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Thomas Eagleton

Thomas Francis Eagleton (September 4, 1929 – March 4, 2007) was an American politician and attorney who represented as a Democratic Senator from 1968 to 1987. Eagleton began his political career as circuit attorney for before winning election as Missouri's in 1960, a position he held until 1965, during which he prosecuted and operations. He then served as from 1965 to 1969 prior to his successful U.S. Senate campaign in 1968, in which he secured appointment to complete the remainder of a term and won full terms in 1974 and 1980. In 1972, Eagleton was selected as the Democratic vice presidential nominee by but resigned from the ticket after 18 days when it emerged that he had undergone electroshock therapy for three times in the early 1960s—a history he had not fully disclosed to campaign staff amid inadequate vetting—and McGovern's initial unqualified support wavered under media scrutiny. Despite the episode, Eagleton continued in the , advocating for agricultural interests important to Missouri, supporting measures, and contributing to legislation on food stamps and highway funding, before retiring in 1987 and later teaching public policy at .

Early Life and Education

Family Background and Childhood

Thomas Francis Eagleton was born on September 4, 1929, in , , the second of two sons born to Mark D. Eagleton, a distinguished trial lawyer, and Zitta Louise Swanson Eagleton. His father, the son of a poor immigrant laborer from , , had earned a from St. Louis University in 1916 after working his way through school and built a successful practice in the city. Mark Eagleton harbored political ambitions, running unsuccessfully for in 1953 as a , and exposed his sons to politics early by hosting local politicians at the family home and taking the young Thomas to the in . Eagleton's older brother, Mark Jr., preceded him in attending , reflecting the family's emphasis on education amid a politically charged household environment where dinner conversations often centered on law and current events. Zitta Eagleton, whom her son later described as a "," provided a stable home influence until her death during Thomas's U.S. Navy service in the late 1940s. The family resided in St. Louis's Webster Groves suburb, part of a middle-class Catholic milieu that instilled values of , though specific childhood anecdotes beyond political immersion remain sparse in primary accounts. Eagleton's early years fostered a lifelong affinity for , with his father's thwarted ambitions and active Democratic involvement shaping his worldview from childhood; he later recalled catching "the bug" for public life through these familial channels. He attended St. Louis Country Day School, a preparatory institution that prepared him for , amid an upbringing marked by intellectual and rather than notable adversity.

Academic and Military Service

Eagleton attended St. Louis Country Day School prior to enlisting in the United States Navy, where he served from 1948 to 1949. Following his discharge, he enrolled at , from which he graduated in 1950. He then pursued legal studies at , earning his degree in 1953. After his Senate tenure, Eagleton joined the faculty at as the Thomas F. Eagleton University Professor of Public Affairs and in the Department of Arts & Sciences, serving from 1987 until his retirement in 2000. In this role, he contributed to public affairs education, drawing on his extensive political experience, though specific courses or publications from this period emphasized practical governance over theoretical scholarship.

Early Political Career

Entry into Politics and Prosecutorial Roles

Thomas Eagleton entered elective politics in 1956 when, at the age of 27, he was elected circuit attorney for the City of , becoming the youngest individual to hold that position. A recent graduate admitted to the bar in 1953, Eagleton had practiced privately in before launching his campaign, drawing on family connections in local Democratic circles—his father, Mark D. Eagleton, had served as a municipal and influenced his son's early interest in . His victory marked the start of a rapid ascent in politics, defeating incumbent H. Sam Priest in the Democratic primary and Republican opponent Edward L. Dowd in the general election. As circuit attorney from 1956 to 1960, Eagleton served as the chief prosecutor for felony and misdemeanor cases in City, overseeing a staff that handled thousands of criminal prosecutions annually amid urban challenges like rising crime rates in the post-World War II era. He emphasized rigorous preliminary investigations, maintaining that the initial police-circuit attorney interaction determined case strength, which led to streamlined charging decisions and higher conviction rates through focused evidence gathering rather than volume-driven prosecutions. Eagleton's tenure included handling routine violent crimes and probes, though specific high-profile convictions are less documented; his office's efficiency gained him visibility among reformers, positioning him for statewide office by prioritizing over political favoritism. This role honed his reputation as a tough, no-nonsense willing to challenge entrenched interests, setting the foundation for his 1960 bid for .

Statewide Offices in Missouri

Thomas Eagleton served as Missouri's Attorney General from January 9, 1961, to January 11, 1965, having been elected on November 8, 1960, defeating Republican nominee Paul C. Sprinkle by a margin of 283,832 votes. At age 31, he became the youngest person to hold the office in state history. During his tenure, Eagleton enforced state "Blue Laws" prohibiting Sunday retail sales through injunctions, which prompted legislative revisions in the early 1960s. He also conducted raids on substandard nursing homes, advocating for licensing reforms and expanded powers for public health inspectors to address safety deficiencies. Eagleton issued a detailed report opposing the death penalty, published in the St. Louis Post-Dispatch on January 20–21, 1963, arguing it lacked deterrent effect and exhibited racial and socioeconomic inequities; this position drew criticism from some constituencies but aligned with his broader focus on issues like civil rights, juvenile delinquency, wiretapping, education, and school prayer. In 1964, Eagleton successfully campaigned for , taking office on January 11, 1965, and serving until December 28, 1968, when he resigned following his U.S. Senate election victory. As , he presided over the State Senate and acted as in the chief executive's absence, though the role was often ceremonial with limited independent authority. Eagleton contributed to system reforms by supporting the appointment of Fred T. Wilkinson in March 1965 and promoting improvements in facilities and operations. He advocated for the creation of the Administrative Hearing Commission (AHC) through enacted with Warren Hearnes' backing, partly in response to cases like that of Dr. Harold Lischner involving professional licensing disputes. Additional priorities included education funding, measures, , juvenile delinquency prevention, opposition to , and support for policies. Eagleton later described the position's duties as modest, once quipping that his main activity was racing the up the State Capitol steps each morning.

U.S. Senate Election and Service

1968 Election and Initial Term

In the 1968 Democratic primary for the U.S. Senate seat from , Lieutenant Governor Thomas Eagleton challenged incumbent Senator Edward V. Long, who faced allegations of corruption and ties to figures. Eagleton secured the nomination with 224,017 votes, or 36.65% of the total, narrowly edging out Long's 198,901 votes (32.54%). In the general election on November 5, 1968, Eagleton defeated Republican nominee Thomas B. Curtis, a four-term congressman, in a close contest reflective of 's competitive political landscape and national divisions over the . Eagleton campaigned on reducing U.S. military involvement in , positioning himself as a reform-minded critical of . Eagleton was sworn into the Senate on December 28, 1968, filling the vacancy left by Long's resignation and beginning his term ahead of the standard January start. As a freshman senator during the 91st Congress (1969–1971), he focused on , emerging as an early and vocal opponent of the . Eagleton advocated for de-escalation and criticized President Lyndon B. Johnson's policies, aligning with congressional doves seeking to curb executive war-making authority amid growing public disillusionment with the conflict's costs—over 58,000 U.S. deaths by war's end and escalating domestic protests. His stance contributed to his rapid rise as a national Democratic figure, though specific legislative initiatives in these years were limited by his junior status. Through 1972, Eagleton's Senate activities emphasized oversight of military engagements, including scrutiny of President Richard Nixon's strategies in Vietnam and Southeast Asia. He co-sponsored early versions of legislation to restrict presidential war powers, foreshadowing his later role in the 1973 War Powers Resolution debates, and opposed funding extensions that prolonged bombing campaigns. These positions reflected a commitment to congressional prerogatives over unilateral executive action, grounded in constitutional separation of powers rather than partisan alignment, as evidenced by his independent critiques of both Johnson and Nixon administrations. Eagleton's early record established him as a principled anti-war advocate in Missouri, a state with significant military bases and veteran populations, without compromising his support for national defense priorities unrelated to Vietnam.

Legislative Achievements and Policy Positions

Eagleton served on the on and , where he advocated for policies benefiting Missouri's agricultural sector, including support for commodity programs, price stabilization, and initiatives critical to the state's farm economy. His work emphasized federal assistance to counter market volatility, as seen in his backing of farm bill provisions that extended and disaster relief for producers facing droughts and floods in the 1970s. In , Eagleton contributed significantly to the Clean Air Act Amendments of 1970 by supporting stringent emission standards and enforcement mechanisms during debates, helping secure bipartisan passage amid concerns over from industrial sources. He also played an active role in the Federal Water Pollution Control Act Amendments of 1972, known as the Clean Water Act, pushing for expanded federal grants to states for and tougher controls on industrial discharges to protect rivers and lakes. On and war powers, Eagleton sponsored an to the 1973 defense appropriations bill that prohibited funding for further U.S. bombing in , effectively contributing to the cessation of aerial operations and the broader withdrawal of American forces from by 1973. He co-sponsored the of 1973 (Public Law 93-148), which mandated presidential notification to within 48 hours of deploying U.S. troops into hostilities and limited such engagements to 60 days absent congressional authorization, aiming to reassert legislative checks on executive military actions following escalations. Eagleton held socially conservative positions, notably sponsoring a successful to the Family Planning Services and Population Research Act of 1970 () that barred the use of federal funds for , reflecting his opposition to taxpayer financing of the procedure. He later supported efforts to pass a constitutional Human Life to restrict rights, though these did not succeed. Throughout his tenure, Eagleton emphasized bipartisan on appropriations and budget matters, serving on the Appropriations Committee to secure funding for , , and while critiquing executive impoundment of congressionally approved funds.

Criticisms and Controversial Votes

Eagleton's opposition to the , while earning praise from anti-war advocates, led to criticisms from hawks and supporters for votes that sustained levels deemed insufficiently restrictive. In 1971, during debates on appropriations, he supported motions to table amendments that would have imposed deeper cuts to spending, contributing to defeats for dovish proposals and prompting frustration among peace activists who viewed him as pragmatically compromising on principle. A particularly divisive vote came on , 1973, when Eagleton joined Senators and as one of only three "no" votes against confirming as under the 25th , following Spiro Agnew's resignation amid . Eagleton cited Ford's endorsement of presidential impoundment—withholding congressionally appropriated funds—as evidence of disregard for legislative and constitutional balance, arguing it prioritized executive overreach. The 92–3 confirmation reflected broad bipartisan consensus for stability amid Watergate turmoil, and Eagleton's position drew rebukes for perceived partisanship that hindered national healing, even as he later defended Ford publicly against calls. Conservative critics in , where Eagleton represented a politically mixed , assailed his broader legislative pattern—including staunch backing of civil rights bills, expansions, and consumer protections—as excessively liberal and disconnected from local and traditional values. National groups, such as those aligned with the , targeted him in the 1980s for high ratings from liberal scorecards, portraying his record as enabling federal overreach; for instance, during his 1982 re-election, opponents highlighted votes favoring measures and environmental regulations over Second Amendment priorities and business interests. These attacks, often amplified by state Republicans, underscored tensions between his urban base and rural constituencies, though empirical voting data showed him securing consistent majorities in general elections.

1972 Vice-Presidential Candidacy

Nomination Process and Initial Selection


The 1972 Democratic National Convention in Miami Beach, Florida, concluded its presidential nomination in the early morning hours of July 13, when Senator George McGovern secured the Democratic presidential nomination after a contentious primary season. With ballot access deadlines looming in several states, McGovern's campaign staff, led by manager Gary Hart and aide Frank Mankiewicz, initiated a rushed vice-presidential selection process amid exhaustion from the convention's chaos. Initial approaches to prominent Democrats, including Senators Edmund Muskie, Hubert Humphrey, and Edward Kennedy, met with rejections due to prior commitments or reluctance to join the ticket.
Senator Thomas Eagleton of , a first-term legislator known for his moderate positions on issues like and the , was contacted around midday on July 13 as a compromise choice to balance McGovern's liberal image with appeal to Catholic and Midwestern voters. Eagleton, aged 42, had disclosed his past hospitalizations for to campaign intermediaries but provided minimal documentation, which the fatigued staff accepted without independent verification. After a brief meeting with McGovern at a hotel, Eagleton agreed to join the , citing shared anti-war views and party unity. Eagleton was nominated by acclamation later that day, , 1972, allowing the convention to formally endorse the McGovern-Eagleton before adjourning. The selection aimed to broaden the ticket's appeal, with Eagleton's prosecutorial background and statewide electoral success in viewed as assets for credibility and geographic balance. However, the hasty process, completed in hours rather than days, reflected the campaign's organizational strains and foreshadowed subsequent revelations.

Mental Health Disclosure and Political Fallout

On July 25, 1972, days after accepting the Democratic vice-presidential nomination at the , Senator Thomas F. Eagleton disclosed at a news conference in , that he had undergone three hospitalizations for nervous exhaustion and between 1960 and 1966, including (ECT) during two instances. The treatments occurred during a four-week stay at Barnes Hospital in in December 1960 and a roughly three-week period at the from September 20 to October 21, 1966; a third hospitalization at from December 27, 1964, to January 1, 1965, involved no ECT and addressed physical ailments. Eagleton attributed the episodes to overwork as a young man, affirmed no ECT since 1966, and insisted he had never been impaired in rational judgment. The revelation stemmed from persistent rumors in and media inquiries, including from Knight newspapers, prompting Eagleton to preempt further leaks despite not fully informing McGovern's vetting team beforehand. Senator , informed of the history during a private meeting with Eagleton on the same day, initially expressed unwavering support, declaring himself "1,000 percent" behind his running mate and dismissing concerns about fitness for office. However, immediate backlash from coverage, which emphasized the of and ECT—a then viewed skeptically due to its association with severe mental illness—eroded campaign confidence. Internal divisions emerged, with McGovern aides like and urging caution, while additional rumors, such as unverified claims of drunken driving arrests amplified by columnist Jack Anderson on July 27, intensified scrutiny. By July 28, McGovern's public rhetoric softened, hinting at ongoing evaluation, and consultations with psychiatrists—reportedly warning of potential recurrence risks—further swayed opinion against retaining Eagleton. On July 31, after a tense meeting in the Senate's Marble Room, McGovern requested Eagleton's to refocus the campaign, which Eagleton tendered that evening, citing the issue's distraction from substantive policy. The rapid reversal fueled perceptions of McGovern's indecisiveness and poor judgment in selection and vetting, alienating party leaders and donors while amplifying attacks portraying the ticket as unstable. The affair's political fallout proved devastating, contributing to a collapse in McGovern's poll numbers and a sense of disarray that haunted the campaign through November's landslide loss to . Eagleton, though cleared of broader impropriety, faced lasting reputational harm from the stigma, yet demonstrated no recurrence of issues in his subsequent tenure, underscoring how era-specific prejudices against treatment—rather than empirical unfitness—drove the outcome. McGovern later acknowledged the handling as a critical error, with the episode emblematic of inadequate pre-nomination scrutiny amid the convention's haste.

Resignation and Replacement

Following the public disclosure of Eagleton's and electroshock treatments on July 25, 1972, George initially expressed unwavering support, stating he was "1,000 percent" behind his . However, internal campaign polling revealed that Eagleton's medical record posed a significant electoral liability, with surveys indicating substantial voter concerns about his fitness for the vice presidency. McGovern consulted with a panel of psychiatrists, who reportedly advised that Eagleton's condition carried risks of recurrence, further eroding confidence within the campaign. On July 31, 1972, after a late-night meeting the previous evening, Eagleton formally withdrew his candidacy, citing the distraction it had caused to McGovern's presidential bid and acknowledging that his continued presence would harm the ticket's chances. Eagleton described the decision as voluntary, though McGovern had ultimately requested his amid mounting pressure from party leaders and donors who feared the issue would dominate the fall . To fill the vacancy, McGovern's campaign rapidly considered alternatives, including figures like Endicott Peabody and Reubin Askew, but prioritized a candidate without similar vulnerabilities. On August 8, 1972, McGovern selected Robert Sargent Shriver Jr., a former Peace Corps director, ambassador to France, and brother-in-law to John F. Kennedy, for his administrative experience and appeal to moderate Democrats. The Democratic National Committee formally nominated Shriver the following day, August 9, allowing the ticket to proceed without reconvening the full convention. This replacement aimed to stabilize the campaign, though the episode contributed to perceptions of disarray that plagued McGovern's effort against Richard Nixon.

Later Senate Career and Retirement

Key Activities Post-1972

Following the 1972 vice-presidential nomination withdrawal, Eagleton resumed his duties, focusing on foreign policy constraints, appropriations, and domestic issues aligned with Missouri's interests. He secured reelection in 1974 with 60 percent of the vote against Republican Thomas B. Curtis and again in 1980. A primary effort centered on curtailing U.S. actions in . In May 1973, Eagleton authored an amendment to a defense appropriations bill prohibiting funds for bombing , arguing it lacked congressional authorization and violated constitutional war powers; the approved it 63-19 on May 31 and 67-29 on June 27, forcing President Nixon to halt operations by August 15, 1973, after negotiations. Eagleton later described this as his proudest legislative achievement, marking the first absolute congressional funding cutoff for regional combat. He also contributed to the 1973 , sponsoring the 's initial version to require presidential notification and congressional approval for troop deployments, though he voted against the final conference bill on November 7, 1973, deeming it insufficiently restrictive. On the Appropriations Committee, where he served throughout his tenure, Eagleton influenced for and , reflecting Missouri's farm economy. He sponsored S. 884, the and Food Act of 1981, which addressed supports and amid farm crises. In 1984, he proposed deadlines for farm program disbursements in stopgap measures to stabilize payments. Despite personal smoking habits, he opposed price supports, prioritizing fiscal restraint. Eagleton advocated for the 1974 on following its Cyprus invasion and supported to expand local governance. As a proponent of the , he pushed for enhanced federal support for special education services. In 1982, he opposed retaining Senator after the scandal, emphasizing institutional ethics over party loyalty. These positions underscored his independent streak on the Select Committee on Intelligence and other panels. Eagleton announced his retirement in 1984, citing aversion to escalating campaign costs and a sense of completed service, departing office in January 1987.

Decision to Retire and Final Years in Office

On , 1984, Eagleton announced that he would not seek re-election to a fourth term in the U.S. , planning to retire at the conclusion of his current term on January 3, 1987. This decision, which would cap his 30-year public career spanning roles as , , and three-term Senator, had been reached privately with his family in 1979—prior to his narrow 1980 re-election victory over McNary. Eagleton cited the length of his service as a primary factor, stating that "thirty years is, by any definition, a full and complete public career" and advocating for limits on time in public office to allow for "a life after ." He also highlighted frustration with the rising costs and demands of modern campaigns, describing them as "the single thing that’s most wrong with public life in America." In later reflections, Eagleton elaborated on broader institutional dissatisfaction, pointing to the Senate's procedural disarray—including frequent filibusters on minor matters, senators' overload from serving on excessive committees (up to 16 subcommittees annually compared to 10-11 earlier in his tenure), and resistance to self-reform due to entrenched power interests—as contributing to diminished effectiveness. From 1984 to 1987, Eagleton fulfilled his term with continued engagement in legislative matters, co-sponsoring and voting on bills addressing issues such as social security adjustments, , and appropriations. For instance, in 1986, he participated in debates over vetoed , including efforts on federal spending and program funding. His final years reflected a focus on completing unfinished business amid these institutional challenges, without seeking higher office or major new initiatives.

Post-Senate Career

Academic and Advisory Roles

Following his retirement from the U.S. Senate in January 1987, Eagleton returned to and assumed the role of Thomas F. Eagleton University Professor of Public Affairs and at , serving in this endowed position from 1987 until 2000. He taught courses in the Department of , including one on business and government relations, and continued lecturing there until 2003. Eagleton also delivered lectures on at School of Law during this period. In advisory capacities, Eagleton served on the board of the and spearheaded efforts to modernize and expand its facilities, transforming it into a prominent presidential library. He further contributed to civic advisory work by playing a key role in negotiations to relocate the franchise to in 1995, facilitating the construction of a new stadium. These roles leveraged his experience in policy and governance without formal partisan affiliations.

Continued Public Engagement

Following his retirement from the on January 3, 1987, Thomas Eagleton sustained limited but notable public engagement through speeches and lectures that drew on his political experience. Shortly after leaving office, on April 14, 1987, he delivered a convocation lecture discussing his career in politics, the operational dynamics of the , and contemporary political challenges. These appearances allowed Eagleton to reflect on legislative processes and public service without resuming full-time political involvement. Eagleton occasionally addressed civic and commemorative events in subsequent years. On , 2000, he spoke at the dedication ceremony for the Thomas F. Eagleton United States Courthouse in , , honoring the facility named in his recognition. Such engagements underscored his enduring ties to Missouri's institutions, though he prioritized practice and teaching over frequent discourse. His post-Senate public commentary remained sporadic, often centered on affiliations and historical lessons from his career, including the 1972 vice-presidential episode. Eagleton avoided partisan campaigning but used selective platforms to advocate for civility in and Democratic principles, as evidenced in his final public writings and a farewell letter read at his on March 10, 2007, which encouraged supporters to "vote Democratic." This approach reflected a deliberate shift toward advisory influence rather than active advocacy.

Personal Life

Family and Relationships

Thomas Eagleton married Barbara Ann Smith of on January 26, 1956. The couple had two children: a son, Terence Eagleton, born in 1959, and a daughter, Christin Eagleton (later Christin Fleming), born in 1963. Eagleton maintained a stable family life alongside his political career, with his wife and children surviving him at the time of his death in 2007. No public records indicate additional marriages or significant extramarital relationships.

Health Issues and Death

Eagleton experienced declining health in the years following his retirement from the in 1986. He died on March 4, 2007, at St. Mary's Health Center in Richmond Heights, Missouri, at the age of 77. The cause was a combination of heart, respiratory, and other ailments, according to statements from his family.

Legacy and Honors

Political Impact and Assessments

Eagleton's tenure in the U.S. from December 1968 to January 1987 is assessed as that of a diligent who focused on , defense, and domestic issues including , , and . He played a key role in limiting presidential war powers, opposing the bombing of , and advancing the creation of the inspector general system to enhance government oversight. His efforts also secured federal designation for eight areas in southern , bolstering in the state. Voting data places him among the more Democrats, exceeding 77% of his party peers in during his final term, though he maintained principled independence, such as casting one of three votes against confirming as Gerald Ford's vice president in 1974, arguing for an "extraordinary" figure amid post-Watergate instability. The 1972 vice presidential nomination under profoundly shaped perceptions of Eagleton's viability for national office, as disclosures of his treatments for depression in the prompted McGovern to withdraw support after initially pledging unwavering backing. This "Eagleton Affair" damaged McGovern's campaign credibility and is credited with institutionalizing rigorous health and background for vice presidential candidates, a practice that intensified in subsequent elections to avert similar surprises. Eagleton handled the episode with composure, prioritizing others' concerns over personal grievance, which colleagues later cited as emblematic of his integrity and resilience, enabling re-elections in 1974 and 1980. Broader evaluations portray Eagleton as a figure of strong character and political instinct, whose Catholic-influenced and the demonstrated conviction over party conformity, though his pro-life stance marginalized him among many Democrats. His career illuminates persistent stigmas in , where past treatments were weaponized despite no evident in office, contrasting with modern disclosures yet reinforcing caution in candidate assessments. Post-retirement tributes emphasize his selfless over the scandal's shadow, viewing him as a model of principled .

Named Institutions and Awards

The Thomas F. Eagleton Courthouse in , , the largest single courthouse in the , was dedicated on September 11, 2000, in honor of Eagleton's public service as a senator and his contributions to the judiciary and civic education. The facility houses the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of and supports outreach programs, including judicial tours and civic education initiatives through the associated Judicial Learning Center. At , the Thomas F. Eagleton University Professorship in Public Affairs and was established to recognize Eagleton's post-Senate academic career, where he served as an teaching until his death in 2007. The endowed position continues to be held by scholars, such as Betsy Sinclair, installed in 2025, focusing on and public affairs research. The Thomas F. Eagleton Diversity Scholarship, administered annually by the law firm Thompson Coburn LLP—where Eagleton was a after leaving the —awards $15,000 stipends, mentoring, and summer internships to first-year students demonstrating academic excellence and commitment to in the . Established in Eagleton's honor, it has supported recipients since at least 2024, aligning with his legacy in and .

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