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Upper Peru

Upper Peru (Spanish: Alto Perú), also known as the Audiencia of Charcas, was a Spanish colonial administrative division in the southern Andes of South America, encompassing the highland territories that now constitute the Republic of Bolivia.^[1] Originally part of the Viceroyalty of Peru, its jurisdiction was transferred to the newly established Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata in 1776 as part of Bourbon administrative reforms aimed at improving defense and commerce in the silver-rich region.^[2] The region's economy was dominated by silver mining, particularly from the vast Cerro Rico deposits at Potosí, which supplied much of the Spanish Empire's bullion from the mid-16th century onward and shaped global trade patterns through mercury amalgamation techniques enforced under the mita labor system.^[3] Indigenous populations endured severe exploitation, fueling recurrent uprisings, including the massive Great Rebellion of 1780–1782 led by Aymara leader Túpac Katari, who besieged La Paz for over 100 days in a bid to dismantle colonial authority.^[4] Upper Peru emerged as a protracted battleground during the South American wars of independence, with early revolts in La Paz from 1809 escalating into a 16-year conflict against royalist forces; republican victories at battles like Ayacucho in 1824 paved the way for formal independence on August 6, 1825, initially as the Republic of Bolívar before being renamed Bolivia in tribute to Simón Bolívar.^[5]^[6] This separation from Peru, advocated by local elites and Antonio José de Sucre despite Bolívar's preference for confederation, marked the culmination of regional autonomy aspirations amid the fragmentation of Spanish imperial control.^[7]

Geography and Definition

Extent and Boundaries

Upper Peru denoted the highland territories governed by the Real Audiencia of Charcas, encompassing the central Andean Altiplano plateau and adjacent eastern slopes, primarily aligning with modern Bolivia's western and southern departments including La Paz, Oruro, Potosí, and Cochabamba.^[8] This region featured expansive plateaus at elevations averaging 3,800 to 4,000 meters, flanked by the Cordillera Occidental to the west and Cordillera Oriental to the east, with silver-rich volcanic formations such as the Cerro Rico de Potosí rising to 4,824 meters above sea level.^[9] ^[10] The terrain transitioned eastward from arid highlands to humid yungas foothills and connections to Amazonian lowlands via river systems like the Pilcomayo and Bermejo.^[11] Geographically, Upper Peru extended roughly from 16° south latitude near Lake Titicaca southward beyond 21° south to Tarija, spanning about 1,000 kilometers in length and bounded by rugged Andean cordilleras that limited lateral expansion.^[9] Northwestern limits adjoined Lower Peru's southern provinces under Lima's viceregal authority, while southeastern frontiers connected to Río de la Plata territories, incorporating transitional pampas and chaco regions.^[12] These boundaries, initially delineated upon the Audiencia's establishment in 1559, underwent refinement through Bourbon administrative reforms, notably the 1776 transfer from the Viceroyalty of Peru to that of Río de la Plata, which integrated peripheral intendancies like Atacama and Tarapacá but preserved the core highland domain.^[13] Administratively, the Audiencia of Charcas divided the territory into key provinces such as La Paz (encompassing Pacajes and Sicasica), Potosí (with Chayanta dependencies), and Charcas (subdivided into La Plata, Tomina, and Chichas), each governed by corregidores overseeing mining districts, agricultural valleys, and frontier outposts.^[14] This structure emphasized vertical control over altitudinal zones, from puna grasslands to intermontane basins, facilitating resource extraction amid the region's physiographic diversity.^[15]

Etymology and Historical Naming

The term Alto Perú (Upper Peru) originated as a geographical and administrative designation in Buenos Aires during the late 18th century, specifically after the establishment of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata on December 27, 1776, which transferred oversight of the Real Audiencia of Charcas from the Viceroyalty of Peru to the new viceregal structure centered in Buenos Aires.^[16]^[17] This naming convention gained widespread use between 1776 and 1780 to differentiate the inland Andean highlands—encompassing modern Bolivia—from the coastal Bajo Perú (Lower Peru), which remained under Lima's direct control; the "upper" qualifier reflected both the region's high elevation above 3,000 meters in the Andes and its upstream position relative to Spanish trade routes originating from Lima.^[17]^[18] Prior to this, the territory was primarily known as Charcas, derived from the indigenous ethnic group and the name of the audiencia established by royal decree on July 4, 1559, to administer justice and governance over the highland provinces including Potosí, La Paz, and Cochabamba.^[19] The shift to Alto Perú emphasized administrative separation rather than ethnic or cultural rupture, underscoring the region's economic centrality to the Spanish Empire through silver production, which accounted for over half of global output from Potosí's Cerro Rico mines by the 16th century and sustained fiscal flows to Buenos Aires post-1776.^[20] This nomenclature avoided conflation with the core Peruvian viceroyalty, whose coastal orientation prioritized Pacific commerce, while Alto Perú's rugged terrain and mining economy fostered a distinct regional consciousness.^[16] During the early 19th-century independence struggles, Alto Perú retained salience in revolutionary discourse among local elites, symbolizing autonomy from both Lima and Buenos Aires ambitions; for instance, provisional governments in 1825 debated incorporation into Peru or the Río de la Plata before opting for separate statehood, invoking the term to highlight accumulated wealth from highland resources over coastal trade dependencies.^[19] Historians note that while Charcas evoked pre-reform judicial traditions, Alto Perú encapsulated Bourbon-era reforms' emphasis on internal hierarchies, with no evidence of ideological imposition but rather pragmatic utility in mapping viceregal boundaries.^[18]

Pre-Colonial Context

Indigenous Societies and Economies

The indigenous societies of Upper Peru, encompassing the Andean highlands around Lake Titicaca and extending southward, were dominated by Aymara and Quechua-speaking peoples whose cultural foundations traced back to the Tiwanaku polity, active from approximately 300 to 1000 CE. Tiwanaku exerted influence through monumental architecture and expansive trade, but post-collapse fragmentation resulted in autonomous chiefdoms organized into regional polities rather than unified empires, with populations estimated in the tens of thousands per major settlement based on archaeological surveys of habitation sites.^[21] These groups maintained linguistic and kinship ties that persisted into the Inca period, reflecting adaptive resilience in the harsh altiplano environment at elevations exceeding 3,800 meters. Economic systems emphasized subsistence agriculture adapted to high-altitude conditions, utilizing raised-field systems known as sukakollos—artificial platforms with integrated irrigation canals that covered nearly 50,000 hectares around Lake Titicaca, enabling year-round cultivation of frost-resistant crops like potatoes (Solanum spp.) and quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa).^[21] Herding of llamas (Lama glama) and alpacas (Vicugna pacos) provided wool, meat, and pack animals essential for transport across rugged terrain, with isotopic studies of Tiwanaku skeletal remains indicating these camelids contributed significantly to dietary protein and caloric stability amid climatic variability.^[22] Supplemental resources included lacustrine fishing and small-scale extraction of salt and minerals, while metallurgy involved smelting copper-arsenic alloys and working native gold for ritual artifacts, though production remained artisanal and ceremonial rather than industrial.^[23] No archaeological evidence supports pre-colonial large-scale silver mining in the Potosí region, where deposits remained unexploited until European techniques amplified output post-1545.^[24] Social structures revolved around the ayllu, extended kin-based clans functioning as self-sustaining units through reciprocal labor exchanges (ayni) and communal land tenure, with leadership vested in hereditary or ritual authorities such as mallkus among Aymara groups.^[25] These hierarchies integrated shamanic practices and ancestor veneration, promoting cohesion via collective rituals tied to agricultural cycles, and demonstrated flexibility in responding to ecological stresses like periodic droughts documented in paleoclimatic records from 1000–1400 CE. The decentralized ayllu model predated Inca imposition of centralized mit'a labor drafts, providing a basis for localized autonomy that complicated full integration during the 15th-century expansion into Collasuyu, including the Charcas highlands conquered under Pachacuti Inca Yupanqui.^[26]

Colonial Administration

Spanish Conquest of Charcas

Diego de Almagro initiated the Spanish exploration of the Charcas region with an expedition departing from Cuzco in July 1535, comprising around 500 Spaniards and thousands of indigenous auxiliaries, aimed at seeking riches southward beyond the Inca domains.^[27] The force traversed the altiplano of Collasuyu—encompassing modern Upper Peru—encountering harsh Andean conditions including altitudes exceeding 4,000 meters, freezing temperatures, and sparse provisions, which caused significant attrition through starvation and disease rather than decisive battles.^[28] Skirmishes occurred with fragmented local groups, remnants of Charcas-speaking confederations like the Karanga and Chaqui that had been subordinated under Inca rule but retained autonomous warrior traditions, though these lacked the coordinated resistance of core Inca forces post-Cajamarca in 1532.^[29] Almagro's campaign, driven by rivalry with Francisco Pizarro, pressed into the Atacama Desert toward Chile but yielded no major conquests in Charcas itself, with the expedition suffering over half its European manpower lost to logistical failures before retreating northward in 1537, temporarily establishing outposts such as Tupiza.^[27] This incursion highlighted the causal impediments of Andean geography—narrow passes, unpredictable weather, and dependence on coerced indigenous labor for transport—which extended conquest timelines far beyond those in equatorial lowlands, where Spanish cavalry and supply chains proved more effective.^[30] Permanent settlement followed amid the pacification of Inca holdouts, with the founding of La Plata (now Sucre) on November 4, 1538, as Villa de la Plata de la Nueva Toledo by conquistador Pedro de la Gasca's appointees, establishing an early judicial and ecclesiastical outpost amid ongoing subjugation of local polities.^[31] The region's integration accelerated after the 1545 discovery of the Cerro Rico silver mountain at Potosí by Quechua prospector Diego Gualpa (or Huallpa), who identified rich veins during an indigenous ritual fire, prompting rapid influx of Spanish miners and settlers that solidified control despite sporadic revolts from Charcas alliances resisting encomienda impositions.^[32] Potosí's founding as a city in the same year, under Crown authorization, leveraged the deposit's estimated 20% share of global silver output over subsequent centuries, economically incentivizing conquest completion by offsetting earlier exploratory costs and drawing reinforcements via the Inca road network.^[33] These resource-driven advances, however, relied on exploiting pre-existing Inca infrastructure to mitigate the altiplano's isolation, underscoring how geographic barriers—vast distances from Pacific ports and vulnerability to highland ambushes—necessitated phased military consolidation rather than swift overruns.^[34]

Governance under the Audiencia of Charcas

The Real Audiencia of Charcas was established by royal decree on September 4, 1559, in the city of La Plata (present-day Chuquisaca), serving as the primary judicial and administrative body for the highland regions of Upper Peru.^[35] It comprised a president—who often doubled as the governor—five oidores (judges responsible for hearing civil and criminal cases), and a fiscal (royal prosecutor tasked with enforcing crown interests and overseeing litigation).^[35] This structure provided a mechanism for local governance while subordinating the audiencia to the Viceroyalty of Peru in Lima, where appeals on major decisions were directed and overarching policy on fiscal and military matters originated.^[13] The audiencia's jurisdiction encompassed the provinces of Charcas, including key mining districts like Potosí, with authority over civil justice, criminal trials, and administrative oversight of indigenous communities and encomiendas.^[36] It played a central role in regulating the mita labor system, formalized by Viceroy Francisco de Toledo in 1573, which drafted indigenous workers from 16 highland provinces to labor in Potosí's silver mines under rotational shifts of one year every six.^[37] Audiencia officials supervised mita compliance through corregidores (local magistrates) and indigenous caciques, ensuring labor quotas that sustained output peaking at over 7 million pesos annually in the late 16th century, with revenues funneled to the Spanish crown via the quinto real (one-fifth royal tax) and advanced mercury amalgamation techniques introduced by Bartolomé de Medina in 1572.^[36] This system aligned economic incentives by linking judicial enforcement to mining productivity, as oidores derived fees from related disputes and the fiscal monitored smuggling to maximize crown extraction.^[38] By the early 18th century, creole elites—American-born Spaniards—gained increasing appointments to audiencia positions, leveraging familial networks and local knowledge to influence judicial outcomes and administrative decisions favoring mining interests.^[39] Such dominance persisted until Bourbon reforms in the mid-18th century prioritized peninsular Spaniards for key roles, aiming to curb perceived creole favoritism toward local economic privileges over crown fiscal rigor.^[39] The audiencia thus mediated tensions between centralized Lima oversight and regional autonomy, enforcing policies that prioritized silver extraction while adjudicating conflicts arising from labor drafts and land grants.^[13]

Shifts in Viceregal Oversight: From Peru to Río de la Plata

The Audiencia of Charcas, encompassing Upper Peru, fell under the Viceroyalty of Peru upon its establishment by royal decree on May 20, 1542, with Lima as the administrative center overseeing vast southern territories including modern-day Bolivia, Paraguay, and parts of Argentina and Chile.^[40] This structure channeled silver from Potosí mines northward via Lima for transshipment to Spain, enforcing the fleet system that restricted direct Atlantic trade.^[41] As part of the Bourbon Reforms initiated under Charles III, the Spanish Crown created the Viceroyalty of Río de la Plata on August 1, 1776, transferring Upper Peru from Peruvian oversight to Buenos Aires' jurisdiction to enhance imperial defense against Portuguese encroachments in the south and streamline trade by opening legal ports closer to Atlantic routes.^[42] This reconfiguration, driven by fiscal imperatives to curb smuggling and boost revenue amid declining European wars' costs, reoriented Upper Peru's economy toward Buenos Aires, bypassing Lima's monopolistic control and allowing direct export of hides, yerba mate, and silver derivatives, though it inadvertently facilitated illicit flows that undermined official duties.^[43] The shift exacerbated Potosí's long-term mining decline, where annual silver output had peaked at around 7.5 million pesos in the mid-17th century but fell to approximately 2-3 million pesos by the 1770s due to vein exhaustion, mita labor shortages from indigenous population collapse, and competition from New Spain's richer deposits; post-1776 reforms, including intendants' oversight from 1782, imposed stricter quotas and taxes that further strained coerced labor pools while ports like Buenos Aires enabled smuggling networks evading the quinto real tax.^[44] ^[45] Introduction of the intendancy system centralized authority, replacing creole-dominated corregidores with peninsular officials who hiked alcabala sales taxes by up to 50% in some districts, fostering administrative resentments among local elites whose wealth derived from silver remittances and Andean commerce.^[43] Yet, these groups, intertwined with the Crown through mining monopolies and ecclesiastical ties, largely upheld royalist allegiances, viewing reforms as necessary corrections to corruption rather than existential threats, thus preserving stability until external upheavals.^[42]

Revolutionary Period and Wars of Independence

Initial Campaigns from Buenos Aires

The May Revolution in Buenos Aires on 25 May 1810 led to the formation of the Primera Junta, which promptly organized military expeditions to propagate revolutionary governance to Upper Peru and sever Spanish control over the Andean territories.^[46] The junta viewed Upper Peru's incorporation as essential for securing the Río de la Plata's northern flank and accessing Potosí's silver mines, aiming to install local juntas modeled on Buenos Aires' example while disrupting royalist supply lines from Peru.^[8] Juan José Castelli, a lawyer and junta member, was appointed commander of the Army of the North, assembling forces numbering around 3,000–5,000 men, including militia from Salta and Jujuy, before advancing into Upper Peru in late October 1810.^[47] Initial advances yielded successes, with patriot forces under subordinate commanders like Antonio González Balcarce defeating royalist detachments at the Battle of Cotagaita on 27 October 1810 and decisively at the Battle of Suipacha on 7 November 1810, the latter marking the revolution's first major field victory and enabling unopposed occupation of Potosí by December.^[46] These triumphs facilitated brief revolutionary administrations in Potosí and La Paz, where Castelli promulgated decrees abolishing indigenous tributes and slavery to garner local support, though such measures met resistance from creole elites tied to the colonial mining economy.^[8] A parallel uprising in Cochabamba further aided patriot logistics, but overall indigenous and mestizo allegiance remained tepid, constrained by Upper Peru's entrenched economic dependence on Spanish trade and Potosí's role as a royal revenue hub.^[48] The campaign faltered during the advance toward Desaguadero, culminating in defeat at the Battle of Huaqui on 20 June 1811 against royalist forces led by José Manuel de Goyeneche, who exploited a violated armistice to concentrate superior numbers and highland positioning.^[49] Patriot losses stemmed primarily from extended supply lines spanning over 1,000 kilometers from Buenos Aires through arid pampas and Andean passes, exacerbated by harsh terrain, altitude sickness, and logistical breakdowns that eroded troop cohesion and ammunition stocks.^[50] Royalist reinforcements from Lima, bolstered by local mobilizations, outnumbered and outmaneuvered Castelli's disorganized army, forcing a retreat southward with heavy casualties and abandonment of occupied territories, though not attributable to inherent ideological rejection but to material and geographic constraints.^[8]

Royalist Counterrevolutions and Resistance

Following the initial revolutionary disturbances in Upper Peru, royalist forces under José Manuel de Goyeneche rapidly reasserted control over key areas between 1810 and 1811, recapturing territories briefly held by patriot incursions from the Río de la Plata and restoring Spanish administration amid local disruptions to mining operations and trade.^[50] Goyeneche, appointed by Viceroy José Fernando de Abascal of Peru, coordinated with loyalist militias to suppress ongoing unrest, leveraging the region's administrative ties to Lima for reinforcements and supplies that enabled systematic reconquests.^[50] These efforts succeeded in containing the spread of juntas formed in places like Chuquisaca and La Paz, where early 1809 revolts—such as the May 25 uprising in Chuquisaca against Governor Ramón García de León y Pizarro—were quelled through a combination of military force dispatched from Peru and Río de la Plata, alongside selective amnesties offered to wavering creoles to prevent broader defection.^[51]^[50] By 1813, under the command of Joaquín de la Pezuela, royalist armies inflicted decisive defeats on patriot forces led by Manuel Belgrano, notably at the Battle of Vilcapugio on October 1, where superior positioning and numerical advantage routed the northern army, followed by the Battle of Ayohuma on November 14, which shattered remaining patriot cohesion and forced a retreat southward to Jujuy.^[52] These victories, involving coordinated infantry and cavalry tactics honed in Andean terrain, effectively halted patriot advances into Upper Peru for over a year, preserving royalist dominance until 1815.^[52] Pezuela's campaigns built on Goyeneche's earlier consolidations, demonstrating the resilience of Spanish military organization against fragmented revolutionary efforts. Local elite loyalty to the crown stemmed from pragmatic economic incentives, particularly the protection of Potosí's silver mining complex, which by the early 19th century remained a cornerstone of regional wealth under Spanish mercantile privileges that shielded output from foreign competition and ensured access to mercury for amalgamation processes essential to extraction.^[24] Mining proprietors and administrators, reliant on crown-granted monopolies and labor systems like the mita, viewed independence movements as threats to stability that could disrupt silver flows—Potosí alone had supplied up to 60% of global silver in prior centuries—favoring royalist preservation of the established order over speculative republican reforms.^[33] Indigenous communities, often conscripted into royalist ranks as auxiliaries or loyalist militias, supported these counterrevolutions due to perceptions of the Spanish king as a distant protector against local creole abuses, countering narratives of monolithic anti-colonial sentiment with evidence of divided allegiances where stability trumped ideological fervor.^[53] This rational alignment preserved administrative continuity and economic output amid the chaos of uprisings, underscoring counterrevolutions as effective bulwarks against the uncertainties of partition and foreign incursions.^[50]

External Interventions: Colombian Forces and Regional Powers

Gran Colombia, seeking to expand its influence southward and secure access to Upper Peru's Potosí silver mines for funding ongoing wars against Spain, dispatched auxiliary forces to Peru starting in 1823 under Simón Bolívar's direction. These troops, primarily Colombian veterans from northern campaigns, supplemented local Peruvian efforts and formed the core of the army that decisively defeated royalists at Ayacucho on December 9, 1824, enabling subsequent pushes into Upper Peru. Bolívar's strategy reflected geopolitical calculation—uniting former viceregal territories under a federal republic to prevent fragmentation and European recolonization—rather than disinterested liberation, as evidenced by his correspondence envisioning Upper Peru's incorporation into Gran Colombia's sphere.^[54]^[55] Antonio José de Sucre, commanding Gran Colombian contingents estimated at around 4,000 men by mid-1824, played a preparatory role in linking northern victories to southern theaters, though direct engagements in Upper Peru occurred post-1824. This extension tied into Bolívar's broader northern campaigns, where control of Andean resources was prioritized to sustain armies and counter rival independence leaders like José de San Martín, whose southern ambitions clashed with Gran Colombian designs. Interventions were opportunistic, leveraging anti-Spanish alliances while advancing federalist ideals, but faced local resistance to northern dominance.^[56] The Brazilian Empire, consolidating independence from Portugal since 1822, pursued cautious border interventions in Upper Peru's eastern fringes, exemplified by the March 1825 invasion of Chiquitos by approximately 300-500 Mato Grosso militiamen under Major João de Barros Paes. Prompted by Chiquitos governor José María de Velasco's offer of allegiance amid post-independence chaos and royalist remnants, the incursion aimed to secure frontiers and exploit territorial ambiguities inherited from Portuguese claims, but lacked central endorsement from Emperor Pedro I. Brazilian forces occupied key settlements like San Javier before evacuating by May 30, 1825, following diplomatic protests from emerging Bolivian authorities and Gran Colombian mediation, reflecting restraint due to preoccupations with the Cisplatine War and internal stabilization. This peripheral action had negligible impact on Upper Peru's core, underscoring Brazil's focus on empire-building over expansive conquest.^[57]

Transition to Independence

Sucre's Liberation Campaigns and Colombian Occupation

Following the decisive independentist victory at the Battle of Ayacucho on December 9, 1824, which effectively ended Spanish control in Peru, Antonio José de Sucre advanced into Upper Peru with the United Liberation Army to neutralize lingering royalist forces.^[58] Sucre crossed the Desaguadero River on February 25, 1825, entering the territory with approximately 4,000 troops, primarily Colombian and Peruvian contingents under Bolívar's overall command, tasked with installing provisional independent governance rather than permanent annexation.^[59] This move capitalized on the momentum from earlier Peruvian engagements, including the Battle of Junín on August 6, 1824, where Sucre's cavalry charges routed royalist forces under José de Canterac, inflicting around 250 casualties while suffering fewer than 100, setting the tactical stage for Ayacucho's larger clash that spilled over by demoralizing Upper Peruvian royalists.^[58] In Upper Peru, royalist commander Pedro Antonio Olañeta, loyal to absolutist Ferdinand VII and isolated from Ayacucho's news, maintained control over Potosí and the altiplano interior with about 5,000 troops, rejecting overtures for surrender.^[59] Sucre's forces encountered sporadic resistance, such as at Cotagaita and Vitichi, but defections accelerated as royalist units, upon learning of Ayacucho's capitulation of Viceroy José de la Serna and 9,000 prisoners, abandoned Olañeta en masse, reflecting the campaign's reliance on psychological and diplomatic pressure over prolonged combat.^[56] The decisive engagement occurred at Tumusla on April 1, 1825, where Olañeta's dwindling command of roughly 1,000 mutinied mid-battle; he was mortally wounded, dying the next day, with royalist losses limited to about 100 killed and 800 captured due to internal collapse, while independentists reported 150-200 dead or wounded.^[60] Subsequent surrenders, including at La Laguna on April 5, extinguished organized royalist opposition, securing Upper Peru without a major set-piece battle.^[56] The campaign's low direct casualties—estimated under 500 total combat deaths across Upper Peruvian operations—belied broader war-induced disruptions, including disrupted silver mining at Potosí (output fell 40-50% from pre-war peaks due to labor flight and infrastructure sabotage) and widespread economic strain from requisitions and blockades.^[61] Tactically, Sucre's maneuvers emphasized rapid advances and negotiation with defectors, yielding diplomatic gains like Olañeta subordinates' capitulations, which preserved manpower for occupation duties.^[59] From mid-1825 to 1828, Gran Colombian troops, numbering 2,000-3,000 under Sucre's authority, occupied key cities like Chuquisaca and La Paz, administering as a provisional department aligned with Bolívar's pan-American federation vision rather than outright conquest.^[54] Governance imposed centralized reforms from Bogotá and Lima influences, such as uniform taxation and military conscription favoring Colombian officers, which strained local resources and sparked resentment among criollo elites preferring autonomy over integration into Gran Colombia or Peru.^[61] This occupation, intended as temporary stabilization per Bolívar's directives to Sucre, inadvertently fueled demands for separation by highlighting external control's costs, including fiscal impositions that exacerbated post-war debt exceeding 10 million pesos.^[54] Withdrawal accelerated after Sucre's 1827-1828 tenure as provisional president, amid rising local assemblies advocating distinct statehood.^[59]

Internal Debates on Union Versus Separation

In the wake of military liberation, the Assembly of Chuquisaca convened in July 1825 to deliberate Upper Peru's territorial future, weighing options for annexation to Peru, integration with Argentina, or standalone independence. Simón Bolívar pressed for union with Peru to bolster its defenses against Spanish resurgence, yet the 18 provincial delegates, dominated by local creoles, prioritized self-governance, voting decisively against external absorption on August 6, 1825, when they proclaimed the República Bolívar. This outcome reflected documentary petitions from highland centers like Potosí and La Paz, which emphasized retention of mining revenues—Potosí alone had yielded over 30,000 tons of silver since 1545—to fund autonomous development rather than remit to Lima or Buenos Aires.^[62]^[63] Geographic barriers, including the Andean cordilleras isolating the altiplano from Peru's coastal ports and Argentina's eastern pampas, compounded economic incentives for separation, as prior viceregal structures had funneled highland resources outward with minimal reciprocal investment in local infrastructure or defense. Delegates invoked these causal factors—evident in assembly records decrying "perpetual subordination"—to counter unionist arguments, viewing pan-American federation as incompatible with Upper Peru's compact, mineral-driven economy and indigenous-majority demographics, which demanded tailored governance over abstract continental solidarity.^[8]^[64] Lingering regionalism surfaced in 1828 amid post-independence turmoil, when Pedro Blanco Soto, leveraging his control over Potosí's military and mining apparatus, seized Chuquisaca on December 18 and installed a provisional presidency aimed at shielding Upper Peru from Peruvian overreach during Agustín Gamarra's invasion. Blanco Soto's regime, lasting until his execution by mutinous troops on January 1, 1829, embodied creole apprehensions of Lima's dominance—fueled by Gamarra's 4,000-man expedition to supplant Bolivian leadership—and sought decentralized control to empower provincial elites against Chuquisaca's centralism. Though swiftly quashed by Andronico Heras's loyalists, the episode highlighted pragmatic separatism rooted in local power dynamics and resource guardianship, overriding ideological calls for broader republican unity.^[65]^[64]

Establishment of Bolivia and Dissolution of Upper Peru Identity

Following the liberation campaigns, the Congress of Chuquisaca convened in July 1825 to determine the political future of the departments formerly known as Upper Peru, debating options for union with Peru, incorporation into the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata, or independent statehood. On August 6, 1825, the assembly adopted a declaration of independence, establishing the Republic of Bolivia—named in honor of Simón Bolívar—and outlining provisional governance structures that repurposed elements of the colonial Audiencia of Charcas, including judicial institutions centered in Chuquisaca.^[66]^[67] In 1826, Bolívar drafted a constitution for the new republic, which the Bolivian assembly approved on November 6, emphasizing a strong centralized executive with a president serving for life to ensure stability amid regional divisions. This Bolivarian framework designated Chuquisaca as the seat of government and justice, while La Paz served administrative functions, reflecting an attempt to balance highland power centers; however, Bolívar declined the perpetual presidency offered to him, and the constitution faced limited implementation due to ensuing turmoil.^[68]^[69] Early republican governance encountered immediate instability, exemplified by the April 18, 1828, military mutiny in Chuquisaca that forced President Antonio José de Sucre's resignation and expulsion, ushering in a series of short-lived regimes and interim juntas. The state assumed control over key economic assets, including the Potosí mint and silver mines central to Upper Peru's colonial economy, but production plummeted due to disrupted labor systems, lack of capital investment, and indigenous resistance to forced drafts, shifting reliance toward rudimentary exports and internal revenues.^[69]^[70] By the 1830s, successive constitutions and the persistence of Bolivia as a sovereign entity—contrasting with the failed Peru-Bolivian Confederation of 1836–1839—solidified national institutions, eroding the "Upper Peru" designation as a primary identity marker in favor of Bolivian citizenship and centralized administration. This transition empirically validated separation, as regional loyalties waned amid the republic's endurance despite chronic coups and economic challenges, with the colonial provincial framework fully supplanted by 1830.^[70]^[71]

Post-Independence Claims and Legacy

Argentine Claims and Río de la Plata Ambitions

Following the establishment of Bolivia's independence in 1825, the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata asserted claims to Upper Peru based on its incorporation into the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata in 1776, which transferred administrative control from Lima to Buenos Aires and positioned the region as integral to porteño economic interests, particularly Potosí silver production.^[72] ^[73] These pretensions drew on prior independence-era expeditions, including the 1810 First Upper Peru Campaign under Juan José Castelli, which aimed to extend revolutionary control northward but faltered against royalist forces at battles like Huaqui on August 20, 1810.^[74] However, such military ventures underscored the overreach of Buenos Aires' centralist ambitions, as Upper Peru's elites and geography favored ties to Lima over the distant estuary port.^[41] Post-1825, Argentine diplomatic protests persisted into the 1830s, contesting Bolivia's sovereignty without formal military resumption, as internal conflicts—chiefly the Argentine Civil Wars between Unitarios and Federales from 1828 onward—diverted resources and fractured national cohesion.^[75] Claims emphasized inheritance from the viceregal structure but pragmatically narrowed to border enclaves like Tarija, where local cabildos in 1810 and 1825 expressed preferences for Upper Peru's framework over Argentine integration, culminating in the 1837–1839 Tarija War that affirmed Bolivian control after inconclusive clashes.^[76] This restraint reflected recognition of Bolivia's consolidation under Sucre's administration and regional buffers, including Brazilian expansionism in the Banda Oriental, rendering irredentist pursuits untenable amid domestic anarchy.^[61] Critics of Argentine assertions, including contemporary observers and later historians, argue that they overstated viceregal precedents while disregarding Upper Peru's 1825 Chuquisaca Congress deliberations, where delegates—reflecting local Creole and mestizo sentiments—rejected union with Buenos Aires in favor of separate statehood to avoid porteño dominance and preserve Andean autonomy. Such preferences stemmed from cultural, economic, and logistical distances, with Upper Peru's revolutions since 1809 emphasizing regional identity over Río de la Plata subordination, as evidenced by repeated repulses of Buenos Aires forces and alignment with Colombian liberators.^[77] These claims thus highlight the tension between juridical inheritance and de facto self-determination in post-colonial partitioning.

Peruvian Claims and Viceregal Precedents

Peru's assertions of sovereignty over Upper Peru drew on the region's prior administrative subordination to the Viceroyalty of Peru, established in 1542 and encompassing Upper Peru until the Bourbon Reforms transferred it to the newly created Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata in 1776.^[40] This pre-1776 oversight formed the historical precedent invoked by Peruvian authorities, who argued that Upper Peru's ties to Lima predated the Río de la Plata division and warranted reintegration following Spanish defeat.^[78] However, such claims overlooked the causal divergences post-1776, including Upper Peru's economic orientation toward Buenos Aires via Potosí's silver output, which reached approximately 1,000,000 marks annually just before the viceregal split, fostering distinct regional interests incompatible with forced merger.^[78] In the 1820s, Peruvian leadership under José de San Martín and Simón Bolívar advanced unionist agendas that implicitly extended Lima's influence northward and eastward. San Martín's 1820 Liberating Expedition targeted Peru's independence while eyeing control over Upper Peru's resources to bolster the broader revolutionary effort, though his primary focus remained securing Argentine access to silver flows.^[74] Bolívar, assuming command after the 1822 Guayaquil Conference, campaigned through Upper Peru in 1825, liberating it via the Battle of Ayacucho on December 9, 1824, and initially favoring its incorporation into a Peruvian-Bolivian polity under his constitutional vision for confederated republics.^[74] Yet, the Chuquisaca assembly's August 6, 1825, declaration of Bolivian independence—driven by local elites wary of external dominance—thwarted these plans, revealing the absence of empirical support for Peruvian hegemony amid Upper Peru's self-asserted autonomy.^[79] Post-independence border frictions, particularly in the Puno department and Lake Titicaca basin, echoed viceregal precedents as Peru contested territories with historical administrative links to Lima, such as southern Andean provinces ambiguously divided after 1776.^[80] These disputes, lacking robust demographic or economic claims for reintegration, persisted into the late 19th century but yielded to diplomatic arbitration, culminating in the 1901 Peru-Bolivia treaty submitting boundaries to neutral resolution and affirming Bolivian control over core Upper Peruvian lands.^[80] Peru's internal turmoil—marked by over a dozen constitutions between 1823 and 1890 and recurrent caudillo conflicts—eroded its capacity to press claims, while Upper Peru's (Bolivia's) mining-driven fiscal independence, rooted in Potosí's output, underscored the impracticality of reversal without mutual consent, absent any verifiable popular mandate for unification.^[74]^[81] The partition of Upper Peru into the independent Republic of Bolivia in 1825, severing ties with the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata and Peru, exacerbated an already declining mining economy through wartime destruction and the exodus of skilled Spanish administrators, leading to a sharp drop in silver output from Potosí, where production had already waned from colonial peaks due to vein exhaustion by the early 19th century.^[82]^[83] By the 1830s, Bolivia's mineral exports constituted less than 10% of pre-independence levels, with infrastructure like aqueducts and smelters ruined during liberation campaigns, hindering recovery until foreign capital inflows in the mid-19th century shifted focus to tin.^[84] However, separation enabled local elites to reinvest revenues domestically rather than subsidizing Buenos Aires' commercial monopolies or Lima's administrative overhead, as evidenced by the Río de la Plata's post-1820s trade policies that prioritized port duties over highland development, potentially averting further resource drain in a unified viceregal successor state.^[85] Socially, the 1826 abolition of the mita forced-labor system under President Antonio José de Sucre formally ended colonial-era indigenous drafts to mines, ostensibly promoting free wage labor and reducing exploitation, yet de facto coercion persisted through debt peonage and community obligations, with mine operators recruiting from highland ayllus under informal levies that maintained output amid labor shortages.^[86] This continuity preserved Creole-elite control over economic levers, as urban mestizo and white landowners consolidated haciendas on former communal lands, sidelining indigenous autonomy despite republican rhetoric, a pattern less diluted than in a Peru-Bolivia union where coastal Peruvian interests might have marginalized altiplano populations further.^[87] Demographic stability benefited from partition, as Bolivia's indigenous majority—over 70% of the population in the 1830s—retained regional political weight, avoiding absorption into Argentina's pampas-oriented society or Peru's stratified coastal-hinterland divide. In terms of long-term stability, Bolivia's separation fostered causal resilience through distinct highland identity, evading the caudillo-driven conflicts that plagued Peru, such as the 1836–1839 Peru-Bolivian Confederation's collapse amid Argentine and Chilean interventions, which inflicted territorial losses and fiscal ruin on Peru without comparable disruption to Bolivia's core.^[88] While Bolivia endured over 190 coups between 1825 and 1900, its geographic isolation and lack of irredentist neighbors post-partition limited external predation compared to Peru's repeated civil wars and Argentina's federalist strife, undermining claims that union would have ensured prosperity by preserving economies of scale, as fragmented post-independence states like Gran Colombia dissolved amid similar integration failures.^[89]^[61] Empirical data on 19th-century GDP per capita show Bolivia's stagnation mirroring regional trends, but without the amplified volatility of attempted mergers, attributing relative coherence to partition's avoidance of mismatched regional interests.^[90]

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