Asian Relations Conference
The Asian Relations Conference was an international assembly held at Purana Qila in New Delhi from 23 March to 2 April 1947, organized by the Indian Council of World Affairs to foster dialogue on Asian unity, cooperation, and resurgence following World War II and during the era of decolonization.[1][2] Presided over by Sarojini Naidu with Jawaharlal Nehru playing a central organizational role, the conference attracted 193 delegates from 34 Asian countries and regions, including China, Indonesia, Burma, the Philippines, Tibet, and Soviet Central Asian republics, alongside 51 observers and an audience exceeding 20,000.[1][3] Notable addresses were delivered by Nehru, who emphasized Asia's independent role in global affairs, and Mahatma Gandhi, who spoke at the opening and closing sessions advocating non-violence and self-reliance.[2] The event covered topics such as national freedom movements, economic and social development, cultural exchanges, migration and racial issues, women's roles, and social services, reflecting aspirations for collective progress amid colonial legacies and emerging nation-states.[1][3] Discussions highlighted specific appeals, including Indonesia's push for recognition of its independence and Vietnam's call for anti-colonial support, though the conference maintained a non-political stance, avoiding binding resolutions to accommodate diverse viewpoints and India's impending partition.[1] Accompanying exhibitions on art, science, and archaeology underscored cultural interconnections, yet underlying tensions—such as disputes over Indian and Chinese diasporas and Tibet's status vis-à-vis China—revealed practical limits to pan-Asian harmony.[2][1] In outcomes, the conference established the Asian Relations Organisation as a permanent secretariat in Delhi to sustain follow-up efforts, with a planned sequel in China postponed and eventually held in Baguio, Philippines, in 1950 amid reduced participation; the organization dissolved by 1955 as Cold War divisions and national priorities eroded momentum.[1] Convened months before India's independence on 15 August 1947, it symbolized India's ambition to lead Asian resurgence but underscored causal realities: internal fragmentation like the subcontinent's partition and geopolitical fractures prevented enduring institutionalization, positioning the event as a precursor to later forums like the 1955 Bandung Conference rather than a foundational achievement.[3][1]Historical Context and Conception
Post-War Asian Decolonization and Geopolitical Shifts
The conclusion of World War II in 1945 severely undermined the European colonial empires in Asia, as Britain, France, the Netherlands, and other powers faced economic exhaustion, military demobilization, and domestic pressures that eroded their capacity to maintain overseas dominions. Japan's wartime occupation of much of Southeast Asia from 1941 to 1945 had disrupted colonial administrations, stimulated local nationalist sentiments by demonstrating European vulnerability, and empowered indigenous leaders through collaboration or resistance networks. This created a power vacuum that fueled independence movements, with nationalists leveraging the Atlantic Charter's implicit anti-imperial principles and the United Nations' emerging framework to demand self-determination, though Allied powers like the US and USSR pursued their own strategic interests in the region.[4][5] Key milestones unfolded rapidly: the Philippines transitioned to full independence from the United States on July 4, 1946, following pre-war promises accelerated by wartime devastation; Indonesia proclaimed independence on August 17, 1945, under Sukarno, sparking armed conflict with Dutch forces attempting reoccupation until recognition in 1949; Vietnam declared independence on September 2, 1945, led by Ho Chi Minh, initiating the First Indochina War against French recolonization efforts; and Burma negotiated terms leading to independence on January 4, 1948, after Aung San's wartime alliances with Japan and subsequent British accommodations. In South Asia, Britain's partition of the subcontinent into India and Pakistan on August 15, 1947, amid communal violence that displaced millions and killed up to one million, marked the empire's largest territorial loss. Ceylon achieved dominion status in 1948, while Malaya remained under British control but with growing unrest from communist insurgencies. These transitions were often violent and incomplete, with colonial powers resisting full withdrawal to preserve economic assets and strategic bases.[4][5] Geopolitically, the post-war era introduced bipolar tensions as the US advocated decolonization to counter Soviet influence while securing alliances against communism, evident in support for Philippine independence and containment policies; conversely, the USSR promoted anti-imperial rhetoric and aided communist movements, such as in China's ongoing civil war between Nationalists and Mao's forces, which resumed hostilities in July 1946 after a brief truce. Soviet-backed regimes in Mongolia and influence in Central Asian republics added layers of ideological competition, while Japan's US-led occupation from 1945 imposed reforms but sidelined it from regional dynamics. The Middle East saw parallel shifts, including Iran's oil nationalization struggles and the 1947-1948 Arab-Israeli conflict displacing Palestinians and straining Arab states. This fragmentation—marked by ethnic partitions, proxy conflicts, and great-power interventions—underscored the need for Asian solidarity to navigate independence without succumbing to external domination or internal chaos, setting the stage for initiatives like the 1947 Asian Relations Conference.[4][6]Nehru's Vision and Organizational Initiative
Jawaharlal Nehru, as Vice President of India's interim government, conceived the Asian Relations Conference as a platform for fostering solidarity among Asian nations emerging from colonial rule, viewing it as a step toward a universal world federation rather than narrow regionalism.[1] In his inaugural address on 23 March 1947, Nehru emphasized that "Asia is again finding herself" and sought to promote cooperation for world peace and progress, rejecting isolationism caused by colonialism.[7] He positioned India centrally due to its geographic and historical ties, stating it was "fitting that India should play her part" in laying foundations for mutual advancement without dominating others.[7] This vision drew from Nehru's earlier anti-imperial experiences, including the 1927 League against Imperialism, aiming to counter psychological divisions and encourage shared decolonization models independent of Western capitalism or Soviet communism.[1][8] The idea originated with journalist B. Shiva Rao in 1945, inspired by the Institute of Pacific Relations conferences, but Nehru adopted and advanced it decisively in August 1946 during a speech to the Bombay branch of the Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA).[1] On 7 September 1946, Nehru outlined the conference in a radio address, linking it to non-alignment and anti-colonialism, and dispatched invitations that day to delegates from across Asia.[1] Under Nehru's direction, the ICWA organized the event as a non-governmental, non-political gathering modeled on the IPR format, producing 94 pamphlets and five books as preparatory materials despite logistical hurdles like communication delays.[1] The conference convened from 23 March to 2 April 1947 at Delhi's Purana Qila, assembling 193 delegates and 51 observers from 34 Asian contingents, with India contributing 52 delegates, just months before independence on 15 August 1947.[1][9] Nehru proposed follow-up institutions, including a permanent Asian Institute and School of Asian Studies, to sustain ongoing collaboration.[7]Organization and Preparations
Planning by the Indian Council of World Affairs
The Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA), founded in 1943 as an independent think tank to foster understanding of international relations amid India's independence struggle, spearheaded the planning of the Asian Relations Conference.[1] The initiative originated from a proposal by ICWA member B. Shiva Rao in 1945, inspired by the Institute of Pacific Relations conferences, which emphasized expert discussions on regional issues without governmental directives.[1] Jawaharlal Nehru, as ICWA vice-president and interim government leader, formally endorsed the event in September 1946, framing it as a platform for Asian solidarity in the post-World War II era.[1] To structure preparations, ICWA established the Institute of Asian Relations as a dedicated supervisory body for research, thematic development, and logistical oversight, ensuring the conference remained a non-governmental endeavor aligned with its constitutional mandate for non-partisan discourse.[8] Invitations were dispatched that same month to Asian governments, cultural institutions, and organizations focused on international affairs, with 38 targeted to women's groups to promote diverse representation; these efforts yielded 34 participating contingents, including 193 official delegates and 51 observers from across the continent.[1] Preparatory research produced 94 pamphlets and 5 monographs on topics like constitutional systems and inter-Asian communications, though printing delays limited their distribution during the event.[1] Core discussion themes—encompassing Asian defense, national economies, cultural heritage, and migrations—were refined in the weeks leading up to the conference, reflecting ICWA's aim for focused, evidence-based round tables rather than political resolutions.[8] Financing drew from Indian National Congress resources and contributions by business leaders sympathetic to the nationalist cause, enabling ICWA to cover travel subsidies, venue arrangements at Delhi's Purana Qila ruins, and accommodations for approximately 400 attendees, including 52 Indian delegates.[8] Logistical planning prioritized accessibility, with simultaneous interpretation in English, Hindi, and select Asian languages, alongside exhibits of national artifacts to symbolize unity.[1] However, preparations faced hurdles: escalating Hindu-Muslim communal violence in Delhi imposed curfews that disrupted final setups; communication breakdowns delayed arrivals from remote areas like Mongolia and Korea; and the Muslim League's boycott, viewing ICWA as Congress-aligned, excluded potential Pakistani perspectives despite partition looming.[1] These constraints underscored ICWA's reliance on voluntary expert networks over state machinery, yet the council successfully convened the sessions from 23 March to 2 April 1947 as a pioneering Asian initiative.[1]Delegate Selection and Invitations
The Indian Council of World Affairs (ICWA), under the auspices of which the conference was convened, managed the delegate selection and invitations in coordination with Jawaharlal Nehru, who personally issued formal invitations on 7 September 1946 to governments, cultural organizations, and relevant institutions across Asia.[1] These were directed toward entities deemed most appropriate for studying cultural or international affairs in each territory, with the aim of ensuring diverse representation from political, academic, labor, business, and civil society sectors.[10] Invitations extended to representatives from 34 Asian contingents, including independent nations like Afghanistan, Iran, and Thailand; colonial territories such as Indonesia, Malaya, and Vietnam; Soviet republics like Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan; as well as special cases like Tibet, Mongolia, and Egypt due to their cultural and geographic ties to Asia.[1] [11] Each invited delegation was requested to comprise up to 16 members, though actual participation varied based on local capacities and political contexts—India fielded the largest group with 52 delegates and 6 observers, while Indonesia sent 32 and Burma 21.[1] Selection emphasized inclusivity, with 38 special invitations dispatched to women's organizations and leaders to promote gender balance, reflecting Nehru's vision of broad Asian solidarity amid decolonization.[1] In total, 193 delegates and 51 observers attended, alongside non-Asian observers from the United Kingdom, Australia, the United States, and the United Nations, who were invited separately to provide external perspectives without voting rights.[1] Challenges arose in the process, including communication delays that led to late arrivals for delegations from Mongolia and Korea, as well as political sensitivities such as China's objections to Tibet's independent invitation, which Tibet's representative affirmed had come directly from the Indian government.[1] [11] Within India, the Muslim League opted for a boycott, citing partition concerns, while Japan was notably absent due to a U.S.-imposed travel embargo under General Douglas MacArthur.[1] Despite these hurdles, the ICWA's preparatory committee, formed after an 31 August 1946 executive meeting that co-opted 57 eminent Indians, ensured logistical support like interpreters for Russian, French, Arabic, Persian, and Chinese to facilitate participation.[12] [13]Participants and Representation
Official Delegates from Asian Nations
The Asian Relations Conference, held in New Delhi from March 23 to April 2, 1947, featured official delegates and observers from approximately 30 Asian nations, totaling around 191 delegates and 33 observers excluding the host nation India. These representatives embodied the conference's aim to foster dialogue among Asian countries amid decolonization, partition, and emerging Cold War tensions, with participation numbers reflecting each nation's capacity and political priorities. Soviet Asian republics and newly independent or aspiring states like Indonesia and Burma sent sizable contingents, while smaller or remote entities such as Bhutan and Mongolia had limited but symbolic presence.[14]| Country/Region | Delegates | Observers | Total |
|---|---|---|---|
| Afghanistan | 5 | 2 | 7 |
| Armenia (Soviet) | 2 | 0 | 2 |
| Azerbaijan (Soviet) | 2 | 0 | 2 |
| Bhutan | 0 | 2 | 2 |
| Burma | 17 | 4 | 21 |
| Cambodia, Cochin-China, Laos | 3 | 0 | 3 |
| Ceylon | 15 | 5 | 20 |
| China (Republic of China and invited Communist representatives) | 8 | 1 | 9 |
| Georgia (Soviet) | 2 | 0 | 2 |
| Indonesia | 25 | 7 | 32 |
| Iran | 3 | 3 | 6 |
| Kazakhstan (Soviet) | 2 | 0 | 2 |
| Kirghizia (Soviet) | 1 | 0 | 1 |
| Korea (South Korea representatives) | 3 | 0 | 3 |
| Malaya | 14 | 0 | 14 |
| Mongolia | 2 | 1 | 3 |
| Nepal | 5 | 3 | 8 |
| Philippines | 6 | 0 | 6 |
| Siam (Thailand) | 2 | 2 | 4 |
| Tibet | 4 | 0 | 4 |
| Turkey | 0 | 1 | 1 |
| Turkmenistan (Soviet) | 1 | 0 | 1 |
| Uzbekistan (Soviet) | 2 | 0 | 2 |
| Vietnam | 3 | 0 | 3 |
Observers from Non-Asian Powers
Observers from non-Asian powers attended the Asian Relations Conference as non-voting participants, invited through non-governmental institutions focused on international affairs to ensure the event's non-political character and to incorporate external viewpoints on global interconnections. These observers numbered 13 in total, representing Australia, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, the United States, the Soviet Union, and the United Nations; their presence underscored the conference's aspiration for inclusive dialogue amid post-World War II geopolitical tensions, though they refrained from formal deliberations.[15]| Country/Power | Number of Observers | Representatives and Affiliations |
|---|---|---|
| Australia | 2 | Gerald Packer (Australian Institute of International Affairs, Sydney); John A. McCallum (Australian Institute of Political Science, Sydney)[15] |
| New Zealand | 2 | Unnamed representatives from cultural institutions[15] |
| United Kingdom | 3 | V. K. Krishna Menon (India Institute, London); W. W. Russell (Royal Institute of International Affairs, London); P. N. S. Mansergh (Royal Institute of International Affairs, London)[15] |
| United States | 3 | Richard Adloff and Virginia Thompson Adloff (Institute of Pacific Relations, New York); Philip Talbot (Institute of Pacific Relations, New York)[15] |
| Soviet Union | 2 | E. M. Zhukov and T. P. Plyshevski (Pacific Institute of the Academy of Sciences, Moscow)[15] |
| United Nations | 1 | Kamal Kumar (United Nations Information Centre, New Delhi)[15] |