening resource exports or infrastructure links to , warning that they erode Canadian autonomy without reciprocal benefits, and has praised Conservative platforms advocating reduced dependence on Beijing for supply chains and trade. In advocating for alliances to counter , Glavin has highlighted Canada's exclusion from frameworks like —the 2021 trilateral security pact among , the , and the —as a consequence of perceived unreliability under , who prioritized virtue-signaling over Indo-Pacific commitments. He supports bolstering partnerships such as the (Quad) and intelligence sharing to prioritize national security over appeasement-driven economics, contending that decoupling from high-risk Chinese dependencies in technology, minerals, and finance is essential for long-term resilience against coercion. This stance reflects Glavin's broader causal realism: empirical patterns of interference and aggression demand proactive measures rather than diplomatic equivocation.

Indigenous Rights and Development

Glavin has advocated for Indigenous economic through resource development projects, arguing that under Section 35 of the , grants the authority to pursue industrial uses of traditional lands, including pipelines, to alleviate persistent poverty. He contends that federal and provincial governments bear a duty to uphold these equally, rather than privileging oppositional voices that obstruct such opportunities. In the context of pipeline disputes, Glavin has critiqued the portrayal of Indigenous opposition as monolithic, highlighting internal divisions where elected band councils—representing community majorities—often endorse projects like Coastal GasLink for their economic potential, while hereditary chiefs oppose them on traditional governance grounds. For instance, during 2019 protests against the $40 billion LNG Canada initiative, all 20 elected Wet'suwet'en band councils along the route had signed benefit agreements, contrasting with hereditary leaders' blockades that delayed construction and ignored elected mandates. Glavin attributes this disconnect to politicians' reluctance to adjudicate Aboriginal title claims, allowing elite-driven activism to overshadow pro-development Indigenous factions seeking jobs, revenue sharing, and infrastructure. Glavin emphasizes treaties as essential for resolving title uncertainties that impede development, as evidenced by the August 7, 2025, British Columbia Supreme Court ruling in Cowichan Tribes v. Canada, which affirmed the Cowichan Nation's Aboriginal title to 298 hectares of Fraser River estuary lands unlawfully alienated in the 19th century. The decision, suspended for 18 months pending negotiations, underscores British Columbia's treaty deficit—covering over 90% of its territory—and Glavin argues that ad hoc "shared decision-making" arrangements substitute for rigorous treaty processes, fostering ambiguity that benefits neither reconciliation nor economic progress. He warns that without treaties defining Crown-Indigenous relations, resource projects remain vulnerable to litigation, perpetuating dependency rather than enabling self-determination through clarified land-use rights.

Environmental Realism and Energy Policy

Glavin's early conservation journalism, including his 2000 book The Last Great Sea, emphasized empirical stewardship of ecosystems like British Columbia's coastal fisheries, drawing on historical data to advocate for sustainable human use rather than exclusionary wilderness preservation. This foundation informed his broader environmental realism, which prioritizes verifiable ecological outcomes and human welfare over ideological purity, as seen in his critiques of romanticized "untouched" nature narratives that ignore practices. In , Glavin has consistently supported expanding Canadian and infrastructure, such as LNG projects and pipelines, as pragmatic means to reduce global emissions by displacing coal-dependent imports from high-polluting sources like , which financed nearly $250 billion in overseas projects from 2000 to 2020. He argued in 2019 that federal and provincial policy missteps, including inconsistent indigenous consultations, fueled unnecessary protests against LNG developments, despite their potential to provide economic benefits to and ethical alternatives. By 2024, Glavin highlighted Canada's untapped $3 trillion in resources as a strategic asset for allies, urging domestic consumption and exports to to enhance amid geopolitical disruptions, rather than forgoing development under domestic regulatory hurdles. Glavin rejects alarmist that elevates speculative scenarios over immediate humanitarian imperatives, noting in 2021 that the world fails to address 690 million people facing or 82 million refugees, rendering grand pledges—like the unfulfilled $100 billion annual aid from —unrealistic amid rising emissions from major emitters like . He critiqued exaggerated rhetoric as early as 2014, calling for "hard science and clear thinking" to drive action, while dismissing denialism and alike in favor of transitions to and that balance emissions reductions with economic viability. This stance extends to opposing "environmental ," where Western-led restrictions on use in developing regions perpetuate by denying access to reliable , echoing his 2023 analysis of overlooked adaptability to technologies like cultivation as a model for pragmatic progress over stasis.

Controversies and Public Debates

Challenges to Mainstream Narratives on Residential Schools

In May , the Tk’emlúps te Secwépemc First Nation announced the detection of 215 soil anomalies via at the former site, prompting widespread media coverage framing the findings as evidence of a "" of children. Terry Glavin, in subsequent columns, contested this portrayal, arguing that the announcement represented preliminary geophysical data rather than confirmed s, and that Chief Rosanne Casimir had explicitly stated there was no mass grave but rather potential unmarked burial sites requiring further . He highlighted how outlets like on May 28, , amplified the story globally as a discovery of remains, igniting protests, arsons, and national mourning without awaiting forensic verification or excavation. Glavin's May 26, 2022, feature "The Year of the Graves" systematically reviewed announcements from multiple sites, including 751 anomalies at Marieval (Cowessess First Nation, June 2021) and 182 at St. Eugene’s, totaling over 1,300 reported anomalies across , none of which had yielded exhumed human remains by that date. Drawing on archival records from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), which documented 3,201 registered deaths but only a fraction occurring on school grounds with known burial practices, Glavin emphasized that many anomalies aligned with longstanding community cemeteries rather than secret mass graves. Forensic experts, such as archaeologist Sarah Beaulieu involved in the scan, described the detections as "probable" burials needing excavation for confirmation, a step not taken at despite federal funding allocations. Indigenous leaders like Cowessess Cadmus Delorme and St. Mary’s Joe Pierre similarly clarified that their sites involved known, documented graves, not novel discoveries of . By 2024, Glavin noted in a column that no human remains had been confirmed at , with Tk’emlúps shifting terminology from "remains" to "anomalies" amid analyses suggesting ground disturbances over burials, underscoring the absence of graves despite three years of . He critiqued the causal leap from hits to assumptions of foul play, which eroded public trust—evidenced by a Angus Reid poll showing persistent belief in unproven deliberate killings—and fueled policy responses like a $5 million federal anti-denialism initiative that risked suppressing inquiry into factual discrepancies. While affirming the documented harms of residential schools, including high mortality from , Glavin argued that premature narratives obscured precise historical accounting, as excavations remained pending at key sites.

Pipeline Protests and Indigenous Divisions

Glavin's coverage of the 2019-2020 Wet’suwet’en disputes over the Coastal GasLink pipeline emphasized internal divisions, with opposition led by eight hereditary chiefs invoking Aboriginal title affirmed in the 1997 Delgamuukw Supreme Court decision, while the nation's 20 elected band councils endorsed the project. These councils, functioning as de facto municipal governments under the Indian Act, had negotiated benefit agreements with TC Energy's Coastal GasLink, securing $620 million in contracts for First Nations businesses by early 2019, alongside anticipated construction jobs and provincial resource-revenue sharing. Glavin documented instances of pro-pipeline sentiment even among some hereditary lines, such as the stripping of titles from three women chiefs who supported the pipeline in February 2019, underscoring selective advocacy that amplified a minority stance over broader community interests. The protests escalated in January 2019 when RCMP enforced a , arresting 14 individuals at a Wet’suwet’en blockade on the Morice Forest Service Road to allow pipeline crews access, triggering nationwide and disruptions. Glavin argued this arose from politicians' failure to navigate Wet’suwet’en governance, where hereditary authority under the ancient feast system holds sway over title but elected councils manage practical affairs, yet federal and provincial leaders evaded clarifying Section 35 consultation duties. Glavin critiqued Ottawa's apparent favoritism toward the anti-pipeline hereditary faction, which he contended prioritized performative gestures over upholding the Section 35 rights of pro-development Indigenous groups from the to the Gitga’at, thereby fostering discord rather than reconciliation. This approach, in his view, sidelined verifiable economic gains tied to the $40-billion project—the largest private-sector investment in Canadian history at the time—such as sustained revenue for community services and infrastructure, benefits endorsed by participating bands despite opposition from hereditary leaders.

Criticisms from Left-Leaning Institutions

In 2022, following the publication of Glavin's article questioning the media's portrayal of "unmarked mass graves" at former residential schools—based on anomalies rather than exhumations—several left-leaning media outlets and academics accused him of "residential school denialism." , a progressive Canadian media organization, published a titled "What Terry Glavin Overlooked," arguing that his emphasis on the absence of physical remains undermined the "tangibility" of confirmed graves and the broader horrors of the schools. Historian Sean Carleton, an associate professor at the , publicly described Glavin's reporting as an example of denialism on , asserting it downplayed the genocidal implications without providing substantive counter-evidence to Glavin's documentation of unverified claims. These responses often eschewed empirical engagement with Glavin's points—such as the lack of excavations confirming child remains in mass graves by mid-2022, despite initial global headlines—and instead invoked characterizations. Critics, including some academics and journalists aligned with institutional narratives on issues, labeled Glavin insensitive or racially motivated for insisting on forensic verification over radar interpretations, echoing broader calls to " and listen" rather than debate facts. The Canadian Archaeological Association formally censured Glavin for similar skepticism regarding evidence standards in heritage sites, framing his inquiries as harmful to efforts. Such institutional backlash extended to patterns observed in reactions to Glavin's advocacy on and resource development, where substantive rebuttals were infrequent compared to personal dismissals. His criticisms of Canada's China engagement policies, including warnings against economic over-reliance on amid abuses, drew oblique media rebukes from outlets favoring diplomatic thaw narratives, often portraying skeptics like Glavin as alarmist without addressing data on risks or vulnerabilities. Similarly, his support for energy infrastructure like pipelines faced framing in progressive commentary as environmentally reckless or dismissive of consensus, despite Glavin's documentation of internal community divisions; these critiques rarely grappled with outcomes such as Canada's declining global under policies he opposed, which fell from 12th in 2015 to 14th by 2022 per metrics. By 2024, the persistence of unexcavated sites and absence of confirmed mass burials—contrary to initial 2021 claims—highlighted the fragility of these institutional attacks, as no child remains had been unearthed to substantiate allegations tied to the findings, thereby underscoring a reliance on over verification in left-leaning critiques. This pattern reflects broader challenges in and , where systemic biases toward can prioritize ideological , eroding critic credibility when empirical realities diverge from endorsed interpretations.

Awards and Recognition

Literary and Journalism Honors

Terry Glavin's literary work has been honored for its rigorous exploration of overlooked ecological and cultural histories, with This Ragged Place: Travels Across the Landscape (1996) named a finalist for the Governor General's Literary Award in English-language , acknowledging its detailed examination of North American landscapes amid debates over and . Similarly, A Death Feast in Dim Mak (2001), which investigated cultural practices and resource conflicts, received the Hubert Evans Non-Fiction Prize and the Roderick Haig-Brown Regional Prize from the Book Prizes, highlighting Glavin's commitment to firsthand ethnographic reporting over ideologically driven interpretations. In journalism, Glavin has earned multiple National Magazine Awards, including the Science, Technology, and Medicine Prize in 1998 for investigative pieces on environmental and scientific topics that prioritized empirical evidence against prevailing activist narratives. These awards reflect acclaim for his foreign and domestic reporting, such as coverage of human rights abuses and indigenous policy failures, often positioning him as a contrarian voice favoring data-driven analysis. In 2009, he was awarded the British Columbia Lieutenant Governor's Award for Literary Excellence, a $5,000 prize recognizing sustained contributions to provincial literature through books and columns that challenge systemic biases in media and academia. Glavin holds a senior fellowship at the Centre for , an appointment tied to his advocacy for accountability in international affairs, including critiques of authoritarian regimes and , based on documented patterns of state-sponsored rather than partisan alignments. These honors collectively affirm his track record in truth-oriented , earned despite pushback from institutions prone to left-leaning orthodoxies on topics like and global conflicts.

Advocacy and Fellowship Roles

Terry Glavin serves as a Senior Fellow at the Centre for , a position that has enabled him to contribute to initiatives focused on democratic rights, sanctions against authoritarian regimes, and combating . In this capacity, Glavin has advocated for severe global sanctions on human rights abusers, including 's leadership, and critiqued policies perceived as enabling such regimes, such as aspects of the 2015 Iran nuclear deal. His involvement underscores a commitment to enforcement through international mechanisms, drawing on the Centre's founding emphasis on and accountability. Glavin co-founded the Canada-Afghanistan Solidarity Committee in 2007 to support Afghan civil society and counter resurgence amid Canada's military engagement. The group sustained advocacy efforts post-2011, following Canada's combat mission withdrawal, by promoting refugee resettlement, protections, and opposition to of Islamist extremists. Through the committee, Glavin coordinated networks of veterans and Afghan allies to urge for rescue operations during the , highlighting failures in allied evacuations that left thousands vulnerable. Describing himself as an "accidental Zionist" since recognizing Israel's defensive necessities during the 2006 Israel-Hezbollah War, Glavin has critiqued the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement as fostering under anti-Israel pretexts. This stance aligns with his broader advocacy, including opposition to and calls for robust defenses against Iranian proxy threats, positions amplified through his Wallenberg Centre affiliation.

Recent Developments and Legacy

Independent Platforms and Substack

In early 2022, Terry Glavin launched "The Real Story," a newsletter positioned as an independent platform for in-depth reporting and analysis that extends beyond the constraints of traditional print media. Described by Glavin as delivering "all the news I couldn't fit in print," the publication enables direct engagement with subscribers through paid memberships, fostering a model reliant on reader support rather than institutional gatekeepers. This shift followed Glavin's departure from magazine, reflecting a broader trend among journalists seeking autonomy amid perceived editorial biases in legacy outlets. The newsletter's content emphasizes unfiltered examinations of , Canadian , and domestic security threats, including extensive coverage of foreign inquiries. Glavin has published detailed essays on reports from the National Security and Intelligence Committee of Parliamentarians (NSICOP) and the Hogue Commission, critiquing the involvement of parliamentarians with state actors like and highlighting systemic vulnerabilities in Canada's democratic institutions. For instance, in June 2024, he analyzed NSICOP's findings on "witting" participation by elected officials in interference activities, arguing that such undermines national . These pieces often draw on primary documents and Glavin's decades of reporting on and , prioritizing empirical evidence over prevailing narratives. Glavin has also addressed pro-democracy initiatives, such as calls for international boycotts against authoritarian regimes, extending his prior advocacy for rights and autonomy into Substack essays that urge principled economic and diplomatic pressure. The platform's growth to tens of thousands of subscribers underscores public appetite for subscriber-funded amid declining trust in , with Glavin noting in September 2025 that tectonic global shifts demand outlets unbound by conventional limits. This direct-to-reader approach allows for longer-form investigations, podcasts, and rapid responses to events like the 2024 foreign interference disclosures, reinforcing a commitment to over ideological conformity.

Commentary on 2020s Geopolitics and Canadian Affairs

In response to U.S. President Donald Trump's post-2024 election threats of 25% tariffs on Canadian imports and rhetoric suggesting annexation of Canada as the "51st state," Glavin argued in February 2025 that the longstanding bilateral relationship had undergone a permanent rupture, necessitating a realist Canadian posture rather than complacency. He contended that these pressures exposed Canada's internal fragilities, including stalled economic diversification and political disunity, pushing the country toward failed-state indicators like dependency on U.S. markets for 75% of exports. Glavin projected that without rapid reforms in defense spending and resource development, Canada risked prolonged vulnerability in a multipolar world order. Glavin observed a hardening Canadian resolve against U.S. , with polls showing unified opposition to concessions and a willingness to endure economic pain from retaliatory measures. He forecasted a "bitterly painful" standoff extending into 2026 and beyond, but emphasized that this could catalyze overdue national reckoning on sovereignty, including bolstering alliances like and increasing commitments beyond the 2% GDP threshold. In Glavin's view, Trump's approach, while disruptive, highlighted the perils of Canada's prior overreliance on and postnational identity, which had eroded deterrence against great-power competition. Regarding China, Glavin critiqued proposals to expand raw resource exports via pipelines and ports as a "devil's bargain" that would entrench economic subordination without advancing or countering Beijing's hegemonic ambitions. He cited 2022 polling data indicating 84% of Canadians perceived 's global influence negatively—50% strongly so and 34% somewhat—as evidence of widespread awareness of threats like election interference and theft, urging policymakers to align with this sentiment rather than pursuing . Glavin predicted escalating authoritarian encroachments, including cyber operations and diaspora coercion, would force into a defensive "hunkering down" mode through 2030 unless it divested from dual-use technologies and fortified supply chains. Glavin linked these geopolitical strains to domestic decline, attributing Canada's diminished stature to the "wreckage of the postnational era," where Trudeau-era policies prioritized over core national interests, fostering overload and fiscal strain without reciprocal loyalty. He warned of cascading effects, such as weakened alliances amid U.S. retrenchment and fragmentation, projecting a decade of focused on rebuilding institutions resilient to hybrid threats from , , and non-state actors. In analyzing Middle East dynamics, Glavin highlighted Qatar's role as Hamas's primary benefactor—hosting its leadership in and channeling billions in aid that sustained Gaza's military infrastructure—as emblematic of Western naivety enabling jihadist resilience. He critiqued pre-October 7, 2023, policies, including Israel's allowance of Qatari funds, for inadvertently prolonging conflicts, and noted 's failure to designate Hamas-aligned networks like Samidoun as terrorist entities despite their glorification of the massacre that killed 1,200 . Glavin forecasted that unchecked influences, including Qatar's media sway via , would exacerbate domestic divisions in , where pro-Hamas sympathies had surged post-2023, underscoring the need for firmer stances against illiberal funding in multicultural societies.

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