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Eluru Assembly constituency


Eluru Assembly constituency is a general category legislative constituency in , , , that elects one member to the 175-seat . Numbered 65, it primarily encompasses the and surrounding mandals in the district, which serves as the administrative headquarters for the region known for agriculture, textiles, and small-scale industries. The constituency falls under the and has historically seen competition between major parties including the (TDP), (YSRCP), and .
In the 2024 Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly election, Badeti Radha Krishnayya of the TDP secured victory with 111,562 votes, defeating the incumbent YSRCP candidate Alla Kali Krishna Srinivas (also known as Alla Nani), who received 49,174 votes, by a margin of 62,388 votes amid a voter turnout of approximately 71%. This win marked a shift from the 2019 election, where Srinivas of YSRCP had prevailed with 72,247 votes, reflecting TDP's resurgence in the state-wide polls where it captured 135 seats. The constituency's electoral dynamics often hinge on local development issues, caste affiliations, and state-level alliances, with no major reserved status influencing candidate eligibility.

Geography and Boundaries

Mandals and Administrative Divisions

The Eluru Assembly constituency corresponds primarily to the Eluru mandal within the Eluru revenue division of , . Established under the state's administrative framework, the mandal serves as the key territorial unit for the constituency, encompassing approximately 1,259 square kilometers of area with a focus on urban-rural integration around the district headquarters. The mandal's boundaries were reaffirmed in the post-2008 delimitation exercises to align electoral segments with revenue jurisdictions, preventing overlap with adjacent mandals like Denduluru or Pedavegi. Administratively, the Eluru mandal is governed by a tahsildar office responsible for revenue collection, , and , overseeing 24 revenue villages alongside the urban core. The urban areas fall under the Eluru Municipal Corporation, which administers 50 wards (covering a of over 200,000 as per recent estimates) for services such as , , and . These wards are subdivided into smaller divisions for local governance, with the corporation established in 2000 to handle the growing municipal needs of the constituency's headquarters city. Electoral administration within the constituency involves around 250 polling stations distributed across the mandal's villages and wards, managed by the through returning officers stationed at the tahsildar level. This structure facilitates for approximately 2.5 electors, with periodic revisions tied to data from onward. Boundary adjustments have been minimal since the 2008 delimitation, preserving the mandal's integrity while incorporating minor tweaks for population balance, such as excluding peripheral rural pockets to adjacent segments.

Electoral Delimitation and Changes

The Eluru Assembly constituency, designated as number 65, underwent its most recent delimitation under the Delimitation of Parliamentary and Assembly Constituencies Order, 2008, enacted by the pursuant to the Delimitation Act, 2002. This process utilized data from the 2001 Census to redraw boundaries, aiming for constituencies with populations of approximately 200,000 to 250,000, adjusting for demographic growth and administrative divisions like mandals. For Eluru, the revised boundaries encompass the entirety of Eluru Mandal in what is now , formerly part of , ensuring compact territorial contiguity centered around the urban area of city. Prior to 2008, boundaries were fixed by the 1976 Delimitation Orders, which implemented recommendations based on the 1971 Census but were constitutionally frozen until after 2000 to prevent partisan redistricting, as per the 42nd Constitutional Amendment (1976) and subsequent 84th Amendment (2001). This freeze maintained 's core as Eluru taluk or equivalent administrative units from the 1950s formation, with minor inclusions of adjacent rural areas, though specific pre-2008 village-level shifts are not detailed in commission reports beyond general equalization efforts. The 2008 changes for involved integrating full mandal units to align with revenue administration, reducing fragmented polling areas and simplifying voter management, resulting in around 207,000 electors by 2014. No substantive boundary alterations occurred following the , which separated , as the Second Schedule to the Act preserved the 2008 configurations for the 175 residual assembly seats in , including Eluru, without necessitating redraws despite district reorganizations in 2022 that elevated Eluru to district status. This continuity reflects the commission's emphasis on stability post-bifurcation, with future delimitation deferred until after the first census post-2026, as mandated by the 87th . Electoral rolls and polling stations, numbering about 250 by recent counts, continue to reflect these 2008 limits, supporting consistent patterns.

Demographics and Socio-Economics

Population Composition and Literacy Rates

The , encompassing primarily the Eluru mandal, recorded a total of 319,405 in the . The stood at 1,024 females per 1,000 males, exceeding the state average of 993, while the child (ages 0-6) was 961. residents comprised 78.5% of the (250,834 individuals), with the remaining 21.5% (68,571) in rural areas, reflecting the constituency's urban-centric character driven by the . Scheduled Castes (SC) accounted for 13.8% (44,153 persons) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) for 0.9% (2,717 persons) of the total population, lower than the West Godavari district averages of 20.6% SC and 2.8% ST. The religious composition was dominated by Hindus at 90.33% (288,504 persons), with Muslims at 5.88% (18,794) and Christians at 3.23% (10,311), consistent with broader patterns in coastal Andhra Pradesh where missionary activities have influenced minority demographics. Literacy rates in the area were notably high at 81.6% overall, surpassing the state rate of 67.0%, attributable to urban concentration and access to in city.
CategoryLiteracy Rate (%)
Overall81.6
Male85.69
Female77.63
83.9
Rural72.9
The gender gap in narrowed in urban settings but persisted in rural pockets, where female rates lagged due to traditional socioeconomic factors. These figures are based on mandal-level data, as precise constituency boundaries align closely with mandal post-delimitation, though minor adjustments for polling areas may introduce slight variations.

Economic Activities and Migration Patterns

The economy of the Eluru Assembly constituency is predominantly agrarian, with contributing significantly to the district's at ₹18,385 (US$2.7 billion), forming the backbone of local livelihoods through cultivation of , , , , cashew nut, , and . Allied sectors such as production, pisciculture, ( and meat), and fisheries further bolster rural , supported by from canals like the Eluru canal, Vijayarai Anicut, and reservoirs including Tammileru, Jalleru, and Yerrakaluva, though unreliable monsoons—averaging 791.9 mm from the southwest and 239.3 mm from the northeast—pose persistent challenges, rendering upland and agency area farming dependent on tanks and wells. Industrial activity centers on the pile sector in city, an eco-friendly export-oriented that leverages local craftsmanship, while services, including construction, electricity, unorganized trade, and transport, account for ₹20,491 (US$3.1 billion) in value added, reflecting urban diversification amid the constituency's overall gross district domestic product of ₹45,963 (US$6.9 billion), or 8.8% of Andhra Pradesh's gross state domestic product. Migration patterns in the constituency exhibit strong internal flows, particularly to city, where migrants from northern coastal districts—predominantly Backward Class communities such as , , and Kalinga—constitute nearly 50% of the urban population of approximately as of 2014, driven historically by opportunities in British-era railway construction and sustained by employment in expanding services and industries. Rural-to-urban shifts within the constituency and from surrounding areas contribute to this demographic, fueled by agricultural uncertainties and seasonal labor demands, though broader trends indicate high rates of labor for (72% of interstate movers) and Gulf-bound female from Godavari districts, often inadequately prepared, highlighting vulnerabilities in unskilled outflows from agrarian bases like . These patterns underscore a causal link between monsoon-dependent farming instability and urban influxes, amplifying economic pressures while influencing local political dynamics through migrant voting blocs.

Historical Background

Formation and Early Development

The Eluru Assembly constituency was delimited and established for the inaugural 1952 elections to the , as part of the nationwide process to organize state legislatures following India's adoption of the in 1950. This delimitation, overseen by a under the Delimitation Commission Act, 1950, divided into constituencies with roughly equal populations based on the 1951 census, ensuring single-member representation for areas like in the Godavari districts. The polling for constituencies, including , occurred between 2 January and 25 January 1952, with results declared on 27 March 1952, integrating the constituency into the emerging democratic framework of independent . Following the linguistic reorganization of states, the Andhra State Act, 1953, led to the creation of on 1 October 1953 by bifurcating Telugu-speaking regions from , thereby transferring the Eluru constituency to the new state's . The interim Andhra assembly comprised MLAs elected from these transferred constituencies in , providing continuity in representation amid administrative reconfiguration. This transition preserved the constituency's core territorial extent, centered on town and adjacent rural areas, while adapting to state-level governance focused on regional interests. The early development phase culminated in the 1955 Andhra State , the first held exclusively within the new state boundaries, where was designated as constituency number 55. This election reinforced the constituency's role in addressing local agrarian economies and infrastructure needs, setting precedents for subsequent boundary reviews and political contests.

Key Boundary Adjustments Post-Independence

The boundaries of the Eluru Assembly constituency remained stable from the state's formation until the major nationwide delimitation exercise under the Delimitation Act, 2002, culminating in the Delimitation of Parliamentary and Assembly Constituencies Order, 2008, which redefined them based on the 2001 census to equalize electorates across constituencies amid demographic shifts. This adjustment incorporated the Eluru municipal area and select villages in Eluru Mandal—specifically Malkapuram, Chataparru, Jalipudi, and Katlampudi—while excluding other rural portions reassigned to neighboring segments like Denduluru, reflecting Eluru's urbanization and population concentration in the district headquarters. Prior to , the constituency encompassed broader rural extents, often aligned with full taluks or divisions under earlier orders from the (implemented post-), but a constitutional freeze via the 84th Amendment () halted further revisions until after 2001, preserving pre-1976 configurations despite population variances. The 2008 changes narrowed the focus to approximately 2.5 electors by 2009, emphasizing the urban core over peripheral villages transferred elsewhere, which altered voter composition toward more urban and semi-urban demographics. Following the , which bifurcated the state, Eluru's boundaries were reaffirmed without alteration in the residual Andhra Pradesh, as specified in amendments to the 2008 order, ensuring continuity despite the loss of Telangana regions elsewhere. These adjustments prioritized empirical population data over administrative convenience, reducing malapportionment where Eluru's growth had previously inflated its electorate relative to rural peers.

Political Dynamics

Dominant Parties and Voter Preferences

The Eluru Assembly constituency has witnessed competition primarily between the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) and the YSR Congress Party (YSRCP) in recent decades, with TDP emerging as a recurring frontrunner in urban-influenced voter bases favoring development-oriented platforms. In the 2014 Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly election, TDP candidate Badeti Kota Ramarao won the seat, securing victory amid the party's statewide sweep of 102 seats following the state's bifurcation and anti-Congress sentiment. This reflected voter preferences for TDP's emphasis on infrastructure and economic growth in Eluru's semi-urban economy, where trade and services dominate. The 2019 election saw a shift, with YSRCP's Alla Kali Krishna Srinivas (Alla Nani) defeating the incumbent TDP by polling 72,247 votes, capitalizing on the party's populist welfare promises under , which resonated amid perceptions of governance lapses by the TDP-led coalition. Voter turnout and margins indicated a polarized electorate, with YSRCP drawing support from rural-adjacent segments through schemes like direct benefit transfers, while TDP retained pockets of upper-caste and business community backing. By the 2024 election, TDP regained the constituency as part of its alliance with the (BJP) and (JSP), winning amid statewide against YSRCP's governance, including criticisms over and . This pattern underscores voter preferences oscillating between TDP's pro-business, development-focused agenda—stronger in Eluru's municipal areas—and YSRCP's reliance on welfare populism, with no single party achieving unchallenged dominance due to Andhra Pradesh's bipolar political landscape post-2014 . Historical data from pre-2014 eras show occasional influence, but TDP has since consolidated as the primary alternative to regional Congress successors.

Influence of Local Issues and Alliances

Local issues in the Eluru Assembly constituency, situated in the agrarian , prominently revolve around and agricultural development, given the region's reliance on paddy cultivation and related activities. The Polavaram Irrigation Project has been a pivotal concern, with annual floods damaging and displacing communities, while delays in the Chintalapudi Lift Irrigation scheme have frustrated upland farmers dependent on reservoirs and canals for water supply. Resettlement and rehabilitation (R&R) packages for affected families, estimated at around ₹30,000 crore, further amplify voter priorities, as incomplete implementation exacerbates land disputes and livelihood losses in the Polavaram-affected segments. Kolleru Lake's and surrounding land conflicts also drive demands for resolved forest encroachments and sustainable water management across 10 mandals. Demographic shifts due to have reshaped electoral dynamics, with nearly 50% of Eluru's (approximately 1.5 out of 3 ) comprising migrants from north districts, predominantly Backward Classes communities like , , and Kalinga. These groups, organized and numerically significant, have historically tipped election outcomes, favoring TDP in 1983 and in 2004 and 2009, while pressing for basic amenities such as house sites and underground drainage systems, which remain unfulfilled after over a decade. Agricultural transitions, from to fisheries amid soil degradation and chemical overuse, alongside farmer-specific grievances like support for and cultivation, intersect with these migrant influences to prioritize economic stability and infrastructure. Political alliances have significantly modulated responses to these issues, particularly in consolidating voter bases against incumbents. In the 2024 elections, the pre-poll TDP-Jana Sena-BJP alliance () emphasized expedited Polavaram completion, funding via a proposed , and farmer welfare, contributing to TDP's victory in with candidate Badeti Radha Krishnayya defeating YSRCP's incumbent. YSRCP, by contrast, focused on project acceleration without equivalent commitments, alienating displaced voters and enabling the alliance to capitalize on over stalled and development promises. Such coalitions, leveraging coalitions among Backward Classes and addressing , have proven decisive in a constituency where power and localized promises amplify agrarian discontent.

Elected Representatives

List of Members of the Legislative Assembly

The Eluru Assembly constituency, established following the delimitation of constituencies in 1951, has elected the following members to the since the first general election in 1952. The list reflects verified winners from official election data and reports.
YearMember of Legislative AssemblyParty
1955Seerla Brahmayya (INC)
1962Attuluri Sarwesvara Rao (CPI)
1967M. Venkatanarayana
1972Amanaganti SriramuluIndependent (IND)
1978Surya Prakasa Rao Nalabati (I)
1983Chennakesavulu RangaraoIND
1985Maradani Rangarao (TDP)
1989Nerella Raja
1994Maradani RangaraoTDP
1999P.V.V.P. Krishna Rao (Ambica Krishna)TDP
2004Alla Kali Krishna Srinivas ()
2009Alla Kali Krishna Srinivas ()
2014Badeti Kota Ramarao (Bujji)TDP
2019Alla Kali Krishna Srinivas () (YSRCP)
2024Radha Krishnaya BadetiTDP
Note: No member was elected in 1952 due to the initial delimitation aligning with the election cycle for this constituency; subsequent terms align with standard five-year cycles unless dissolved earlier.

Notable Contributions and Criticisms

Alla Kali Krishna Srinivas, known as and the YSRCP MLA for from 2019 to 2024, was elevated to Deputy Chief Minister and for , , and , roles in which he managed statewide health administration and welfare programs during the YSRCP term. His position facilitated oversight of medical infrastructure and schemes, though specific Eluru-focused initiatives under his direct purview remain undocumented in . Post-tenure, he resigned from YSRCP and joined TDP in late 2024, amid cadre dissent over his integration, reflecting internal party frictions following the 2024 electoral shift. Badeti Kota Rama Rao, alias Bujji, served as TDP MLA for from 2014 to 2019 and focused on local development amid competitive elections, but his tenure drew criticism for involvement in intra-party caste-based conflicts, including a 2016 showdown with Kamma community leaders that highlighted TDP's internal divisions. During the 2019 polls, Bujji filed complaints alleging attacks by YSRCP workers while attempting to curb alleged money distribution, underscoring election-time tensions in the constituency. He passed away in December 2019 from a heart attack at age 52. Radha Krishnayya Badeti (Chanti), the TDP MLA since June 2024, has prioritized economic and infrastructural advancement, directing officials in July 2025 to prepare proposals for an MSME park aimed at enhancing local industry and employment under the Swarna Andhra 2047 vision for holistic constituency growth. As a first-term representative, his efforts emphasize integrating into broader state development goals, with no major criticisms reported to date given the recency of his election victory by a margin of 62,388 votes over the YSRCP incumbent.

Election Results

1952 Election

The Eluru Assembly constituency, then part of and reserved for Scheduled Castes, held its first post-independence election as part of the 1952 Madras Legislative Assembly polls. Polling in the state occurred over nine days from January 2 to January 25, 1952, with vote counting on March 27, 1952. Garapati Satyanarayana of the (CPI) won the seat, becoming the inaugural (MLA) for Eluru. This victory aligned with the CPI's broader performance in Telugu-speaking areas of , where the party capitalized on peasant mobilization and opposition to landlordism following the peasant uprising. The (INC), dominant statewide, did not secure Eluru, highlighting localized challenges to its rural outreach in amid economic grievances among agricultural laborers and tenants.

2004 Election

In the 2004 Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly elections, conducted on April 20, 2004, Alla Kali Krishna Srinivas, representing the (INC), secured victory in the constituency. He defeated the (TDP) candidate Maradani Ranga Rao by a margin of 33,053 votes, reflecting the broader wave against the TDP government led by . The INC's campaign, spearheaded by , emphasized populist promises including free electricity for farmers and financial aid for the poor, which contributed to a statewide sweep where the party won 185 of 294 seats. A total of 113,509 valid votes were cast in , out of an electorate that favored the INC's resurgence in regions like . Srinivas, a local leader with prior organizational experience in the , capitalized on dissatisfaction with TDP's , particularly issues of agricultural distress and delays in the constituency's and rural segments. This outcome marked a shift from TDP dominance in previous cycles, underscoring voter preference for the INC's welfare-oriented platform amid economic challenges post-1990s liberalization impacts.

2009 Election

In the 2009 Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly election, polling in the Eluru constituency occurred on 16 April alongside the first phase of the state polls. Alla Kali Krishna Srinivas, commonly known as Alla Nani and representing the Indian National Congress (INC), emerged victorious by securing 49,962 votes, equivalent to 39.8% of the valid votes cast. He defeated Badeti Kota Rama Rao, the candidate from the newly formed Praja Rajyam Party (PRAP)—launched by actor Chiranjeevi in March 2008 to appeal to urban and youth voters—by a margin of 13,682 votes. The runner-up polled 36,280 votes. The INC's win in reflected the party's statewide performance, bolstered by incumbent Y. S. Rajasekhara Reddy's focus on welfare programs such as the Pavala Vaddi scheme for women's self-help groups and expanded irrigation projects, amid a three-way contest involving the (TDP) and PRAP's vote-splitting effect on opposition tallies.
CandidatePartyVotesVote %
Alla Kali Krishna Srinivas (Alla Nani)49,96239.8
Badeti Kota Rama Rao (Bujji)PRAP36,28028.9
The table above summarizes the top two s' results, derived from aggregated polling data; full lists and performances are documented in official returns but did not alter the outcome.

2014

In the 2014 Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly , held on 5 May with results announced on 16 May, constituency recorded a of 71.6% out of 206,873 registered electors, resulting in 148,133 votes polled. Badeti Kota Ramarao, representing the (TDP), won the seat with 82,483 votes, equivalent to 56% of valid votes polled. He defeated Alla Kali Krishna Srinivas (also known as ) of the (YSRCP), who garnered 57,880 votes. The victory margin stood at 24,603 votes. The election occurred amid the TDP-led alliance's statewide campaign, emphasizing post-Telangana development and opposition to the government's policies on state division. TDP's broader success, securing 102 seats statewide, reflected strong against the ruling , which won none in Eluru's district. Badeti Kota Ramarao, aged 49 at the time and with a 12th-grade education, declared assets worth approximately ₹98.6 in his . No serious criminal cases were reported against him, though two were noted in analyses.
CandidatePartyVotesPercentage
Badeti Kota RamaraoTDP82,48356.0
Alla Kali Krishna SrinivasYSRCP57,88039.1
The remaining votes were distributed among independents and smaller parties, including minor shares for candidates like Bhimeswara Rao. This outcome aligned with TDP's dominance in , where it captured a majority of seats through alliances with the (BJP).

2019 Election

The 2019 election for the Eluru Assembly constituency occurred on April 11, 2019, coinciding with the statewide elections. Voter turnout stood at 67 percent, with approximately 159,987 votes polled out of 238,865 electors. Alla Kali Krishna Srinivas, representing the Yuvajana Sramika Rythu Congress Party (YSRCP), emerged victorious, polling 72,247 votes and capturing 44.73 percent of the valid votes cast. He defeated Badeti Kota Rama Rao of the (TDP), who secured 68,175 votes (42.6 percent), by a narrow margin of 4,072 votes. This outcome reflected a competitive race in , contrasting with YSRCP's broader across , where the party won 151 of 175 seats amid against the TDP government. Other notable candidates included , alongside representatives from the , , and independents, though none exceeded the top two in vote share. The constituency's results aligned with YSRCP's campaign emphasis on welfare schemes and critiques of TDP's governance, contributing to the party's formation of the state government under .
CandidatePartyVotesPercentage
Alla Kali Krishna SrinivasYSRCP72,24744.73%
Badeti Kota Rama Rao68,17542.6%

2024 Election

The 2024 election for the Eluru Assembly constituency occurred on 13 May 2024 as part of the statewide elections. Radha Krishnaya Badeti, representing the (TDP), emerged victorious with 111,562 votes, defeating the incumbent Yuvajana Sramika Rythu Congress Party (YSRCP) candidate Alla Kali Krishna Srinivas, who polled 49,174 votes. This resulted in a victory margin of 62,388 votes for Badeti, marking a shift from the 2019 outcome where Srinivas had secured the seat for YSRCP. The TDP's win aligned with its performance in the broader (NDA) coalition, which included alliances with the (BJP) and , contributing to the ouster of the incumbent YSRCP government led by Chief Minister . in Eluru was reported at approximately 80.5%, reflecting strong participation amid statewide issues such as critiques, scheme implementation, and economic development promises.
CandidatePartyVotesPercentage
Radha Krishnaya Badeti (TDP)111,562~65%
Alla Kali Krishna SrinivasYuvajana Sramika Rythu Congress Party (YSRCP)49,174~29%
Mathe Bobby (A)1,770~1%
NOTA1,256~1%
Others (including Alluri Satyanarayana Raju, Bandi Venkateswara Rao, Rathan Kanth Andugala)Various<1,000 each<1% each
Results were declared on 4 June 2024, with Badeti sworn in as the (MLA). The saw limited competition beyond the TDP-YSRCP bipolar contest, as and smaller candidates garnered minimal support.

Development and Challenges

Infrastructure Projects and Achievements

In recent years, the Andhra Pradesh government has prioritized irrigation infrastructure in Eluru district, including the constituency, through the repair, renovation, and reconstruction (RRR) of minor irrigation tanks. As of October 2025, proposals for RRR works on 175 tanks were submitted in the first phase, with preparations underway for 350 more in the second phase, targeting a total investment of ₹258 crore for 50 key tanks to enhance water storage and agricultural productivity. Land acquisition for the Chintalapudi Lift Irrigation Scheme, aimed at irrigating upland areas in the region, has been expedited to support farming communities. The Polavaram multi-purpose irrigation project, spanning , has seen significant resettlement and (R&R) efforts benefiting displaced families within the constituency's vicinity. By August 2025, ₹1,000 was disbursed to affected households, alongside ₹85 allocated for constructing cement concrete (CC) roads, drainages, and related in tribal villages, including provisions for , medical facilities, and access. Urban and industrial development initiatives include proposals for an MSME park to foster local and employment, alongside a Skill Development College to align training with industrial needs. Approximately 1,600 acres of land have been identified district-wide, covering all constituencies including , for industrial parks and entrepreneur setups, with emphasis on units and a 350-acre pollution-free project near Krishna Canal. Road construction under Panchayat Raj and funds is planned to improve connectivity, while AMRUT 2.0 schemes focus on expediting plants and augmenting sources. These efforts align with the Swarna Andhra-2047 vision for holistic growth, targeting 15% annual economic expansion through infrastructure enhancements.

Criticisms of Governance and Unmet Needs

Criticisms of the YSRCP administration in Eluru Assembly constituency from 2019 to 2024 centered on inadequate infrastructure development and failure to mitigate recurrent natural disasters, particularly flooding exacerbated by the and . Opposition TDP leaders, including constituency in-charge Badeti Chanti, accused the government of neglecting industrial growth and youth employment opportunities, leading to persistent economic stagnation despite available resources like agricultural lands and proximity to major irrigation projects. These claims were echoed in broader analyses of YSRCP governance, which highlighted a lack of attraction and job creation across , contributing to voter disillusionment evident in the 2024 electoral shift. Flood management emerged as a primary unmet need, with experiencing severe inundations in September 2024 and August 2025, affecting low-lying areas and island villages near . Critics pointed to insufficient drainage systems and delayed responses, as water levels rose rapidly in canals and streams, cutting off roads to multiple villages and prompting emergency advisories. The district's vulnerability to cyclones and floods, documented in official disaster management plans, underscored lapses in proactive measures like embankment strengthening, despite recurrent threats documented since at least 2005. Environmental degradation around represented another critical shortfall, with ongoing encroachments, aquaculture-induced pollution, and untreated sewage inflows shrinking the wetland and contaminating water sources. By 2024, chemical runoff and illegal fish ponds had depleted and fostered toxic conditions, hindering efforts initiated post-2006 clearances but undermined by lax enforcement. These issues compounded flooding risks and limited , prompting post-2024 vows for drain repairs and exclusion of 20,000 acres from sanctuary restrictions to aid farmers, indicating prior regulatory failures. Infrastructure gaps, including dilapidated roads and under-equipped government hospitals, further fueled discontent, with residents in areas like Tangellamudi reporting prolonged delays in road extensions and construction halts due to sand shortages in 2019. Rural health facilities remained deficient, as seen in approvals for new sub-health centers only in 2025, reflecting unmet demands for basic services amid a 2020 mysterious illness outbreak linked to contamination, which exposed regulatory oversight weaknesses. Delays in completion, attributed to alleged graft under YSRCP, also impeded irrigation and power benefits for Eluru's agrarian economy.