Baghlan
Baghlan is a province in northern Afghanistan with its capital at Pul-e-Khumri.[1] The province covers an area of 20,362 square kilometers and has a population estimated at 910,700, with ethnic composition dominated by Tajiks (52%), followed by Pashtuns (20%), Hazaras (15%), and Uzbeks (12%).[2] [1] Since the Taliban's nationwide takeover in August 2021, Baghlan has been administered as part of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, with the group enforcing its interpretation of Islamic law across the region.[3] The province's economy centers on agriculture, particularly sugar beet and cotton production, supplemented by limited industrial activity in urban areas like the capital.[4] Baghlan features 15 districts and a predominantly rural population, with over 80% residing outside cities, contributing to its role as a key agricultural hub in the north despite ongoing security challenges from insurgent remnants and resource constraints under current governance.[2]Geography
Location and Administrative Divisions
Baghlan Province lies in northern Afghanistan, positioned approximately 255 kilometers north of Kabul along the main road route. This strategic location establishes it as a key transit hub facilitating overland connections between the capital and northern provinces, including access to routes extending toward Kunduz and beyond. The province borders Takhar Province to the northeast, Kunduz Province to the east, Samangan Province to the northwest, Parwan and Panjshir provinces to the south, and Bamyan Province along with a brief segment of Balkh Province to the west. The Kunduz River flows through the province, particularly influencing its eastern districts and contributing to regional water resources.[5][1] Pul-i-Khumri functions as the provincial capital, hosting administrative offices and serving as the economic center. Baghlan is administratively divided into 15 districts, such as Baghlan-e-Jadid, Burka, Nahrin, Deh Salah, and Puli Khumri itself, each managed by local district governors under provincial oversight.[2][6]Topography and Natural Resources
Baghlan Province encompasses a diverse topography, with approximately two-thirds of its 21,112 square kilometers consisting of mountainous terrain in the southern and central districts, forming part of the Hindu Kush foothills that rise to elevations exceeding 3,000 meters in areas like the Andarab Valley.[2] The northern third features flatter plains and fertile alluvial valleys along rivers such as the Kunduz and its tributaries, where sediment deposition has created loamy soils conducive to vegetation amid otherwise rugged surroundings.[2] [7] The province's average elevation stands at around 2,307 meters, reflecting a transition from highland plateaus to lowland basins that influence local hydrological patterns.[8] This varied terrain supports distinct resource distributions, with the mountainous zones hosting geological formations rich in industrial minerals, including limestone and gypsum deposits essential for construction materials, as evidenced by outcrops spanning Ordovician to Recent rock ages.[7] [9] Coal seams are prevalent in districts such as Burka and Nahrin, where artisanal extraction occurs from sedimentary layers, alongside occurrences of clay, bauxite, and potential metallic ores in structurally complex areas.[9] [10] Riverine lowlands contrast with these uplands through their alluvial fertility, derived from erosion of upstream highlands, though overexploitation risks soil degradation in these more accessible zones.[7]Climate and Environmental Challenges
Baghlan Province experiences a continental climate characterized by significant seasonal temperature variations, with average highs reaching up to 39°C (102°F) in summer and lows dropping to around 1°C (34°F) in winter, occasionally falling below -5°C (23°F). Precipitation is limited, averaging approximately 300 mm annually, with most rainfall occurring in spring and winter, contributing to a semi-arid environment prone to water stress.[11][12] The province is highly vulnerable to droughts, which have intensified due to below-average and erratic rainfall patterns in recent years, leading to prolonged dry spells and reduced groundwater recharge. For instance, Afghanistan's northern regions, including Baghlan, faced severe drought conditions in 2021–2023, with precipitation deficits exacerbating water scarcity and soil degradation across arid landscapes. Flash floods, often triggered by intense seasonal rains in the Kunduz River basin, pose another acute hazard; in May 2024, heavy downpours caused devastating floods across 21 districts in Baghlan, resulting in over 300 deaths and widespread inundation of agricultural lowlands.[13][14][15] Seismic activity further compounds environmental risks, as Baghlan lies in a tectonically active zone along the Hindu Kush, susceptible to earthquakes that can trigger landslides and damage fragile terrain. Erratic weather variability, including unseasonal heavy rains amid broader climate shifts, has led to alternating cycles of drought and flooding, undermining ecological stability and amplifying land degradation through erosion and salinization in riverine areas.[16][17]History
Ancient and Medieval Periods
The territory of present-day Baghlan province lay within ancient Bactria, a region incorporated as a satrapy into the Achaemenid Empire around 550 BC and later conquered by Alexander the Great in 329 BC, ushering in Hellenistic influences under the succeeding Greco-Bactrian Kingdom from circa 250 BC. Archaeological evidence, including pottery and structural remains from surveys, points to established settlements tied to these periods, with the area's strategic position along early trade corridors precursors to the Silk Road facilitating exchange between Central Asia and the Indian subcontinent.[18] A pivotal site is Surkh Kotal, an archaeological complex in Baghlan approximately 15 km northwest of Pul-e Khumri, renowned for its Kushan-era constructions dating to the 2nd century AD. The name Baghlan itself derives from the Bactrian bagolango ("image-temple" or "house of gods"), as referenced in inscriptions from the temple, which served as a dynastic fire shrine founded early in the reign of Emperor Kanishka around AD 124 and restored circa AD 156. Excavations have yielded statues of Kushan rulers such as Huvishka, a stone orthostat depicting an enthroned figure, and architectural features like a grand staircase, evidencing syncretic practices blending Iranian fire worship with local Bactrian elements under the Kushan Empire (1st–3rd centuries AD), which originated from Yuezhi migrations and dominated northern Afghanistan as part of Tokharistan.[19][20][21] Following the Kushan decline, artifacts including a Sasanian seal (3rd–7th centuries AD) and clay bullae from the Turk Shahi period (7th–9th centuries AD) indicate persistent settlement amid shifting polities, including Hephthalite and Sasanian incursions before the Arab Muslim conquest of nearby Balkh in 651 AD extended influence over the region. Medieval Islamic rule saw Baghlan integrated into Khorasan under dynasties such as the Samanids (819–999 AD), who advanced Persianate administration and irrigation networks supporting agriculture, and the Ghaznavids (977–1186 AD), whose expansions secured northern frontiers with fortresses amid Turkic military integration. Timurid control from the late 14th century introduced architectural patronage and multi-ethnic dynamics, with Persian and nascent Turkic influences evident in surviving artifacts, though primary records specific to Baghlan remain limited, underscoring reliance on broader regional chronicles for causal reconstructions of governance and trade continuity.[19][22]Modern Era up to Soviet Invasion
Baghlan, formerly part of the semi-autonomous Qataghan-Badakhshan principality, was incorporated into the centralized Afghan state during the late 19th century under Emir Abdur Rahman Khan (r. 1880–1901), who extended Kabul's authority over northern frontier regions previously influenced by Uzbek khanates and local rulers.[19] [23] This integration involved subduing resistant principalities and establishing administrative districts, though enforcement relied on alliances with local elites rather than full disarmament, preserving de facto tribal influence amid the region's ethnic mosaic of Tajiks (majority), Pashtuns, Hazaras, and Uzbeks.[19] [1] Pashtun settlement policies, initiated to bolster central loyalty, introduced tensions with indigenous Tajik and Hazara communities but maintained relative stability through localized power-sharing.[24] Early 20th-century state-building under Habibullah Khan (r. 1901–1919) and Amanullah Khan (r. 1919–1929) emphasized modernization, including limited infrastructure like short rail segments nationally, but Baghlan experienced minimal such projects due to geographic isolation and geopolitical caution against foreign penetration via transport links.[25] Central control remained nominal, with tribal khans retaining autonomy in dispute resolution and resource allocation, a dynamic that mitigated revolts by accommodating ethnic diversity but hindered uniform governance. By the mid-century, under Prime Minister Daoud Khan's reforms (1953–1963) and King Zahir Shah's constitutional monarchy (1933–1973), Baghlan benefited from Soviet and Western aid for irrigation canals, expanding arable land for wheat, potatoes, onions, and fruits, which supported population growth and local markets.[26] Industrial development accelerated in the 1950s–1970s, with the Ghori Cement Factory in Pul-e-Khumri commissioned in 1959 by Czech engineers, producing up to 400 tons daily and employing hundreds, marking Baghlan's shift toward extractive and manufacturing sectors amid national GDP contributions from industry rising to 18% by the 1970s.[27] The Baghlan Sugar Factory, operational by the 1960s, processed 700 tons of beets daily at peak, integrating with agricultural output and fostering agro-industrial clusters that enhanced regional self-sufficiency.[28] These gains, fueled by foreign technical assistance and land reforms, coexisted with persistent tribal mediation in land disputes, contributing to pre-invasion economic buoyancy—agriculture accounted for 60% of provincial income—while ethnic balances deterred large-scale unrest until external pressures mounted in the late 1970s.[29][30]Soviet-Afghan War and Civil Conflict
The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan beginning on December 27, 1979, rapidly drew Baghlan province into intense conflict as mujahideen groups mounted resistance against occupying forces and the Soviet-backed Democratic Republic of Afghanistan government. Baghlan's strategic position along northern supply routes, including the road from Kunduz to Pul-e-Khumri, made it a focal point for guerrilla ambushes targeting Soviet convoys and aircraft at nearby airfields. Mujahideen fighters, often operating from mountainous areas like Andarab Canyon, conducted high-profile operations such as the kidnapping of Baghlan's provincial governor and security commander, which forced Soviet responses including sweeps and aerial bombardments. These tactics inflicted casualties on Soviet units, prompting reprisals that devastated civilian areas; for instance, after suffering losses to mujahideen in Baghlan and adjacent Kunduz, Soviet forces assaulted Baghlan city in October 1980, exacerbating local devastation through shelling and ground assaults.[31][32][33] Soviet air campaigns, employing indiscriminate bombing to deny mujahideen safe havens, caused widespread infrastructure damage and population flight in Baghlan, mirroring national patterns where up to 5 million Afghans became refugees by the late 1980s due to such operations. Mujahideen shelling of Soviet outposts in the province further intensified the cycle of retaliation, with commanders reporting persistent guerrilla pressure that eroded control over rural districts. The conflict's attritional nature—guerrilla hit-and-run tactics against a mechanized adversary—led to the destruction of villages, agricultural lands, and key facilities like power infrastructure in Pul-e-Khumri, contributing to economic collapse and famine risks from disrupted supply lines. By the Soviet withdrawal in February 1989, Baghlan's exposure as a battleground had displaced tens of thousands locally, fueling refugee flows to Pakistan and Iran as part of the broader exodus driven by aerial and artillery strikes.[34][35] Following the Soviet exit, Baghlan descended into the Afghan civil war of the early 1990s, where mujahideen factions fragmented into warring alliances, with Jamiat-e Islami—predominantly Tajik and influential in northern areas—asserting dominance amid power vacuums. Inter-factional clashes, including against Hezb-e Islami and emerging Pashtun groups, devolved into warlordism, marked by rocket attacks on urban centers like Pul-e-Khumri and the looting of remaining Soviet-era assets such as cement factories and electrical grids. This infighting destroyed much of the province's limited infrastructure, compounding pre-existing war damage and entrenching local commanders who prioritized territorial control over governance. The rise of the Taliban in the mid-1990s extended the chaos, as their southern offensives reached Baghlan by 1998, displacing populations through forced conscriptions and purges of rival networks, though resistance pockets persisted until their consolidation of power by 2001.[36][37]Post-2001 Developments and Taliban Resurgence
Following the Bonn Agreement of December 2001, which outlined provisional governance arrangements and a transition to democratic institutions, Baghlan province was incorporated into Afghanistan's interim administration led by Hamid Karzai, with local structures aligned to central authority through appointed governors and district officials. Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRTs), established starting in 2002 as civil-military units to extend government reach, operated in Baghlan from Pul-e Khumri, focusing on security for aid delivery, infrastructure rehabilitation, and capacity building; the Hungarian-led PRT, active by the mid-2000s, oversaw projects including roads, bridges, and government support initiatives totaling millions in funding.[38] Baghlan participated in national elections, including the 2004 presidential vote where Karzai secured victory amid low but functional turnout in northern provinces, and the 2005 parliamentary elections that installed local representatives despite logistical challenges.[39] Taliban forces, dispersed after the 2001 U.S.-led invasion, regrouped in Pakistan and re-infiltrated northern areas like Baghlan by the mid-2000s, establishing shadow governance in Pashtun-majority districts such as Jadid and Burka through parallel taxation, dispute resolution, and intimidation of officials.[1] Insurgent attacks escalated, targeting PRTs, police outposts, and reconstruction sites; for instance, roadside bombings and ambushes in Baghlan's rural districts eroded Afghan National Security Forces' control, with Taliban influence contesting up to half of the province's 15 districts by 2015 according to U.S. assessments, though no full district captures occurred until 2021. This resurgence stemmed from safe havens across the border, weak border policing, and local grievances over aid diversion, enabling Taliban recruitment among disenfranchised Pashtuns and undermining state legitimacy through demonstrated parallel administration.[40] Reconstruction yielded measurable gains, including USAID- and World Bank-funded upgrades to 30 public health facilities in Baghlan by 2017, improving access for over 100,000 residents, and PRT-supported road networks that facilitated trade from the province's cement plants and agriculture.[41] National GDP growth, averaging 9% annually from 2003 to 2012, indirectly boosted Baghlan's economy via aid inflows exceeding $100 billion nationwide, enhancing school enrollment from near-zero under Taliban rule to over 1 million girls nationally by 2015, with similar provincial trends.[42] However, systemic corruption—documented by SIGAR as siphoning up to 40% of aid through ghost projects and elite capture—fostered dependency on foreign funding, which comprised 75% of government spending by 2010, while local officials in Baghlan prioritized patronage over sustainable development, alienating populations and fueling insurgency grievances.[40][43] These dynamics left Baghlan's state apparatus fragile, with contested districts highlighting the limits of externally driven stability amid persistent causal drivers like ungoverned spaces and economic rents.[40]Governance and Politics
Administrative Structure
The administrative structure of Baghlan Province under Taliban rule is highly centralized, with the provincial governor appointed directly by the supreme leader, Hibatullah Akhundzada, from his base in Kandahar, ensuring loyalty to the Islamic Emirate's core leadership.[44] This appointment process reflects the Taliban's hierarchical command, where provincial officials report upward through the Ministry of Interior in Kabul, limiting local autonomy and prioritizing enforcement of Sharia-based policies over devolved decision-making.[44] At the district level, Baghlan is divided into approximately 15 administrative units, including the newly established Dand-e-Ghori district in February 2024, with district governors and police chiefs appointed by the Ministry of Interior to maintain operational control.[45][44] These officials oversee local councils comprising tribal elders and village representatives, which convene regularly to address community issues, though ultimate authority resides with Taliban appointees and the General Directorate of Intelligence for surveillance and compliance.[44] The judicial system operates on Sharia principles, supplanting prior state courts with local qazi-led tribunals and informal mediation by community elders or ulema councils for dispute resolution, escalating unresolved cases to provincial levels.[44] Administrative reach is evidenced by district-level directorates for ushr (agricultural tithe) and zakat (charity tax) collection, often facilitated by elders, which funds operations amid reports of villager grievances over levies without corresponding public services.[44] In Baghlan, collaboration between Taliban officials and elders has enabled relatively effective handling of local disputes and revenue gathering, though constrained by resource shortages and centralized oversight.[44]Political Dynamics Under Taliban Rule
Following the Taliban's capture of Baghlan province's capital, Pul-e-Khumri, on August 10, 2021, the group rapidly consolidated authority by installing loyal commanders in district centers and disbanding remnants of the former Afghan National Defense and Security Forces.[46] By November 8, 2021, the Taliban appointed a new provincial governor for Baghlan, aligning local administration with the central leadership in Kabul under the Islamic Emirate structure, which emphasizes sharia-based governance and hierarchical loyalty to supreme leader Hibatullah Akhundzada.[47] This consolidation involved suppressing opposition, including sporadic resistance from the National Resistance Front (NRF), with clashes persisting into 2025, such as the killing of an NRF commander in Baghlan in September of that year.[48] Political power in Baghlan under Taliban rule remains centralized, with local officials enforcing edicts from Kabul, including restrictions barring women from most public employment, education beyond primary levels, and unaccompanied travel, applied uniformly across provinces like Baghlan despite its multi-ethnic Tajik and Uzbek majority.[49] Intra-Taliban tensions, stemming from factions like the Kandahari old guard and the Haqqani network, have manifested in provincial appointments favoring Pashtun loyalists in non-Pashtun areas such as Baghlan, potentially exacerbating local grievances amid reports of forced evictions and resource disputes.[50] [51] Resistance persists at low levels, primarily from NRF holdouts in northern districts, though Taliban forces have contained it without large-scale insurgencies, contributing to a reported nationwide drop in organized violence.[52] Critics, including human rights monitors, highlight the regime's authoritarianism, evidenced by arbitrary detentions and public executions in Baghlan, such as the June 2022 beheading of four civilians accused of corruption, as indicators of opaque rule lacking accountability.[53] Foreign aid to Afghanistan, which plummeted from over $8 billion annually pre-2021 to sharply reduced humanitarian flows by 2024 due to Taliban restrictions on female aid workers and diversion allegations, has worsened crises in provinces like Baghlan, where poverty rates exceed 90% and food insecurity affects millions.[54] [55] Taliban officials counter that their governance has curbed pre-2021 corruption—claiming reductions through strict enforcement, including executions—and eradicated opium poppy cultivation, with national acreage falling 95% by 2023 per UN estimates, though enforcement in marginal northern areas like Baghlan faced local pushback.[56] [53] These claims remain contested, as independent reports document persistent Taliban-linked extortion and aid interference, undermining legitimacy among non-Pashtun communities.[57] [58]Economy
Agricultural Sector
Agriculture serves as the economic foundation of Baghlan province, employing nearly 90 percent of the population in farming activities that range from subsistence to limited commercial production on fertile river plains.[26] Key crops include wheat, which accounts for the majority of grain output and supports staple food needs, alongside cotton cultivated in districts like Pul-i-Khumri and Baghlan Jadid for textile inputs.[59][2] Fruits such as grapes and apricots thrive in the region's orchards, contributing to both domestic consumption and potential exports, with irrigation systems drawing from the Kunduz River enabling cultivation across approximately 80 percent of rural households dependent on rain-fed and canal-irrigated lands.[60][61][62] Smallholder farmers, operating on fragmented plots, dominate production through traditional practices, though inefficiencies persist in cotton and wheat farming as evidenced by technical efficiency analyses showing average scores below optimal levels.[63][64] These operations underpin food security by prioritizing staple grains and diversified horticulture, yet face constraints from inadequate inputs and variable market access under prevailing conditions.[59] Persistent environmental and conflict-related challenges exacerbate yield variability, including recurrent droughts that reduced wheat, mung bean, and rice outputs in recent seasons, alongside landmine remnants contaminating arable land and causing livestock losses that indirectly curb expansion.[65][66][67] Post-2021 contractions in overall yields reflect these pressures, prompting adaptive shifts like reduced rice planting, though some fruit sectors, such as melons, recorded 15 percent harvest increases in 2025 due to localized resilience.[65][68]Industrial and Extractive Industries
The Ghori I Cement Factory in Pul-i-Khumri, operational since 1959, represents Baghlan's principal manufacturing facility for cement, originally developed with foreign technical assistance but requiring upgrades to compete with imports.[69] Historical output peaked at approximately 100,000 metric tons per year in 1990 before declining sharply to 16,000 metric tons in 2005 amid conflict damage and maintenance shortfalls, with current production remaining below potential capacity due to outdated equipment and intermittent operations.[70] The adjacent Ghori II plant, intended for expansion, has seen limited progress, underscoring untapped reserves of limestone and other raw materials in the province. The Baghlan Sugar Factory, established in 1940 as one of Afghanistan's early large-scale refineries, processes locally grown sugar beets into refined sugar but has operated sporadically due to feedstock shortages and war-related disruptions, ceasing full function by 2018 before partial reactivation in January 2025.[71] This facility highlights industrial reliance on agricultural inputs, with historical pre-war output supporting regional supply chains, though post-conflict yields have not recovered to prior levels, limiting its contribution to provincial manufacturing. Extractive industries center on coal mining in Nahrin district, where artisanal operations dominate small-scale pits extracting bituminous coal from shallow seams, yielding around 18,100 metric tons annually from key sites as of 2020-2021.[72] These mines, often informal and mechanization-poor, face frequent hazards including collapses that killed at least 10 workers in February 2022 and five in April 2021, reflecting safety deficiencies in a sector with substantial untapped reserves estimated in the millions of tons.[73] [74] Formal industrial processing of coal for power or export remains negligible, with output primarily serving local heating and brick kilns rather than scaled energy production. Employment in Baghlan's formal industries is limited to a few thousand across cement and sugar operations, dwarfed by artisanal mining that sustains thousands more through informal labor in coal extraction, where workers endure high risks for modest wages amid absent regulatory oversight.[10] Foreign investment in these sectors has been constrained pre-2021 by insecurity and post-2021 by international sanctions and Taliban governance uncertainties, resulting in negligible inflows despite potential for modernization in cement and expanded coal mechanization.[75] Overall, the province's industrial base exhibits significant unrealized capacity, with historical facilities operating far below design levels and extractives hindered by rudimentary methods rather than strategic development.Economic Challenges and Post-2021 Impacts
Following the Taliban's recapture of Afghanistan in August 2021, Baghlan province, like the national economy, experienced acute contraction due to the freezing of international banking assets, abrupt cessation of foreign aid that previously constituted over 40% of GDP, and sanctions targeting Taliban-linked entities, resulting in an estimated national GDP decline of 20-27% in the initial years.[76][77] In Baghlan, industrial operations reliant on imported inputs and credit—such as cement production—faced severe disruptions from liquidity shortages and halted transactions, exacerbating local output drops amid the broader collapse of formal financial systems.[78] While national GDP showed modest recovery signs with 2.7% growth in 2023, provincial-level spillover in Baghlan remained limited, as infrastructure decay and restricted trade corridors hindered reintegration into regional markets.[79] Unemployment in Afghanistan doubled from pre-2021 levels of around 11-14% to approximately 22-28% by 2023, with youth and women disproportionately affected due to Taliban policies curtailing female labor participation; in Baghlan's urban centers like Pul-e-Khumri, anecdotal reports indicate rates exceeding 40% when accounting for underemployment and informal sector displacement.[80] Households increasingly depended on remittances, which sustained basic consumption despite fluctuations from migrant returns, and informal cross-border trade, which expanded to fill gaps in licit commerce but exposed locals to smuggling risks and volatile exchange rates.[81] Taliban officials attribute persistent stagnation to external sanctions and aid withholding, arguing these isolate Afghanistan from global finance without addressing root isolationism.[82] Critics, including economists at international organizations, counter that internal governance failures—such as inconsistent property rights enforcement, suppression of women's economic roles reducing the workforce by up to 20%, and favoritism toward loyalist networks—deter foreign investment and domestic enterprise more than sanctions alone, perpetuating a cycle of low productivity and capital flight in provinces like Baghlan.[83] Empirical data from nightlight proxies and trade volumes confirm that while informal adaptation prevented total collapse, formal sector contraction has entrenched poverty, with over half the population below subsistence levels by 2024, underscoring causal links between policy opacity and stalled recovery.[84][78]Demographics and Society
Population Statistics
Baghlan Province has an estimated population of approximately 1,014,000 as of 2020, based on projections from Afghanistan's National Statistics and Information Authority (NSIA). Roughly 80% of residents live in rural districts, while 20% reside in urban centers, reflecting a pronounced rural-urban divide.[2] Population growth rates have decelerated due to protracted conflict, emigration, and internal displacement, which reduced net increases prior to 2021.[85] Since the Taliban resurgence in August 2021, returns of Afghan refugees and deportees from neighboring countries have partially offset these losses, with Baghlan receiving an inflow of over 200,000 returnees by mid-2020 (pre-Taliban data, with continued trends post-2021).[85] Nationally, such returns represent about 2% of Afghanistan's total population, straining local resources in provinces like Baghlan.[80] Population density varies significantly across the province, averaging around 59 persons per square kilometer but reaching higher levels in the Pul-i-Khumri district, the provincial capital, where urban concentrations drive elevated figures relative to remote rural zones.[86]Ethnic and Linguistic Composition
Baghlan Province features a diverse ethnic makeup dominated by Tajiks, estimated at 52% of the population in a 2016 provincial assessment by the U.S. Naval Postgraduate School's Program for Culture & Conflict Studies.[24] Pashtuns form the next largest group at 20%, primarily Ghilzai subtribe members, followed by Hazaras at 15% and Uzbeks at 12%, with a minor Tatar presence at 1%.[24] These figures derive from pre-2021 security and development analyses, as Afghanistan lacks a comprehensive national census since 1979, and Taliban governance post-2021 has not produced updated ethnic breakdowns.[5]| Ethnic Group | Percentage |
|---|---|
| Tajik | 52% |
| Pashtun | 20% |
| Hazara | 15% |
| Uzbek | 12% |
| Tatar | 1% |