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Consumer price index

The Consumer Price Index (CPI) is a statistical measure estimating the average change over time in prices paid by urban consumers for a fixed market basket of goods and services representative of typical household expenditures.^[1] In the United States, the CPI is compiled monthly by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) using data from approximately 80,000 retail and service establishments and 23,000 rental housing units, covering categories such as food, housing, apparel, transportation, medical care, recreation, education, and communication.^[2] The index serves primarily as a gauge of inflation, informing monetary policy decisions by central banks like the Federal Reserve, which targets a 2% annual CPI inflation rate to balance economic growth and stability.^[3] It also adjusts wages, pensions, and tax brackets for cost-of-living changes, with Social Security benefits and certain federal payments indexed to the CPI for Urban Wage Earners and Clerical Workers (CPI-W).^[4] To compute the CPI, the BLS selects a base year and calculates the cost of the market basket in that period, then compares it to current-period costs, applying a formula such as CPI = (cost of basket in current period / cost of basket in base period) × 100, with weights derived from the Consumer Expenditure Survey reflecting expenditure shares.^[5] Since 1999, most lower-level indexes use a geometric mean formula to approximate consumer substitution toward cheaper alternatives when relative prices change, aiming to reduce upward bias from fixed-basket assumptions inherent in traditional Laspeyres indexes.^[1] However, the CPI has faced scrutiny for potential inaccuracies: official reviews, including the 1996 Boskin Commission report, argued it overstated inflation by 1.1 percentage points annually due to substitution, quality improvements, and new goods not fully captured, leading to methodological tweaks that lowered reported rates.^[6] Conversely, critics contend these adjustments, such as hedonic quality corrections for items like electronics, along with exclusion of non-market factors and underweighting of housing costs, systematically understate true cost-of-living increases, particularly for lower-income households facing volatile essentials.^[7]^[8] Empirical analyses, including BLS sampling error estimates showing standard errors around 0.1-0.2% monthly for the all-items index, underscore its reliability as a broad trend indicator but highlight limitations in reflecting individualized consumption shifts or regional variations.^[7] Despite such debates, the CPI remains the most widely referenced inflation metric globally, with analogous indexes adapted by national statistical agencies to track purchasing power erosion.^[3]

Conceptual Foundations

Definition and Measurement

The Consumer Price Index (CPI) quantifies the average percentage change over time in the prices paid by a representative sample of urban consumers for a fixed basket of goods and services typically purchased for consumption.^[9] This index serves as a primary indicator of inflation from the consumer's perspective, reflecting shifts in purchasing power rather than producer costs.^[2] In the United States, the CPI targets urban consumers, covering approximately 93% of the population, with separate variants like CPI-U for all urban consumers and CPI-W for wage earners and clerical workers.^[10] Measurement begins with defining a market basket derived from periodic Consumer Expenditure Surveys, which capture household spending patterns to establish item categories and weights.^[11] The basket encompasses around 80,000 items across eight major groups, including food, housing, apparel, transportation, medical care, recreation, education, and other goods and services, with weights updated roughly every two years to reflect evolving consumption habits.^[9] A base period, often a recent year like 1982-1984 in the U.S. where the index equals 100, anchors the calculation, allowing relative price changes to be tracked thereafter.^[1] Price data collection involves monthly sampling from approximately 23,000 retail outlets and service providers, plus 31,000 rental housing units, across 75 urban areas, using stratified probability sampling to ensure representativeness.^[2] Prices are gathered for specific item specifications to maintain consistency, with field economists verifying outlets and scanner data supplementing manual collections for high-volume items like groceries. Imputations handle missing prices via methods such as cell-relative or carry-forward techniques to avoid bias from temporary data gaps.^[5] The index is computed using a Laspeyres-type formula at higher aggregation levels, expressed as $ \text{CPI} = \frac{\sum (p_t \cdot q_0 \cdot w_i)}{\sum (p_0 \cdot q_0 \cdot w_i)} \times 100 $, where $ p_t $ and $ p_0 $ are current and base period prices, $ q_0 $ is base quantity, and $ w_i $ are expenditure weights.^[5] Lower-level indexes employ geometric means since 1999 to partially account for substitution bias within categories, calculating $ \left( \prod (p_t / p_0)^{e_i} \right)^{1 / \sum e_i} $, where $ e_i $ are expenditure proportions.^[1] National indexes are aggregated from area samples using population weights, with chaining applied for some components to mitigate formula effect biases.^[5] Internationally, similar methodologies prevail under International Labour Organization guidelines, though base baskets and update frequencies vary by country.

Purposes and Applications

The Consumer Price Index (CPI) serves primarily as a measure of inflation, tracking the average change over time in prices paid by urban consumers for a fixed basket of goods and services, thereby indicating the effectiveness of monetary and fiscal policies in maintaining price stability.^[4] Central banks, such as the Federal Reserve, rely on CPI data to calibrate interest rates and other tools aimed at controlling inflationary pressures, with the index providing a benchmark for assessing deviations from target inflation rates around 2% annually.^[4] Economists use it to deflate nominal economic series into real terms, enabling comparisons of purchasing power across periods free from price distortions.^[4] In public policy, the CPI underpins cost-of-living adjustments (COLA) for federal benefits, including Social Security payments, which are indexed annually to the CPI for Urban Wage Earners and Clerical Workers (CPI-W) to preserve beneficiaries' real income amid rising prices; for instance, the 2023 COLA increase of 8.7% reflected the prior year's CPI rise.^[2] It also adjusts income eligibility thresholds for government assistance programs, federal tax brackets to mitigate bracket creep, and parameters in regulations like minimum wage escalations in certain jurisdictions.^[2] At the state and local levels, numerous programs—over 100 federal uses alone, spanning entitlements and infrastructure funding—incorporate CPI for inflation-linked disbursements.^[12] Private sector applications include escalation clauses in contracts, where CPI adjustments maintain the real value of payments; common in collective bargaining agreements, rental leases, royalties, alimony, and child support, these provisions tie obligations to CPI changes to hedge against erosion of purchasing power.^[13] Businesses employ CPI in pricing strategies, pension fund valuations, and financial modeling to forecast real returns, while unions negotiate wage indexation to CPI for automatic adjustments, as seen in empirical studies of labor contracts where such clauses correlate with industry-specific price volatilities.^[12]^[14] Overall, these uses extend CPI's role beyond measurement to practical mechanisms for economic indexing, though reliance on its fixed-basket methodology assumes limited substitution effects among consumers.^[13]

Historical Evolution

Origins in the Early 20th Century

![US CPI from 1914 to 2022][float-right] The Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) initiated the precursor to the modern Consumer Price Index (CPI) during World War I to address the need for cost-of-living adjustments in wage negotiations for shipbuilding and munitions workers. In 1919, the BLS published the first official CPI data for 32 major industrial and shipbuilding centers, with estimates retroactive to 1913.^[15] This index, initially called the Cost-of-Living Index, tracked price changes for essential goods consumed by urban wage-earners and clerical workers, focusing on categories such as food, clothing, housing, and fuel.^[16] The development responded to wartime inflation, which necessitated empirical measures to maintain real wages amid rising prices.^[17] Preceding this, the BLS conducted targeted price studies, beginning with food price indexes in 1903 for select cities, expanding to include clothing by 1914.^[18] However, these were fragmented and not fully integrated until the 1919 effort, which drew on family expenditure surveys started in 1917 to define the consumption basket.^[19] The methodology involved fixed-weight aggregation of price relatives, using base-period quantities to reflect typical working-class spending patterns, though limited to white families in urban areas due to data availability.^[20] Regular monthly CPI publications commenced in February 1921, based on a comprehensive 1918-1919 survey of approximately 92 cities covering white wage-earner households.^[20] This established the index's role in economic policy and labor relations, providing a standardized tool for quantifying inflation despite initial limitations in scope and demographic representation.^[17] Early criticisms highlighted potential biases from incomplete market basket coverage and exclusion of rural or non-white populations, but the index's causal linkage to observed price data grounded its utility in first-order empirical assessment of purchasing power changes.^[16]

Post-World War II Developments

Following World War II, the Consumer Price Index (CPI) in the United States gained prominence for indexing wages, pensions, and social benefits to cost-of-living changes, amid postwar inflation peaking at around 19% annually in 1947 due to pent-up demand and supply disruptions.^[20] The U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) updated CPI weights in 1950 based on a 1947–1949 consumer expenditure survey combined with the 1950 Census, incorporating emerging items such as frozen foods and televisions while adjusting the rent index to mitigate "new unit bias" from higher-priced postwar housing.^[17] The 1953 revision, the second comprehensive update, shifted weights to data from a 1950 expenditure survey, expanded coverage to medium- and small-sized cities beyond the prior focus on large urban areas, and introduced pricing for restaurant meals and homeownership costs including mortgage interest and property taxes.^[21] These changes reflected evolving consumer patterns in a growing suburban economy and improved pricing methodologies for greater accuracy in tracking retail transactions.^[17] In 1964, the third revision utilized weights from a 1960–1961 metropolitan-area expenditure survey, incorporated single-person households previously excluded, and extended price collection to suburban outlets to better capture commuting and shopping shifts.^[21] This update addressed criticisms of urban bias in earlier indexes and aligned the CPI more closely with the diversifying demographics of urban wage earners.^[17] The 1978 revision marked a major expansion by introducing the CPI for All Urban Consumers (CPI-U), covering about 80% of the population including professionals and self-employed, while redesignating the prior index as CPI for Urban Wage Earners and Clerical Workers (CPI-W).^[17] It drew on 1972–1973 expenditure data and the 1970 Census, increased sampled areas to 85, adopted bimonthly pricing schedules, and implemented probability sampling for outlets and items to enhance representativeness and reduce costs.^[21] These methodological advances responded to broader economic uses of the CPI, such as in federal benefit adjustments, though they introduced discontinuities when compared to pre-1978 series.^[17]

1990s Reforms and Boskin Commission Impact

In 1995, the U.S. Congress established an advisory commission, chaired by Michael Boskin, to evaluate potential biases in the Consumer Price Index (CPI) as measured by the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS). The commission's final report, released on December 4, 1996, concluded that the CPI overstated annual inflation by approximately 1.1 percentage points in 1996, with an estimated overstatement of 1.3 percentage points in prior years. This bias was attributed primarily to three factors: substitution bias (0.4 percentage points), where consumers shift toward cheaper alternatives not fully captured by fixed-basket arithmetic means; quality improvement and new goods bias (0.6 percentage points), due to unadjusted enhancements in product quality and introduction of innovative items; and outlet bias (0.1 percentage point), from consumers increasingly shopping at discount outlets. The report emphasized that these upward biases cumulatively distorted cost-of-living adjustments, affecting federal budgeting, Social Security cost-of-living allowances (COLAs), and tax bracket indexing.^[22]^[23] The Boskin Commission's findings prompted the BLS to implement targeted methodological reforms in the late 1990s to mitigate identified biases, though not all recommendations were adopted wholesale. In January 1999, the BLS introduced geometric mean estimators for roughly 60-70% of lower-level CPI item categories, replacing arithmetic means to better reflect consumer substitution within basic indexes like "men's shirts" or "fresh vegetables," reducing reported inflation by an estimated 0.1 to 0.2 percentage points annually. This change directly addressed the commission's substitution bias critique by allowing implicit price elasticities in aggregation formulas. Additionally, the BLS expanded hedonic quality adjustments—regression-based models isolating price changes from quality improvements—for categories such as computers, televisions, and apparel, incorporating more frequent updates to reflect rapid technological advances, which further lowered CPI growth by accounting for value added in goods.^[24]^[25] These reforms had significant fiscal ramifications, as lower CPI inflation estimates enabled Congress to project reduced expenditures on indexed programs. For instance, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) incorporated a 0.6 percentage point downward adjustment to CPI projections in its 1997-2000 budget outlooks, partly influenced by Boskin estimates, yielding potential federal savings of $100-140 billion over a decade through moderated COLAs and tax revenue gains from "bracket creep" reversal. Critics, including some economists, contended that the adjustments risked understating true cost-of-living changes, particularly for lower-income households less able to substitute goods, but BLS evaluations indicated the changes aligned empirical data with commission-identified overstatements without introducing new downward biases. The BLS later developed the Chained CPI-U research series in 2002 to incorporate upper-level substitution across broader categories, building on 1990s innovations, though it remained experimental. Overall, the Boskin-era reforms shifted CPI methodology toward greater responsiveness to consumer behavior and product evolution, reducing perceived upward bias from 1.1 percentage points to an estimated 0.2-0.3 percentage points by the early 2000s per BLS assessments.^[26]^[27]^[24]

Calculation Framework

Basket Selection and Weighting Procedures

The selection of goods and services for the Consumer Price Index (CPI) basket relies on expenditure data from the Consumer Expenditure (CE) Survey, administered by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), which tracks spending by a representative sample of urban households through quarterly interviews and weekly diaries.^[28]^[29] This survey captures out-of-pocket purchases for personal consumption, excluding income taxes and certain non-market transactions, to establish categories and item strata that reflect typical urban consumer behavior, covering roughly 93% of the U.S. urban population for the CPI-U index.^[11] The resulting basket includes approximately 200 item strata grouped into eight major categories, such as shelter, apparel, and medical care, with thousands of specific products priced across sampled retail outlets.^[28] Specific items within these strata are chosen via multistage probability sampling: first, urban areas and outlet types are selected based on population and sales volume; then, from those outlets, individual products are picked using checklists of common items or direct consumer purchase reports to ensure representation of actual buying patterns.^[30]^[31] This process prioritizes frequently purchased, stable items while incorporating updates for new goods, like electronics, when expenditure data indicates significance, though the basket remains largely fixed between weight revisions to maintain index consistency.^[11] Weights, or relative importances, represent each item's share of total consumer expenditures from the CE data, expressed as percentages summing to 100 across the basket; for instance, shelter has historically accounted for about one-third of the total weight due to its dominant spending role.^[32] These weights are applied in a Laspeyres-type formula to aggregate price relatives: BLS updates weights annually as of the 2023 reference period, using a single calendar year's CE data—previously biennial—to reduce lag in reflecting consumption shifts, such as increased online spending or post-pandemic behavioral changes.^[33]^[34] For the 2025 CPI, weights incorporate 2023 expenditures, with relative importances published for transparency and adjusted for geographic and population variations in local indexes.^[35] This periodic refresh aims to align the index with empirical spending but can introduce discontinuities if major economic disruptions alter patterns between surveys.^[36]

Price Data Collection and Aggregation

The Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) collects Consumer Price Index (CPI) price data through two primary surveys: the Commodities and Services survey, which gathers prices from retail and service outlets, and the Housing survey, which focuses on rental housing costs.^[28] Prices are obtained via personal visits, telephone interviews, and electronic collection methods, with field representatives pricing approximately 80,000 items monthly across roughly 23,000 retail and service establishments nationwide.^[28]^[3] Collection occurs throughout the month, divided into three roughly equal pricing periods to capture mid-month averages, ensuring representation of typical consumer timing.^[11] Sampling for outlets and items employs a multistage probability design to minimize bias and ensure national representativeness. Primary sampling units (PSUs) are selected from metropolitan areas and nonmetropolitan counties, stratified by population size and region, with probability proportional to size selection favoring larger urban areas covering about 93% of the U.S. population.^[30] Within selected PSUs, outlets are sampled from business registries like the Census Bureau's frame, and specific items are chosen based on Consumer Expenditure Survey (CE) data, with outlets providing multiple price quotes per item category to account for variability.^[30] For housing, a separate sample of approximately 40,000 rental units is drawn from Census and other records, with rents collected bimonthly or quarterly depending on the area.^[28] Imputations handle missing prices, using data from similar items or prior periods to maintain continuity.^[5] Aggregation begins at the elementary level, where individual price quotes are converted to price relatives (current price divided by base-period price) and averaged—using arithmetic means for most categories or geometric means for those with high substitution potential, such as apparel—to form basic indexes.^[5] These basic indexes are then combined into higher-level aggregates via a fixed-basket formula akin to the Laspeyres index, weighting components by their relative importance derived from CE survey expenditures from two to three years prior, updated every two years.^[5] The overall CPI is a weighted average of these subindexes:

\mathrm{CPI} = \frac{\sum_{i=1}^{n} \mathrm{CPI}_i \times \mathrm{weight}_i}{\sum_{i=1}^{n} \mathrm{weight}_i}

where \mathrm{CPI}_i are lower-level indexes and \mathrm{weight}_i reflect expenditure shares, chained across geographic areas using population weights from the decennial Census.^[5] Seasonal adjustments apply to volatile items like food and apparel using moving averages or regression models, while core CPI excludes food and energy for stability.^[5] This process yields monthly indexes relative to a base period (e.g., 1982-1984 = 100), published around the 10th-13th of the following month.^[1]

Adjustments for Quality and Substitution

The Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) implements quality adjustments in the Consumer Price Index (CPI) to isolate pure price changes from improvements in product characteristics, preventing overstatement of inflation when goods enhance in value through features like durability, safety, or performance. For instance, in the new vehicles category, adjustments are derived from manufacturer-reported costs for specific attributes such as fuel economy, reliability, and added safety features, with these implicit adjustments applied when models are replaced in the sample. Hedonic regression models are employed for categories like apparel, personal computers, and televisions, where price differences are decomposed into contributions from measurable attributes (e.g., processor speed or screen resolution), subtracting the estimated value of quality gains from observed price increases. These methods, refined since the 1990s, aim to reflect consumer valuation of enhancements, though empirical validation relies on econometric assumptions about demand elasticities.^[37]^[38]^[39] Substitution adjustments address consumer shifts toward relatively cheaper alternatives, which a fixed-basket Laspeyres index like the traditional CPI overlooks, leading to upward bias in measured inflation. Since January 1999, the BLS has applied a geometric mean formula to calculate most elementary (basic) indexes, approximating a constant elasticity of substitution (typically unit elasticity) among close substitutes within categories like food or apparel, thereby partially mitigating lower-level substitution bias estimated at 0.25 percentage points annually by the 1996 Boskin Commission. At higher aggregation levels, the standard CPI-U retains a fixed-weight Laspeyres structure, but the experimental Chained CPI-U (C-CPI-U), introduced in 2002, uses a Tornqvist superlative index that allows annual weight updates based on prior-period expenditures, further incorporating upper-level substitution effects. These reforms, implemented following Boskin recommendations that identified total substitution bias at 0.4 percentage points per year, have reduced reported CPI growth by approximately 0.2 percentage points annually in basic indexes.^[1]^[40]^[41] Debates persist over the adequacy of these adjustments, with some analyses suggesting quality imputations may understate inflation if hedonic models overattribute value to features not uniformly demanded by consumers, as evidenced by discrepancies in durable goods pricing where real-world substitution elasticities deviate from unit assumptions. For example, post-1999 geometric means have been critiqued for assuming symmetric substitution responses that do not fully capture outlet shifts or quality trade-offs in practice, potentially lowering measured inflation by embedding optimistic behavioral assumptions. Conversely, BLS evaluations indicate that unadjusted quality changes would overstate inflation in tech-heavy categories, with hedonic applications reducing index growth by 0.1 to 0.3 percentage points in affected items like electronics. Empirical studies, including BLS simulations, support the directional accuracy of these methods but highlight challenges in quantifying outlet bias or heterogeneous consumer preferences, underscoring ongoing refinements like expanded scanner data integration since 2019.^[7]^[41]^[42]

Component Categories

Food, Energy, and Volatile Items

The food and energy categories in the Consumer Price Index (CPI) represent essential household expenditures subject to pronounced price swings driven by supply-side disruptions rather than broad demand pressures. Food, comprising groceries purchased for home preparation and meals consumed away from home, accounted for 13.555% of the CPI-U basket in December 2023, with food at home at 8.167% and food away from home at 5.388%.^[43] Energy, encompassing motor fuels and household utilities, held a 6.655% weight, including gasoline (3.261%), electricity (2.428%), and natural gas service (0.688%).^[43] These components together influence approximately 20% of the overall index, making their fluctuations a key driver of headline CPI variability.^[43] Price volatility in food stems primarily from agricultural yield variations due to weather events, pests, and trade policies, which can cause sharp deviations uncorrelated with monetary conditions. For instance, food prices rose 10.4% in 2022, propelled by a 11.8% surge in food-at-home costs amid global supply chain strains and commodity shortages.^[44] By 2023, this moderated to a 2.7% annual increase, with food at home up only 1.3%, reflecting eased wholesale pressures but persistent exposure to harvest outcomes.^[45] Energy prices exhibit even greater instability, tied to geopolitical events, extraction costs, and inventory levels; gasoline and fuel oil, for example, are highly sensitive to crude oil supply interruptions.^[46] Owing to this volatility, food and energy are routinely excluded from "core" CPI measures used by policymakers to gauge underlying inflationary trends, as these items respond to transient shocks like droughts or oil embargoes rather than persistent wage-price spirals addressable by interest rate adjustments.^[46] ^[47] In 2022, their outsized contributions—food adding over 1.3 percentage points and energy amplifying total CPI to 6.5%—highlighted how headline figures can diverge from core rates, which rose more steadily at 5.5%.^[44] Such exclusions facilitate analysis of demand-driven inflation but may underrepresent the lived cost pressures on consumers dependent on these staples.^[48] Empirical data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics underscore this pattern, with energy indices fluctuating by double digits in response to events like the 2022 Russia-Ukraine conflict, while core components show smoother trajectories.^[49]

Housing and Owner-Occupied Costs

The shelter subcategory within the CPI's housing group measures price changes for housing services provided by both rented and owner-occupied residences, comprising approximately 36 percent of the overall CPI-U weight in 2023.^[32] This weight derives from the Consumer Expenditure Survey, which allocates household spending on shelter based on reported outlays for rent and imputed values for owners.^[11] Shelter excludes non-consumptive elements like mortgage principal payments, which represent asset accumulation rather than periodic service flows, and focuses instead on the economic cost of occupancy.^[50] For owner-occupied units, which represent about two-thirds of U.S. households, the BLS calculates owners' equivalent rent (OER) to proxy the implicit rental cost of shelter services. OER estimates what tenants would pay to rent comparable owner-occupied properties, derived from a stratified sample of roughly 40,000 renter-occupied housing units surveyed every six months across 75 urban areas.^[28] These units are selected via probability proportional to size sampling, weighted to match owner-occupied characteristics such as geographic location, structure type, age, and square footage, ensuring representativeness without direct owner surveys that could introduce selection bias from non-response or recall errors.^[51] Price relatives for OER are computed as the ratio of current to previous-period rents for unchanged units, aggregated using geometric means to reflect consumer substitution toward lower-cost alternatives within housing quality classes.^[5] The rental equivalence methodology for OER, phased in starting 1983 and fully adopted by January 1987, replaced earlier approaches that incorporated home purchase prices and mortgage costs, which BLS determined overemphasized asset transactions over service consumption.^[52] This shift aligned CPI more closely with a cost-of-living framework by capturing only the periodic use value of housing, excluding elements like property taxes (partially reflected in rental markets) and homeowner insurance premiums, which are tracked separately under household operations.^[53] Empirical evidence from BLS validation studies indicates OER tracks rental price changes closely, with correlations exceeding 0.95 over multi-year periods, though rental contracts' stickiness—due to lease durations averaging 12 months—can delay index responses to market shifts by 6-12 months.^[54] In practice, OER and rent indexes have shown similar trajectories; for example, both rose 4.8 percent over the 12 months ending May 2022, contributing disproportionately to overall CPI increases amid post-pandemic supply constraints.^[54] By September 2025, shelter costs accounted for over half of the 3.0 percent year-over-year CPI-U rise, underscoring their volatility relative to the all-items index due to limited short-term supply elasticity in housing markets.^[49] Quality adjustments, such as hedonic regressions for structural improvements or neighborhood changes reported by respondents, ensure constant-quality pricing, though BLS notes potential underestimation if unobservable amenities like views or proximity to amenities diverge between rental and owner samples.^[50]

Healthcare, Education, and Services

The medical care component of the CPI, which encompasses healthcare services and commodities, held a relative importance of approximately 8.5% in the U.S. consumer expenditure basket as of the 2023 weight update.^[55] This category tracks price changes for hospital and related services (about 40% of medical care), physician and dental services (around 20%), prescription drugs (roughly 10%), and health insurance premiums, with data collected monthly from providers, pharmacies, and insurers across urban areas.^[56] BLS employs a mix of direct pricing for out-of-pocket costs and imputed estimates for insurance, where premiums are adjusted based on enrollment changes rather than pure service price inflation, potentially understating cost pressures from rising utilization or administrative overhead.^[56] Healthcare price measurement faces inherent challenges due to rapid technological advancements and heterogeneous service delivery, complicating quality adjustments; for instance, BLS uses hedonic regression for durable medical equipment but often carries forward hospital prices to minimize respondent burden, which may lag actual market shifts.^[56] Empirical data show medical care inflation outpacing the overall CPI, with a 0.5% rise in 2023 after 4.0% in 2022, driven by nonprescription drugs (up 8.3%) and services amid supply constraints.^[45] Critics argue that excluding third-party payer dynamics, such as Medicare/Medicaid reimbursement changes, distorts the index's reflection of consumer cost burdens, as transaction prices capture only a fraction of total healthcare spending growth.^[57] Education and communication services, weighted at about 6.0% in 2023, include college tuition and fees (the largest subcomponent), elementary/secondary schooling, textbooks, and telecom services.^[55] BLS surveys public and private institutions for tuition prices, applying quality adjustments for factors like credit hours or program enhancements, though these methods struggle with intangible improvements in educational outcomes or online delivery shifts.^[58] Tuition inflation has consistently exceeded general CPI, with college costs rising over 200% since 1980 adjusted for overall inflation, reflecting demand pressures from credentialism rather than pure price signals.^[59] Broader services—such as recreation (5.5% weight), apparel/laundry (3.5%), and other personal care (1.5%)—aggregate diverse outlays where price collection relies on retail and provider sampling, often incorporating owner-occupied equivalents or rental proxies for non-market services.^[55] These categories exhibit lower volatility than goods but pose measurement difficulties from customization and quality variability; BLS imputes prices for unpriced items via geometric means and adjusts for substitutions, yet debates persist over whether such methods adequately capture real cost escalations in labor-intensive sectors like eldercare or legal services.^[1] In 2023, services overall contributed modestly to CPI growth, tempered by productivity lags in non-tradable sectors.^[60]

Criticisms and Methodological Debates

Evidence of Upward Bias in Traditional Measures

The Boskin Commission, appointed by the U.S. Senate in 1995 and chaired by Michael Boskin, analyzed the Consumer Price Index (CPI) and concluded that it overstated the annual increase in the cost of living by approximately 1.1 percentage points during the mid-1990s, with a range of 0.8 to 1.6 percentage points.^[61] This upward bias stemmed primarily from four methodological shortcomings in the traditional CPI formula: substitution bias, quality adjustment deficiencies, outlet substitution bias, and inadequate accounting for new goods.^[6] The commission's estimates broke down as follows: substitution bias at 0.4 percentage points, unmeasured quality improvements and new goods at 0.6 percentage points, and housing cost measurement issues at 0.2 percentage points.^[27] Substitution bias arises because the traditional CPI employs a fixed basket of goods based on past expenditure patterns, failing to capture consumer responses to relative price changes by substituting toward cheaper alternatives. Economic theory, rooted in index number formulas, demonstrates that a Laspeyres index like the pre-reform CPI systematically overstates cost-of-living changes compared to a true cost-of-living index, as consumers adjust consumption to minimize expenditure.^[62] Empirical validation came from Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) internal studies and commission modeling, which quantified this effect using historical price and expenditure data, showing consumers shifting away from goods whose prices rose disproportionately.^[24] Quality change bias in traditional measures occurred when price increases for goods incorporated unmeasured improvements in performance or durability, yet the CPI attributed the full price rise to inflation without deducting the value of enhanced quality. Prior to reforms, quality adjustments were applied sporadically and conservatively, primarily for apparel and electronics, leaving substantial overstatement in categories like automobiles and medical devices where technological advances reduced effective costs.^[63] The commission cited econometric analyses of durable goods prices, revealing that hedonic adjustments—accounting for attributes like computing power or fuel efficiency—could lower reported inflation by 0.2 to 0.6 percentage points annually, based on pre-1990s data.^[61] Outlet and new goods biases further contributed to overstatement, as traditional CPI sampling underweighted shifts to lower-price retailers (e.g., discount chains) and delayed incorporation of innovative products that expanded consumer choices and lowered effective prices. BLS outlet surveys from the 1980s and 1990s indicated that consumers increasingly shopped at efficient discounters, yet the CPI's pricing relied on outdated establishment samples, inflating averages by 0.1 to 0.2 percentage points.^[6] Similarly, the slow introduction of new goods, such as personal computers in the 1980s, meant their welfare-enhancing entry was not reflected until after market penetration, per commission simulations using historical product introduction data.^[27] These biases cumulatively implied that traditional CPI inflation rates, such as the reported 3-4% annual averages in the 1980s and early 1990s, overstated true cost-of-living increases by over 25% in relative terms, affecting policy metrics like real GDP growth and productivity.^[64] Federal Reserve Chairman Alan Greenspan testified in 1997 that the evidence from Boskin and supporting studies confirmed the CPI's upward tilt with "near certainty," prompting methodological shifts like geometric weighting for substitution.^[63] While some academic critiques, such as those questioning the precision of Boskin's aggregation, exist, the directional evidence for upward bias in pre-reform CPI aligns with foundational economic principles of consumer optimization and product evolution.^[65]

Arguments for Downward Bias Post-Reforms

Critics of post-1996 CPI methodological reforms, including the adoption of geometric means for lower-level aggregation and expanded hedonic quality adjustments, contend that these changes have introduced or amplified downward biases by overcorrecting for previously identified upward biases. The Boskin Commission's estimate of a 1.1 percentage point annual overstatement was addressed through reforms that reduced reported CPI growth, but subsequent analyses suggest that substitution adjustments assume unrealistically high consumer elasticities, understating inflation during periods of broad-based price increases where substitution options are limited, such as in essential goods like food and healthcare.^[8] A key area of alleged downward bias lies in the treatment of shelter costs, which constitute approximately 33% of the CPI basket as of 2023. Owners' equivalent rent (OER), used to proxy housing costs for the roughly two-thirds of households that own homes, has been criticized for understating inflation due to methodological flaws in sampling and age-bias adjustments that fail to adequately capture the rising opportunity costs of homeownership, including surging home prices and mortgage interest rates that outpaced OER growth; for instance, between 2000 and 2020, median home prices rose by over 150% while OER inflation averaged below CPI overall. Empirical models indicate this results in a substantial understatement, with one analysis estimating a persistent downward bias in the shelter component sufficient to lower overall CPI by 0.2-0.5 percentage points annually.^[66]^[50] Hedonic adjustments for quality improvements, expanded post-reforms to account for technological advances in goods like electronics and apparel, are argued to overattribute price declines to non-price factors, thereby deflating measured inflation beyond actual consumer benefits. In apparel, for example, the CPI has understated price increases due to inadequate linking of style changes and outlet shifts, with research showing true inflation 1-2% higher annually than reported from 1990 onward. Critics, including some economists, assert that such adjustments lack robust validation for subjective quality gains and serve to systematically lower CPI figures, potentially by 0.3-0.6 percentage points as originally estimated for quality bias correction but now deemed excessive.^[67]^[7]^[68] These arguments are supported by component-specific empirical discrepancies, where alternative calculations excluding post-reform adjustments yield higher inflation rates; however, Bureau of Labor Statistics evaluations maintain that overall biases remain small and balanced, attributing downward claims to misinterpretations of quality enhancements rather than systematic error.^[24]

Empirical Studies and Alternative Calculations

The Boskin Commission, established by the U.S. Senate Finance Committee in 1995, analyzed CPI methodology using econometric models and historical data, estimating that the index overstated annual cost-of-living changes by 1.1 percentage points as of the mid-1990s, with contributions from substitution bias (0.4 points), quality change bias (0.6 points), and smaller effects from unmeasured new goods and outlet shifts.^[26] This assessment drew on empirical comparisons of fixed-basket versus cost-of-living indices, revealing that consumers shift expenditures to cheaper alternatives not fully captured in arithmetic CPI formulas, and that hedonic adjustments for quality improvements in goods like electronics were inconsistent.^[69] The commission's findings prompted BLS methodological revisions, including adoption of geometric means for rental equivalence and certain food categories starting in 1999, which reduced reported inflation by about 0.2 percentage points annually.^[24] Subsequent peer-reviewed retrospectives, such as a 2006 NBER analysis by commission members, validated the original bias estimate through updated data on durable goods price declines and consumer behavior, while acknowledging that BLS changes lowered the overstatement to near zero by the early 2000s, though potential residual upward bias persisted in areas like housing and medical services due to incomplete outlet and quality adjustments.^[27] Empirical tests in academic literature, including simulations of Laspeyres versus chained indices, confirm that pre-reform CPI exhibited measurable upward formula bias averaging 0.2-0.5 points yearly, diminishing post-adjustments but varying by economic cycle.^[62] A 1996 BLS staff paper further quantified lower-level substitution bias in elementary aggregates, estimating it at 0.1-0.3 points based on scanner data from retail outlets.^[70] As an official alternative, the Personal Consumption Expenditures (PCE) price index, calculated by the Bureau of Economic Analysis, employs a Fisher chained formula that dynamically updates weights quarterly to reflect substitution, typically reporting 0.3-0.5 percentage points lower inflation than CPI over 2000-2023, with greater divergence during volatile periods like 2021-2022 energy shocks. Private alternatives include ShadowStats, which reconstructs CPI using pre-1980 and pre-1990 methodologies excluding geometric weighting and expanded hedonic adjustments, yielding estimates 3-7 points above official CPI (e.g., 10-15% versus 2-3% in 2023), though critics note its reliance on extrapolated Bureau of Economic Analysis data without full replication of historical baskets limits empirical rigor and shows near-identical trend shapes to official series.^[71] The Chapwood Index, derived from surveys of 500 urban items across 50 U.S. cities, claims 8-13% annual cost increases for 2011-2023 (versus official 2-3%), focusing on real estate, healthcare, and education, but lacks peer-reviewed validation and has been deemed implausibly high relative to aggregate expenditure data.^[72] A 2024 AEI working paper proposes a "more accurate" CPI variant adjusting for underweighted owner-occupied housing and services, estimating that official CPI understated real wage growth by 1-2 points annually since 2010 when recalibrated against micro-level earnings data.^[73]

Policy Uses and Economic Effects

Influence on Central Banking and Interest Rates

The Consumer Price Index (CPI) exerts significant influence on central banking by serving as a primary gauge of inflationary trends, guiding decisions on interest rate adjustments to maintain price stability. Central banks in inflation-targeting frameworks, adopted widely since the 1990s, reference CPI or analogous measures to anchor expectations and calibrate policy responses. When CPI indicates inflation above target levels—often set at 2%—policymakers raise short-term interest rates to elevate borrowing costs, dampen demand, and mitigate upward price pressures.^[74]^[75] Conversely, below-target CPI readings may prompt rate cuts to encourage spending and investment.^[75] Numerous central banks explicitly incorporate CPI into their targeting regimes. The Bank of England mandates maintaining CPI inflation at 2%, utilizing its Bank Rate as the primary tool to influence economic activity and align prices with this objective.^[76] The Reserve Bank of Australia targets CPI inflation within a 2-3% band, adjusting the cash rate to balance growth and stability.^[77] The Central Bank of Chile employs CPI for its 3% target (with a ±1% tolerance), demonstrating how CPI deviations directly inform rate path modifications.^[78] In the United States, the Federal Reserve prioritizes the Personal Consumption Expenditures (PCE) price index for its 2% inflation goal but closely monitors CPI due to its timeliness and market impact. Elevated CPI figures, such as the 9.1% year-over-year peak in June 2022, contributed to the Fed's rapid tightening cycle, raising the federal funds rate by 525 basis points from March 2022 to July 2023 to combat post-pandemic inflation.^[79]^[80] The European Central Bank (ECB), targeting 2% Harmonised Index of Consumer Prices (HICP) inflation—a metric akin to CPI—likewise assesses national CPI data within eurozone aggregates to shape deposit facility rate decisions, as persistent CPI-HICP variances signal risks to medium-term stability.^[81] This reliance underscores CPI's role in fostering credible policy reactions, though methodological differences across indices can introduce variances in perceived inflationary momentum.^[82] In many countries, social programs such as pensions and disability benefits incorporate cost-of-living adjustments (COLAs) tied to the consumer price index (CPI) to preserve beneficiaries' purchasing power against inflation. In the United States, Social Security benefits have been automatically indexed to the CPI for Urban Wage Earners and Clerical Workers (CPI-W) since 1975, with the annual COLA calculated as the percentage increase in the average CPI-W from the third quarter of the previous year to the third quarter of the current year.^[83] For instance, the 2026 COLA was set at 2.8%, reflecting the CPI-W rise, and will increase average monthly retirement benefits by approximately $56 for nearly 71 million recipients starting January 2026.^[84] This mechanism applies similarly to Supplemental Security Income (SSI) and certain veterans' benefits, ensuring inflation-linked escalations without discretionary legislative action.^[85] Federal civilian retiree annuities under the Office of Personnel Management (OPM) also use CPI-based indexation, with COLAs capped or tiered—for example, if the CPI increase exceeds 2% but does not surpass 3%, the adjustment is limited to 2%.^[86] State-level public pensions, such as those from the California Public Employees' Retirement System (CalPERS), compare annual CPI changes to retirees' purchasing power at the time of retirement to determine adjustments, though these may be limited by funding constraints.^[87] Internationally, similar CPI-linked indexing appears in programs like Canada's Old Age Security, which adjusts quarterly based on the CPI, and Australia's Age Pension, tied to the CPI alongside wages and pensions indices. These adjustments aim to counteract erosion in real income, but their effectiveness hinges on the CPI variant's alignment with beneficiaries' consumption patterns, such as the debate over using elderly-specific CPI-E instead of CPI-W for retirees.^[88] Wage indexation using CPI is less ubiquitous than in social programs but occurs in collective bargaining agreements, public sector salaries, and some minimum wage laws to mitigate inflationary wage erosion. In the U.S., union contracts in industries like manufacturing or transportation often specify COLAs pegged to CPI-U or regional indices, with adjustments applied annually or semi-annually—for example, certain federal employee pay scales reference CPI for locality adjustments.^[89] Private employers may offer discretionary COLAs based on CPI-W, particularly for blue-collar roles, though adoption varies; data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics indicate that only about 30-40% of private sector workers receive formal inflation-linked raises.^[1] In Europe, countries like Belgium and Italy mandate CPI-indexed wage increases in national labor accords, as seen in Belgium's 2022 adjustment of 11.08% tied to health index (a CPI variant). Such mechanisms stabilize real wages during inflationary periods but can amplify wage-price spirals if not moderated, as evidenced by historical hyperinflation episodes where rigid indexation exacerbated cycles.

Fiscal Implications and Government Budgeting

The Consumer Price Index (CPI) directly influences government budgeting through mandatory indexation mechanisms that automatically adjust federal expenditures and revenues for inflation. In the United States, Social Security benefits, which account for about 23 percent of total federal outlays in fiscal year 2025, receive annual cost-of-living adjustments (COLAs) based on the CPI for Urban Wage Earners and Clerical Workers (CPI-W).^[90] The 2026 COLA, announced on October 24, 2025, stands at 2.8 percent, derived from the average CPI-W increase for the third quarter of 2025 over the same period in 2024, resulting in an estimated $50 billion increase in Social Security spending for the year.^[91] ^[92] Similar CPI-linked adjustments apply to Supplemental Security Income (SSI), federal civilian and military pensions, and veterans' disability compensation, collectively amplifying mandatory spending during periods of rising prices.^[1] CPI indexation extends to revenue provisions, where income tax brackets, standard deductions, and exemption amounts are adjusted annually using the CPI for All Urban Consumers (CPI-U) to prevent "bracket creep," whereby inflation pushes taxpayers into higher brackets without real income gains.^[93] This practice, implemented starting with tax year 1985 under the Deficit Reduction Act of 1984, raised brackets by 5.4 percent for tax year 2023 based on CPI-U data from the prior year, thereby moderating revenue growth relative to nominal wage increases.^[93] Without such adjustments, inflation would generate unlegislated revenue windfalls, but the mechanism ensures fiscal neutrality in real terms, though it can constrain budget surpluses during inflationary episodes by limiting bracket-driven receipts.^[94] In the federal budgeting process, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) and Office of Management and Budget (OMB) integrate CPI-based inflation assumptions into baseline projections, typically forecasting 2 percent annual CPI growth for the next decade to estimate future outlays and receipts.^[95] Actual CPI deviations affect these baselines; for instance, sustained higher CPI readings elevate projections for indexed mandatory spending by 1-2 percent of GDP over a decade if inflation averages 0.5 percentage points above baseline, while also boosting revenues through higher nominal incomes but often netting wider deficits due to disproportionate spending growth.^[95] ^[94] Discretionary appropriations indirectly reference CPI trends for inflation allowances in agency requests, though Congress must explicitly authorize such adjustments.^[96] Fiscal implications of CPI reliance include amplified deficit risks from automatic stabilizers, as indexation embeds procyclical spending expansions without regard to fiscal sustainability or underlying productivity.^[97] Empirical analysis shows that unexpected inflation erodes real public debt values—reducing U.S. debt-to-GDP ratios by up to 5 percent during surprise episodes above 5 percent annually—but simultaneously hikes nominal interest payments on new issuance, offsetting gains and pressuring long-term budgets.^[97] ^[94] In high-inflation contexts, such as 2021-2022 when CPI peaked at 9.1 percent, indexed outlays surged faster than revenues, contributing to a $1.4 trillion deficit increase partly attributable to COLA effects.^[98] This dynamic underscores CPI's role in embedding inflationary persistence into fiscal policy, potentially necessitating discretionary offsets or reforms to chained CPI variants for deficit control.^[93]

Variations Across Economies

United States Implementation Details

The Consumer Price Index (CPI) in the United States is calculated monthly by the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), a division of the Department of Labor.^[9] It tracks the average percentage change over time in prices paid by urban consumers for a fixed basket of goods and services representative of typical household expenditures.^[2] The index uses a base period of 1982–1984 equaling 100, with current values expressed relative to that benchmark.^[2] Prices are collected from approximately 23,000 retail and service establishments across 75 urban areas, covering about 80,000 items monthly through a combination of direct surveys, scanner data, and administrative records.^[28]^[2] Two primary variants exist: the CPI for All Urban Consumers (CPI-U), which covers roughly 93 percent of the U.S. population including professionals, self-employed individuals, and retirees; and the CPI for Urban Wage Earners and Clerical Workers (CPI-W), which focuses on about 29 percent of the population primarily in blue-collar and clerical occupations.^[99]^[4] The CPI-U serves as the headline measure for broad economic analysis and policy, while the CPI-W underpins cost-of-living adjustments for Social Security benefits and certain federal pensions.^[99] A chained CPI-U variant, introduced in 2002, incorporates upper-level substitution effects using a Törnqvist formula to reflect consumer shifts toward relatively cheaper goods, though it is published with a two-month lag.^[100] The expenditure basket comprises over 200 item categories grouped into eight major aggregates, with weights derived biennially from the BLS Consumer Expenditure Survey (CE) of about 30,000 households.^[32]^[2] For indexes from January to December 2023, weights reflect 2021 spending patterns, with housing allocated 33.4 percent, transportation 17.0 percent, food and beverages 13.4 percent, medical care 8.5 percent, education and communication 6.1 percent, recreation 5.5 percent, apparel 2.5 percent, and other goods and services 3.6 percent.^[32] Weights are updated every two years to capture evolving consumption, a shift from decennial revisions pre-2002, ensuring relevance to current habits without frequent rebasing that could disrupt long-term series comparability.^[32] Computation employs a Laspeyres fixed-basket formula at the lowest aggregation levels, aggregating upward using expenditure weights: CPI = (updated cost / base period cost) × 100.^[2] To mitigate substitution bias, geometric means replace arithmetic means for about 61 percent of lower-level item weights since 1999, allowing modest consumer response to relative price changes within categories.^[21] Quality adjustments include hedonic regression for goods like computers and apparel to isolate price changes from improvements, and rental equivalence for the housing component (32 percent of the basket), which estimates owners' costs via imputed rents rather than asset prices to focus on consumption flows.^[2]^[21] These methodological refinements, implemented progressively since the 1980s and 1990s, aim to enhance accuracy amid product innovation and outlet shifts, though they have sparked debate over potential understatement of lived inflation experiences.^[21] Seasonal adjustments are applied to certain series using a Winters model, with annual averaging to mitigate volatility.^[2]

International Standards and Divergences

The primary international standards for compiling consumer price indices (CPIs) are outlined in the Consumer Price Index Manual: Concepts and Methods (2020), a joint publication by the International Labour Organization (ILO), International Monetary Fund (IMF), Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), Eurostat, and World Bank.^[101] This manual recommends that CPIs measure the average change over time in prices paid by households for a fixed basket of consumer goods and services, using a Laspeyres-type index formula based on expenditure weights from household surveys, with adjustments for quality changes and new goods.^[102] Key principles include targeting the resident household population, adopting an acquisition approach for goods (prices at purchase rather than consumption), covering both urban and rural areas unless justified otherwise, and applying geometric means for elementary aggregates to approximate substitution effects within item categories.^[103] These standards build on the 2003 ILO Resolution concerning Consumer Price Indices, adopted by the Seventeenth International Conference of Labour Statisticians, which emphasizes comparability across countries through consistent conceptual frameworks while allowing flexibility for national circumstances.^[104] The manual promotes frequent weight updates (ideally annually) using household final consumption expenditure data, imputation for missing prices, and hedonic methods for quality adjustments in items like electronics.^[101] For owner-occupied housing, it advises using rental equivalence or user-cost approaches to capture imputed rents, avoiding direct house price inclusion to focus on consumption costs.^[102] Despite these guidelines, significant divergences persist in national implementations, complicating cross-country comparisons.^[105] For instance, countries vary in updating expenditure weights: many OECD nations revise annually, but some update less frequently (e.g., every five years), leading to outdated baskets that underrepresent shifts in consumption patterns like increased online purchases.^[106] ^[105] Treatment of owner-occupied housing exemplifies methodological divergence; the United States employs rental equivalence, estimating costs via comparable rental markets, while countries like Australia and Canada incorporate actual acquisition costs or net rents, potentially overstating inflation during housing booms.^[107] ^[105] Scope differences also arise: some CPIs (e.g., Japan's) exclude rural areas or focus on wage-earner households, narrowing coverage compared to comprehensive household targets recommended internationally.^[101] Quality adjustment practices vary, with advanced economies using hedonic regressions for durables, but emerging markets relying more on simple overlap or carry-forward methods, which can bias indices upward by ignoring technological improvements.^[102] ^[105] These variations, often justified by data availability or institutional priorities, result in non-equivalent inflation measures, as evidenced by discrepancies in owner-occupied housing contributions to CPI during 2021-2023 across OECD peers.^[107]

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The circumstantial evidence reviewed in the preceding, implying a sub- stantial downward bias in the CPI, is only the first of several reasons to place priority ...Missing: reforms | Show results with:reforms
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[PDF] Does the CPI Overstate Increases in the Cost of Living? - Dallas Fed
tional and hedonic methods. Re- searchers have long suspected that the CPI understates inflation in the apparel commodities indexes. Evi- dence supporting ...
[68]
https://www.thedailyeconomy.org/article/the-fed-targets-a-crafted-measure-of-inflation-a-cautionary-tale/
[69]
https://web.stanford.edu/~boskin/Publications/CpiCommission.pdf
[70]
[PDF] Bias in the CPI - Bureau of Labor Statistics
In the example in Table 3, note that the upward bias occurs in calculating the August to September index change, immediately following the. Page 16. 15 rotation ...
[71]
Alternate Inflation Charts - Shadow Government Statistics
The CPI chart on the home page reflects our estimate of inflation for today as if it were calculated the same way it was in 1990.Missing: Chapwood | Show results with:Chapwood
[72]
The Solution - Chapwood Index
The Chapwood Index uncovers the negative result of doing this in relation to retirement benefits, personal income, and investment goals.Missing: ShadowStats | Show results with:ShadowStats
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[PDF] Introducing the “More Accurate Consumer Price Index”
Nov 7, 2024 · While the most widely cited inflation measure, the Consumer. Price Index for All Urban Consumers (CPI-U) suggests that the average hourly wage ...
[74]
Inflation Targeting Explained: Central Bank Strategy for Price Stability
Inflation targeting is a central banking policy aimed at controlling inflation to maintain price stability, usually by keeping annual inflation around 2% to 3%.
[75]
What Is the Relationship Between Inflation and Interest Rates?
Mar 19, 2025 · If inflation rises, the central bank increases interest rates to slow down price growth. Central banks may reduce interest rates to boost ...
[76]
Inflation and the 2% target | Bank of England
To keep inflation low and stable, the Government sets us an inflation target of 2%. This helps everyone plan for the future.
[77]
Australia's Inflation Target | Explainer | Education | RBA
Australia's inflation target is to keep annual consumer price inflation between 2 and 3 per cent. The particular measure of consumer price inflation is the ...
[78]
[PDF] Central Bank of Chile: Monetary Policy in an Inflation Targeting ...
It is committed to using the necessary instruments to keep annual CPI inflation around 3% most of the time, within a tolerance range of plus or minus one ...
[79]
Why Does the Fed Care about Inflation?
The FOMC uses annual changes in the price index for personal consumption expenditures (PCE) as its preferred measure of inflation.
[80]
A timeline of the Fed's '22–'23 rate hikes & what caused them
Apr 12, 2024 · June 2022: Inflation, as measured by the Consumer Price Index (CPI), peaks at 9.1%; June 16, 2022: The Fed raises rates 0.75% to 1.50–1.75% ...What are Fed rate hikes? · How does the Fed decide...
[81]
Inflation and consumer prices - European Central Bank
An inflation rate of 2% ensures price stability and supports the ECB's goals by preventing deflation risks and maintaining effective monetary policy. It allows ...
[82]
Using CPI to Inform Central Bank Policy Decisions - Dupoin
Oct 16, 2024 · The Consumer Price Index (CPI) is an essential tool for central banks in assessing inflation and guiding monetary policy decisions. By analyzing ...
[83]
Cost-Of-Living Adjustments - Social Security
After 1983, COLAs have been based on increases in the CPI-W from the third quarter of the prior year to the corresponding quarter of the current year in which ...
[84]
https://www.ssa.gov/news/en/press/releases/2025-10-24.html
[85]
Cost-of-Living Adjustment (COLA) Information | News | SSA
It is based on the percentage increase in the Consumer Price Index for Urban Wage Earners and Clerical Workers (CPI-W) from the third quarter of the last ...
[86]
Retire FAQ - How is the Cost-of-Living Adjustment (COLA ... - OPM
If the CPI increase is more than 2 percent but no more than 3 percent, the Cost-of-Living Adjustment is 2 percent.
[87]
Cost-of-Living Adjustment (COLA) - CalPERS
Jun 27, 2025 · CPI determines the rate of inflation and is compared annually. We use the CPI at the time of retirement to calculate what your value of money ...
[88]
Social Security's COLA: Let's Not Mess with the Index
Sep 12, 2024 · Shifting from the CPI-W to either the CPI-E or the chained CPI would have a noticeable effect on the cost of Social Security benefits over the ...
[89]
What is Cost of Living Adjustment (COLA) - ADP
The federal government uses the CPI-W to determine cost of living adjustments for people receiving Social Security retirement benefits. It compares the previous ...How does a cost of living... · How to calculate COLA
[90]
Cost-Of-Living Adjustment (COLA) - Social Security
Social Security's general benefit increases have been based on increases in the cost of living, as measured by the Consumer Price Index.Consumer Price Index (CPI-W) · Cost-Of-Living Adjustments · SSI · Average benefits
[91]
Latest Cost-of-Living Adjustment - Social Security
The latest COLA is 2.8 percent for Social Security benefits and SSI payments. Social Security benefits will increase by 2.8 percent beginning with the December ...
[92]
Social Security Cost-of-Living Adjustments - Bipartisan Policy Center
Oct 16, 2025 · Even if today's 65-year-old reached 100 years old, monthly benefits would be less than 10% lower under chained CPI and only 7% higher under CPI- ...
[93]
How does the government measure inflation? - Brookings Institution
Jun 28, 2021 · The government measures inflation by comparing the current prices of a set of goods and services to previous prices.
[94]
How Does Inflation Affect the Federal Budget?
Sep 4, 2025 · Inflation increases federal revenues and spending, but rising interest rates on debt increase deficits, offsetting the initial effects.
[95]
How Changes in Economic Conditions Might Affect the Federal Budget
Apr 29, 2024 · Higher inflation would raise CBO's projections of discretionary spending, although most programs in this scenario would not be affected until ...<|separator|>
[96]
Inflationary Indices in Budgeting
The Personal Consumption Expenditure (PCE) index measures how much it costs to buy a constantly evolving basket of consumer goods. It covers spending by rural ...Missing: implications | Show results with:implications
[97]
[PDF] The Effects of Inflation on Public Finances, WP/23/93, May 2023
Inflation temporarily improves fiscal balances and reduces debt to GDP ratios, but only with inflation surprises. It can also expand tax bases and raise ...Missing: consumer implications
[98]
The Consequences of Debt - House Budget Committee
Mar 5, 2025 · 1. Inflation. Prior to enactment of the ARP in early 2021, consumer price inflation was just 2.6 percent. · 2. Higher Interest Rates · 3. Risk of ...
[99]
Why does BLS provide both the CPI-W and CPI-U?
Feb 28, 2014 · The CPI currently tracks the spending patterns of two population groups: all urban consumers and urban wage earners and clerical workers.
[100]
Frequently Asked Questions about the Chained Consumer Price ...
Mar 6, 2025 · Traditionally, the CPI was considered an upper bound on a cost-of-living index in that the CPI did not reflect the changes in consumption ...
[101]
Consumer Price Index Manual - Concepts and Methods | 2020
Nov 19, 2020 · The manual provides an overview of the methods and practices national statistical offices should consider when making decisions on how to deal with the various ...
[102]
[PDF] 2020 Consumer Price Index Manual - IMF eLibrary
The Consumer Price Index Manual: Concepts and Methods contains comprehensive information and explana- tions on compiling a consumer price index (CPI).
[103]
[PDF] Consumer price index manual - International Labour Organization
The manual contains detailed comprehensive information and explanations on compiling a consumer price index (CPI). It provides an overview of the conceptual and ...
[104]
Appendix 4 - ILO resolution concerning consumer price indices
It reproduces the resolution concerning consumer price indices adopted by the Seventeenth International Conference of Labour Statisticians, 2003.<|separator|>
[105]
[PDF] Inflation not fully comparable between countries
It can be difficult to compare the development of inflation in different countries as the methods used to measure consumer prices differ.
[106]
Consumer Price Indices: Frequently Asked Questions (FAQs) - OECD
Jul 31, 2024 · The OECD Zones for CPI are annually chain-linked Laspeyres indices. The weights for each individual link are based on the previous year's ...
[107]
CPI International Comparisons - Australian Bureau of Statistics
May 31, 2023 · Over the past two years, there has been a significant divergence in measured OOH and its contribution to CPI inflation.