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First Saudi state

The First Saudi State, also known as the Emirate of Diriyah, was a polity in the central Arabian region of Najd founded in 1744 through the pact between Muhammad ibn Saud, ruler of Diriyah, and the religious reformer Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, who advocated a return to what he viewed as unadulterated monotheism by purging Islamic practice of innovations and superstitions.^[1]^[2] This alliance fused political authority with Wahhabi doctrine, enabling rapid military expansion from a local sheikhdom into a state controlling much of the Arabian Peninsula, including the Hijaz with its holy cities of Mecca and Medina, eastern coastal areas, and incursions into Iraq, Yemen, and the Levant.^[2]^[3] Under successive rulers—Imam Muhammad ibn Saud (d. 1765), Abdulaziz (d. 1803), Saud (d. 1814), and Abdullah (executed 1819)—the state imposed Sharia governance, fostered administrative institutions, and promoted economic prosperity through trade and agriculture, while enforcing doctrinal purity that involved demolishing shrines and suppressing rival sects, actions that unified tribes under a centralized Islamic order but provoked external hostility.^[3]^[2] The state's defining achievement lay in its causal unification of fractious Bedouin tribes via ideological commitment and military prowess, establishing the House of Saud's dynastic legitimacy tied to religious reform, which laid groundwork for later Saudi entities despite the polity's fragility amid nomadic rivalries and overextension.^[3] Controversies arose from Wahhabi raids, such as the 1802 sack of Karbala, perceived by Ottoman authorities as threats to their suzerainty over Islamic heartlands, framing the state not merely as a local power but as a challenge to polytheistic practices and imperial control.^[2] This tension culminated in the state's destruction in 1818, when Ottoman-allied Egyptian forces under Ibrahim Pasha, son of Muhammad Ali, besieged and razed Diriyah after years of attritional warfare, executing Imam Abdullah in Istanbul and scattering the Al Saud family, though the underlying tribal and doctrinal alliances endured to inspire revivals.^[3]^[2] The episode underscores how ideological rigor, absent broader institutional depth, yielded territorial gains but vulnerability to coordinated imperial response.^[2]

Origins

Socio-political conditions in Najd

In the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries, Najd exhibited profound political fragmentation, divided among approximately 50 to 60 independent or semi-independent walled towns and villages, each governed by local amirs or imams from prominent families such as the Al Muammar in al-'Uyaynah and the Al Kabir in Sudayr.^[4] These rulers exercised authority through personal charisma, fortified defenses, and temporary alliances with Bedouin tribes, but no durable central authority existed to mediate disputes or enforce order across the region.^[4] Inter-town rivalries, often escalating into sieges and raids, perpetuated a cycle of instability, exacerbated by the absence of effective Ottoman oversight; while the empire claimed nominal suzerainty via pashas in Basra and Baghdad, direct control had eroded since the late sixteenth century, leaving local dynamics unchecked.^[5] Social structure revolved around tribal affiliations and a mix of sedentary, semi-nomadic, and nomadic lifestyles, with urban hadar populations in oases like Buraydah and 'Unayzah relying on date palm cultivation and limited grain farming, while Bedouin groups such as the Mutayr and Harb dominated pastoralism and mobility.^[4] Tribal shaykhs extracted khuwwa (protection tribute) from settled communities in exchange for refraining from ghazu raids, fostering a patronage system that intertwined economic survival with martial coercion, though violations were common and deepened mutual distrust.^[4] Demographic shifts, including waves of nomadic settlement into oases due to environmental pressures and tribal migrations, increased sedentary populations but strained resources, contributing to localized famines and further volatility.^[4] Economic conditions were precarious, centered on oasis agriculture, camel breeding for transport and milk, and sporadic participation in inland trade routes linking al-Ahsa to the Hijaz, though Bedouin disruptions limited commerce and perpetuated subsistence-level existence.^[6] This fragmented socio-political landscape, marked by chronic insecurity and decentralized power, created fertile ground for unifying ideologies and alliances capable of transcending tribal parochialism.^[4]

Rise of the Al Saud family

The Al Saud family, originating from the Mrudah clan within the Banu Hanifa tribe, established their presence in Diriyah—a modest oasis settlement in central Najd along Wadi Hanifa—through Mani' ibn Rabi'a al-Muraydi, who led his group to the area in 1446–1447 CE, initiating agricultural development centered on date-palm cultivation.^[7] This settlement formed the basis of the Sheikhdom of Diriyah, a localized polity that endured as a precursor to broader Saudi governance amid Najd's decentralized tribal landscape, where no overarching authority existed and communities relied on kinship ties for defense and resource management.^[8] By the early 16th century, the Al Saud lineage had displaced the rival Al Muammar clan, which had controlled Diriyah and surrounding groves since the 14th century, through incremental seizures of agricultural lands and fortifications; this shift elevated the family to sheikhs of the town, leveraging strategic marriages, tribal alliances, and raids to secure dominance in a region plagued by intermittent conflicts over water and pastures.^[9] Over the 17th century, the sheikhs navigated succession disputes and external pressures from nomadic groups, maintaining authority via mud-brick walls and qanats for irrigation, which supported a population of several thousand engaged in farming and limited trade.^[1] Saud bin Muhammad al-Muqrin, ruling from around 1720 until his death in 1725, exemplified the family's consolidation by prioritizing defensive infrastructure and local adjudication, fostering stability in Diriyah during a period of broader Najdi fragmentation following the decline of Ottoman influence in the interior.^[10] A brief interregnum of rival claims, including from Al Muammar remnants, ensued, but Saud's son, Muhammad bin Saud (born 1687), reasserted control on February 22, 1727, by overcoming internal challengers through military resolve and familial networks, thereby inaugurating a phase of proactive expansion.^[11] Under Muhammad, Diriyah's economy grew via enhanced palm groves and caravan routes, with the ruler amassing 10,000–15,000 fighters from allied Bedouin factions by the early 1740s, positioning the Al Saud as the preeminent power in eastern Najd without yet extending beyond immediate tributaries.^[12] This ascent stemmed from pragmatic governance in an environment of chronic tribal feuds, where the family's ability to deliver security and equitable resource distribution outmaneuvered competitors, culminating in readiness for ideological partnership by 1744.^[9]

Establishment

Pact with Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab

In 1744, Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, a Hanbali scholar advocating a return to strict monotheism (tawhid) and opposing practices deemed polytheistic such as saint veneration and tomb pilgrimages, sought refuge in Diriyah after facing expulsion from other Najdi towns for his reformist preachings.^[13] There, he allied with Muhammad ibn Saud, the local emir whose family had ruled Diriyah since 1727, forming a pact that merged religious ideology with political ambition.^[14] The agreement stipulated mutual support: ibn Saud pledged military enforcement of ibn Abd al-Wahhab's doctrines, including the destruction of shrines and enforcement of orthodox Islamic practices, while ibn Abd al-Wahhab granted religious sanction to ibn Saud's authority, framing expansion as a defensive jihad against innovation (bid'ah) and unbelief (shirk).^[15] This pact, often termed the Diriyah alliance, laid the foundation for the First Saudi State's politico-religious structure, with Diriyah serving as the initial base for doctrinal propagation.^[16] The alliance was reinforced through familial ties, as Muhammad ibn Saud married one of ibn Abd al-Wahhab's daughters, binding the Al Saud dynasty to the reformer's lineage and ensuring ideological continuity across generations.^[17] Under the pact's terms, ibn Saud adopted the title of imam, signifying not only temporal rule but also custodianship over religious purity, a shift from mere emirate governance.^[18] Ibn Abd al-Wahhab, in turn, issued fatwas legitimizing military campaigns as fulfillment of prophetic precedent, drawing on Quranic injunctions against associating partners with God.^[8] This symbiotic arrangement propelled rapid consolidation, as tribal recruits were motivated by promises of spiritual reward alongside territorial gains, though it drew early opposition from Ottoman-aligned rulers who viewed the reforms as heretical deviation.^[14] The pact's endurance is evidenced by its role in subsequent expansions, with ibn Abd al-Wahhab's successors maintaining doctrinal oversight until his death in 1792.^[15]

Initial consolidation of power

Following the 1744 pact between Muhammad bin Saud and Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab, known as the Diriyah Charter, bin Saud integrated Wahhab's religious doctrines into state authority, portraying military opposition as deviation from pure Islam to rally tribal support and legitimize expansion. This ideological framework enabled the mobilization of followers as both warriors and enforcers of reforms, such as the destruction of shrines and strict adherence to monotheism, which unified disparate Bedouin groups under Diriyah's banner.^[8] Bin Saud maintained existing local tariffs for economic stability while delegating treasury oversight to Ibn Abd al-Wahhab, fostering administrative cohesion amid conquests.^[8] Military campaigns commenced shortly after the alliance, targeting neighboring settlements in Najd to subdue rivals and secure oases critical for agriculture and trade. These expeditions emphasized rapid submission through force or alliance, with successes in consolidating eastern Najd by forging pacts with compliant tribes and compelling others to renounce practices deemed idolatrous. By the mid-1750s, Diriyah had established dominance over immediate vicinities, including fortified expansions like the Atturaif district, begun under bin Saud as a secure governmental hub on an elevated plateau to deter incursions.^[8]^[1] Upon bin Saud's death in 1765, the First Saudi State had solidified control over core Najdi territories through this blend of political acumen and religious fervor, laying the groundwork for further outreach while his son Abdulaziz inherited a stable base of approximately a dozen allied settlements. Primary chronicles, such as those by Uthman ibn Bishr, document these early victories as pivotal in transforming Diriyah from a local emirate into a nascent regional power.^[8]^[2]

Expansion and Peak

Military campaigns under Abdulaziz bin Muhammad

Under Abdulaziz bin Muhammad's rule from 1765 to 1803, the First Saudi State pursued aggressive military campaigns to unify central Arabia and project power into adjacent regions, leveraging Wahhabi religious zeal to mobilize tribal fighters against perceived polytheistic practices and rival potentates. Abdulaziz, as supreme commander, delegated field operations to his son Saud bin Abdulaziz, focusing on consolidating Najd while targeting economic prizes like oases and caravan routes. These efforts incorporated al-Qasim fully by the 1780s through subjugation of holdout clans such as al-Dawish and al-Jabir, yielding tribute and eliminating internal threats.^[8] A pivotal eastward thrust occurred in 1795, when Saudi forces overran al-Hasa oasis, defeating the Bani Khalid emirs who had controlled the fertile date groves and Gulf ports since the previous century. This conquest, involving sieges of key settlements like Hofuf, secured vital grain supplies, water resources, and access to pearl-diving revenues, bolstering the state's fiscal independence from nomadic pastoralism. Tribes in adjacent Qatar, Buraimi, and even Bahrain submitted zakat payments to Diriyah, extending nominal Saudi suzerainty along the eastern littoral without full occupation.^[19] In 1802, Saud led a raid into Ottoman Iraq with around 12,000 fighters, sacking Karbala on the Shiite holy day of Ashura (21 April). The attackers overwhelmed local defenses, killing 2,000 to 5,000 inhabitants—including combatants and pilgrims—and plundered the Imam Husayn shrine, demolishing ornate structures condemned as idolatrous under Wahhabi doctrine. This incursion aimed to disrupt Shiite pilgrimage networks allied with Ottoman Baghdad and assert doctrinal supremacy, but it yielded minimal territorial gains while inflaming sectarian reprisals.^[20]^[21] Western campaigns intensified against the Hashemite Sharif of Mecca, Ghalib bin Musaid, whose Ottoman-backed rule over Hijaz trade clashed with Saudi expansionism. In April 1802, Saudi troops captured Ta'if after a brief siege, exploiting local discontent and severing Sharifian supply lines; this foothold enabled further probes into Khurma and Turbah. By early 1803, Mecca fell with minimal resistance as Ghalib evacuated, allowing Saudi imposition of puritanical reforms like bans on tobacco and saint veneration at shrines. These victories disrupted pilgrimage revenues long monopolized by Sharifian intermediaries but provoked Ottoman mobilization via Egypt.^[8]^[22] Abdulaziz's assassination on 15 November 1803 by a Shiite assassin dispatched from al-Hasa—likely retaliating for Karbala or the oasis conquest—interrupted momentum, though his 38-year tenure transformed the state from a Najdi principality into a regional power controlling key Arabian arteries. Saudi chronicles portray these operations as divinely sanctioned dawah, yet Ottoman records and tribal oral histories depict them as predatory raids exacerbating Bedouin feuds.^[2]

Control over Hijaz and peripheral regions

Following the campaigns led by Abdulaziz bin Muhammad, his son Saud bin Abdulaziz directed Saudi-Wahhabi forces to consolidate control over the Hijaz region, beginning with the capture of Ta'if in September 1802 after a siege that overcame local Sharifian resistance.^[23] In April 1803, these forces advanced on Mecca, where Sharif Ghalib bin Musa, facing superior numbers and unable to secure Ottoman aid, surrendered the city without prolonged fighting on April 20, allowing Saudi amirs to install garrisons and enforce Wahhabi reforms, including the destruction of ornate tombs and the prohibition of practices deemed idolatrous, such as saint veneration.^[23] ^[24] This marked the first non-Hashimite control over the holy city since the early Islamic era, with Saud appointing governors to collect taxes and regulate pilgrimage, redirecting revenues toward Najdi consolidation.^[23] Medina fell in early 1805 after initial resistance from Ottoman-aligned forces and local tribes, with Saudi troops under commanders like Uthman al-Mada'if sacking the city and demolishing the Prophet's Mosque expansions, including the Green Dome, to align with puritanical doctrines against mausoleum cults.^[24] ^[25] Control extended to coastal ports like Jeddah and Yanbu, securing Red Sea trade routes and pilgrimage access, though naval weakness limited full maritime dominance.^[23] Governance involved imposing zakat on merchants and bedouins, suppressing Sufi orders, and dispatching da'wa missionaries to propagate Wahhabi tawhid, which provoked backlash from Hijazi elites accustomed to Ottoman suzerainty and heterodox rituals.^[24] Peripheral regions beyond core Najd and Hijaz saw extended Saudi influence through raids and tributary alliances, particularly in al-Hasa oasis in the east, reconquered from Bani Khalid remnants around 1795-1800 and held for agricultural tribute and pearl fisheries supporting state revenues estimated at thousands of riyals annually.^[23] Southern peripheries, including Najran and approaches to Asir highlands, experienced campaigns against Yemeni Zaydi imams and local tribes, yielding nominal suzerainty by 1806 via pacts with chieftains like those of the Yam tribe, though direct administration remained sparse due to terrain and overextension.^[25] These fringes provided strategic buffers and manpower levies but were vulnerable to revolts, as seen in intermittent Hasa uprisings, foreshadowing the limits of centralized control without robust fortifications.^[23]

Governance and Ideology

Administrative and economic systems

The administrative structure of the First Saudi State was hierarchical and centered on the Imam, who served as the supreme political and religious authority, overseeing security, financial management, military affairs, and education while ensuring safe travel and livestock protection across territories.^[26] The Imam consulted a Shura council comprising religious scholars, princes, and tribal leaders for decision-making, a practice that expanded under Imam Saud bin Abdulaziz (r. 1803–1814) to include wartime assemblies of regional governors and tribal representatives for strategic input.^[26] Regional governance relied on appointed emirs or governors, selected for their local knowledge and tribal standing, who enforced Sharia law, collected revenues, mobilized armies, and reported directly to the capital at Diriyah.^[26] The crown prince, typically the Imam's eldest son, acted as deputy and advisor, often leading military campaigns, as seen when Imam Abdulaziz bin Muhammad (r. 1765–1803) designated his son Saud to assist in administration and command forces.^[26] Judicial administration integrated Sharia directly into governance, with judges (qadis) appointed to resolve disputes and enforce religious doctrines, supported by the Hisba institution for market oversight and public morals.^[26] This system emphasized decentralized tribal integration while centralizing authority in Diriyah's Atturaif district, which housed key institutions like Salwa Palace as the ruling center from around 1766.^[8] Reforms under the founding Imam Muhammad bin Saud (r. 1744–1765) challenged entrenched economic elites and reduced class-based privileges, promoting merit-based roles tied to Sharia adherence.^[2] The economy was agrarian and pastoral, sustained by oases agriculture in Najd—primarily dates, grains, and fruits—alongside livestock rearing of camels, sheep, and cattle, with expansions into fertile regions like Al-Ahsa, Bahrain, and Hejaz enabling broader resource control.^[8] Trade routes through conquered areas, including Mecca and Medina, facilitated commerce in goods and pilgrimage-related activities, contributing to economic growth, particularly under Imam Saud, who oversaw architectural expansions like baths and palace upgrades in Diriyah reflecting increased prosperity.^[8] Finances operated through the Bayt al-Mal, an independent Sharia-based treasury in Diriyah near Salwa Palace, with primary revenues from zakat—levied at 2.5% on monetary wealth, livestock, and trade goods, and 10% on agricultural produce—supplemented by 20% of war spoils (ghanimah) allocated to the state and fines for legal violations, whose amounts varied by offense severity and repetition under the Imam's discretion.^[27] Expenditures prioritized social welfare, distributing zakat to the poor, aiding travelers with lodging and funds, supporting mosques, education (including scholars and students), officials like governors and judges, military forces, and disaster relief, while fostering resource development and prohibiting usury to protect public funds.^[27] This model emphasized solidarity and Sharia compliance over coercive taxation, with state income rising alongside territorial gains until overextension strained resources by the early 19th century.^[8]

Implementation of Wahhabi doctrines

The implementation of Wahhabi doctrines in the First Saudi State centered on enforcing Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab's emphasis on tawhid (divine unity), which required the elimination of practices perceived as shirk (associating partners with God) and bid'ah (religious innovations). This manifested in the demolition of tombs, shrines, and grave markers across controlled territories, as these were deemed conducive to idolatry and saint veneration. In Diriyah, early enforcement targeted local cultic sites, while expansion into regions like al-Ahsa and Hijaz extended these measures; for example, after capturing Mecca in April 1803, Saudi forces razed domes over graves in the city and Medina, including structures near the Prophet's Mosque, to prevent pilgrimage rituals seen as polytheistic.^[28]^[29] Such actions, justified by direct scriptural interpretation over established jurisprudential traditions, provoked widespread opposition from other Muslim communities, who viewed them as excessive.^[30] Social and moral oversight was institutionalized through a proto-hisba system, where ulama and appointed enforcers monitored compliance with core Islamic obligations, including the five daily prayers, zakat (mandatory alms), and prohibitions on luxuries like tobacco, silk garments for men, and musical instruments, which were condemned as distractions from piety.^[31] Gender segregation was rigorously upheld, with women required to veil fully and avoid public mixing, aligning with a literalist reading of Hanbali fiqh adapted to Wahhabi purism. Judicial administration relied on qadis (judges) applying sharia penalties, including hudud punishments such as amputation for theft and stoning for adultery, to deter moral lapses and reinforce communal discipline.^[16] These measures aimed at societal purification but often hinged on tribal consensus, blending religious edicts with Bedouin customs for enforcement.^[8] The doctrinal framework also propelled offensive jihad against groups rejecting Wahhabi summons, framed as a duty to enjoin good and forbid evil, which justified military campaigns to impose conformity and dismantle rival religious authorities.^[31] Zakat collection was centralized and militarized, funding expansions while ensuring economic adherence to sharia, with non-payers facing coercion or exclusion. While Ottoman and Sharifian accounts, often biased toward defending established Sufi practices, portrayed these policies as fanatical, Wahhabi scholars maintained they restored pristine Islam unadulterated by later accretions.^[32] This integration of ideology with governance solidified ulama oversight in education and fatwa issuance, embedding doctrines into state legitimacy until the state's collapse in 1818.^[33]

Conflicts and External Relations

Wars with regional powers

The First Saudi State engaged in military campaigns against the Bani Khalid Emirate, which controlled the fertile Al-Hasa oasis region in eastern Arabia. Under the leadership of Saud bin Abdulaziz, Saudi forces launched expeditions into Al-Hasa in the late 1780s, culminating in the conquest of key settlements including Qatif around 1780 and the broader subjugation of Bani Khalid rule by 1789.^[34]^[35] These operations defeated Bani Khalid armies and extended Saudi control to the Persian Gulf coast, with subsequent submissions from Qatar in 1797 and Bahrain.^[34] The victories disrupted Bani Khalid dominance, which had previously included raids on Diriyah as early as 1727, and incorporated economically vital oases into the Saudi domain.^[8] Further expansion targeted the Sharifate of Mecca in the Hijaz, a semi-autonomous Ottoman vassal under Sharif Ghalib ibn Musa'id. In 1802, Saudi forces under Saud bin Abdulaziz captured Taif after overcoming Sharifian resistance, paving the way for the seizure of Mecca in 1803.^[34] Medina fell in 1804, establishing temporary Saudi hegemony over the holy cities and forcing Sharif Ghalib to act as a Saudi representative.^[34] Wahhabi doctrine prompted the destruction of venerated tombs and shrines in these cities, actions that alienated local populations and provoked Ottoman condemnation.^[34] These conquests challenged Ottoman symbolic authority in the Hijaz but sowed seeds of broader conflict by disrupting pilgrimage revenues and religious practices.^[8] Saudi raids extended to peripheral regions, including a 1801 incursion into Ottoman Iraq that sacked Karbala, yielding significant booty but no territorial gains.^[34] Attempts at expansion into Asir and Yemen faced geographical barriers and resistance, limiting lasting control.^[34] These engagements with regional powers demonstrated the Saudi-Wahhabi alliance's military prowess through tribal mobilization and ideological fervor, yet overextension strained resources and invited external retaliation.^[8]

Ottoman-Egyptian intervention

The Ottoman-Egyptian intervention against the First Saudi State, also known as the Ottoman-Wahhabi War, was initiated in 1811 at the behest of Sultan Mahmud II, who viewed the Saudi-Wahhabi expansion—particularly the 1803 seizure of Mecca and Medina—as a direct challenge to Ottoman suzerainty over the Hijaz and the Islamic holy sites, disrupting pilgrimage revenues and imperial prestige.^[36]^[37] Muhammad Ali Pasha, the Ottoman viceroy of Egypt, was ordered to eradicate the Wahhabi movement, though his ambitions extended beyond mere compliance to securing Egyptian influence in Arabia.^[38] Initial Egyptian forces, numbering around 20,000 under Tusun Pasha (Muhammad Ali's son), landed at Yanbu in October 1811, recapturing Medina after the Battle of Badr in November and Mecca by January 1813, thereby restoring nominal Ottoman control over the Hijaz.^[36]^[37] Tusun's death from illness in 1816 prompted Muhammad Ali to dispatch his stepson Ibrahim Pasha in 1817 with reinforced troops, estimated at 20,000-30,000 including artillery and Bedouin auxiliaries, to penetrate Najd and dismantle the Saudi heartland.^[39]^[40] Ibrahim's campaign employed scorched-earth tactics, securing al-Ahsa in eastern Arabia by early 1818 and advancing inland through decisive victories at sites like the Battle of Jabal al-Tha'alib, where Saudi forces under Abdullah bin Saud suffered heavy losses due to inferior firepower and tribal defections.^[38] By April 1818, Egyptian forces besieged Diriyah, the Saudi capital, enduring a six-month siege marked by Saudi guerrilla resistance, supply shortages, and internal Saudi divisions; the city's mud-brick fortifications crumbled under sustained cannon fire.^[39]^[40] Abdullah bin Saud surrendered on September 9, 1818, after negotiations promising mercy, but Muhammad Ali violated the terms, ordering Diriyah's systematic destruction—its walls razed, date palms uprooted, and irrigation systems ruined to prevent resurgence.^[36] Abdullah was marched to Cairo for execution by beheading in December 1818, with his head sent to Istanbul as a trophy for the Sultan, symbolizing the Ottoman victory.^[37]^[38] The intervention effectively dismantled the First Saudi State, reducing its territory to scattered remnants, though Egyptian garrisons faced ongoing rebellions and were withdrawn by 1824 amid Ottoman suspicions of Muhammad Ali's growing autonomy.^[40] This campaign highlighted the Wahhabis' resilience through ideological mobilization but underscored their military vulnerabilities against disciplined, gunpowder-armed expeditionary forces.^[39]

Decline and Destruction

Internal divisions and overextension

The First Saudi State's expansive campaigns under Saud bin Abdulaziz bin Muhammad (r. 1803–1814) resulted in overextension, with control extending from the Syrian desert fringes to Asir and eastern Arabia by circa 1810, encompassing an estimated 1–1.5 million square kilometers. This growth, achieved through jihad against perceived polytheists, overburdened the rudimentary governance structure, which depended on ad hoc tribal mobilizations numbering up to 70,000 fighters at peak but lacked sustainable logistics for distant garrisons.^[8] ^[41] Enforcement of Wahhabi reforms in conquered areas, such as the 1802 sack of Karbala—where an estimated 2,000–5,000 defenders were killed and Shia shrines desecrated—fueled local revolts and unified external foes, including the Ottomans who dispatched Egyptian forces in 1811 to reclaim Hijaz. In Medina and Mecca, post-1805 Wahhabi rule dismantled saint veneration sites and imposed zakat collections, sparking resentment among urban populations accustomed to Ottoman tolerance, which undermined loyalty and invited rebellions like the 1813 Sharifs' uprising in Mecca.^[20] ^[8] Under Abdullah bin Saud (r. 1814–1818), internal fissures compounded these strains, as the Al Saud rulers' shift toward autocratic rule diverged from ulama expectations of shared religious-political authority, with Saud's reputed luxuries—evident in seized opulent furnishings during the 1818 siege—drawing criticism from Wahhabi scholars for diluting doctrinal purity. Tribal alliances, forged via patronage and raids rather than institutional ties, frayed amid resource scarcity; key Bedouin groups like the Harb withheld full support against Ibrahim Pasha's 1818 campaign, citing unpaid subsidies and fatigue from endless expeditions, facilitating the state's collapse without decisive internal resistance.^[8]^[41]

Siege and fall of Diriyah

In the spring of 1818, following victories over Saudi forces in peripheral regions of Najd, Ibrahim Pasha—son of Muhammad Ali Pasha and commander of the Ottoman-Egyptian expeditionary army—advanced on Diriyah, the fortified capital of the First Saudi State. His forces, numbering several thousand troops equipped with artillery and siege engines, arrived near the city on March 9 and initiated a blockade on March 11, encircling the defenses to cut off supplies and reinforcements.^[8] Abdullah bin Saud, the ruling imam since 1814, commanded the defense with an estimated 3,000 to 4,000 fighters, opting for a static strategy of fortification rather than open-field engagement after consultations with advisors.^[8] The siege endured for six months and five days, marked by relentless Ottoman bombardment and intermittent assaults against Diriyah's mud-brick walls and towers, which had been reinforced in anticipation of attack. Egyptian artillery, superior in range and firepower, targeted key fortifications daily, as chronicled in contemporary accounts, while Saudi defenders mounted sallies and repairs to counter the barrages.^[8] ^[42] Starvation, disease, and ammunition shortages gradually eroded the resolve of the besieged, whose population exceeded 13,000, exacerbating the humanitarian toll from the blockade.^[8] A final multi-front assault on September 6 overwhelmed fatigued Saudi positions, prompting Abdullah's retreat to the inner district of At-Turaif.^[8] On September 9 or 10, 1818, Abdullah bin Saud surrendered unconditionally to Ibrahim Pasha, seeking terms to spare further civilian suffering amid the city's dire conditions.^[8] ^[2] Despite initial assurances of safe conduct, the victors sacked Diriyah, razing homes, burning farms, and demolishing walls to render it uninhabitable, effectively dismantling the political and symbolic heart of the Saudi state.^[8] ^[42] Abdullah was taken captive to Cairo and later Istanbul, where he was publicly executed by beheading on December 17, 1818, after Ottoman authorities compelled him to witness music performances as humiliation, reflecting their view of Wahhabi iconoclasm.^[43] This event signified the collapse of centralized Saudi authority, scattering remnants and paving the way for guerrilla resistance in Najd.^[2]

Legacy

Foundations for subsequent Saudi states

The destruction of the First Saudi State's capital, Diriyah, in September 1818 by Ottoman-Egyptian forces under Ibrahim Pasha razed the city and executed its last ruler, Abdullah bin Saud, yet failed to eradicate the Al Saud lineage or the underlying Wahhabi religious framework that had propelled its expansion.^[44] Surviving family members, including Turki bin Abdullah al Saud—a grandson of the state's founder, Muhammad bin Saud—evaded capture and regrouped among loyal Najdi tribes, preserving the core alliance between Al Saud political authority and Wahhabi doctrinal enforcement.^[45] This resilience stemmed from the movement's decentralized tribal base in central Arabia, where Wahhabi teachings had taken root through prior conquests and missionary efforts, rather than reliance on a single fortified center. Turki's recapture of Riyadh from Ottoman-Egyptian garrisons on April 6, 1824, initiated the Second Saudi State (also known as the Emirate of Nejd), which explicitly modeled itself on the first state's governance by reinstating strict adherence to Wahhabi interpretations of Islamic law, including prohibitions on shrine veneration and tobacco use.^[46] Key to this continuity were seven prominent Wahhabi scholars who bridged the interregnum, maintaining theological legitimacy and advising Al Saud rulers on religious matters, thus ensuring the movement's ideological survival amid regional fragmentation. Tribal confederations in Najd, previously subdued during the first state's peak extent of over 1 million square kilometers, reaffirmed oaths of allegiance to the revived dynasty, leveraging established patterns of raid-based expansion and zakat collection.^[3] This pattern of doctrinal and familial persistence repeated in the Third Saudi State, founded by Abdulaziz bin Saud's seizure of Riyadh on January 15, 1902, which expanded into the modern Kingdom of Saudi Arabia by 1932 through reconquests echoing earlier campaigns.^[45] The enduring Wahhabi pact provided a unifying ideology that transcended territorial losses, enabling successive Al Saud leaders to mobilize Bedouin forces via religious appeals and ikhwan (brethren) militias, while adapting administratively to counter external threats like Ottoman resurgence and British influence in the Gulf. Unlike ephemeral tribal emirates, this foundation emphasized centralized religious authority over polycentric Bedouin customs, fostering long-term state-building despite cycles of contraction and revival.^[3]

Long-term religious and political impact

The alliance between Muhammad ibn Sa'ud and Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab in 1744 established Wahhabism as the ideological foundation of the First Saudi State, emphasizing strict tawhid (monotheism) and rejection of practices deemed innovations (bid'ah) or polytheism (shirk), which profoundly shaped subsequent Saudi religious governance.^[47] This doctrine influenced the enforcement of Hanbali jurisprudence in state administration, promoting a puritanical interpretation of Islam that prioritized scriptural literalism over Sufi or Shi'a traditions, setting a precedent for the religious policing seen in later Saudi institutions like the mutawa (religious police).^[48] Over time, Wahhabism's core tenets permeated Saudi educational curricula and legal systems, fostering a national identity intertwined with religious orthodoxy that persisted through the Second and Third Saudi States into the modern Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.^[49] Politically, the First Saudi State's model of tribal consolidation under religious legitimacy enabled the Al Sa'ud family's recurrent unification efforts, culminating in the 1932 establishment of Saudi Arabia with Diriyah symbolically recognized as its origin.^[1] By 1803, under Abdulaziz ibn Muhammad, the state controlled approximately 80% of the Arabian Peninsula, demonstrating a scalable framework for governance through alliances with Bedouin tribes and ikhwan (brethren) militias bound by Wahhabi ideology, which informed the political centralization strategies of later rulers like Abdulaziz Al Saud.^[50] This legacy reinforced dynastic rule, with Saudi Arabia's political stability attributed to the enduring Al Sa'ud-Wahhabi pact, as evidenced by the 2022 introduction of "Founding Day" commemorating Diriyah's role in 1727–1744, predating formal Wahhabi integration to emphasize indigenous political origins.^[51] Globally, Wahhabism's export via Saudi-funded mosques, schools, and charities—estimated at $85–90 billion from the 1970s onward—amplified its influence on Salafi movements, though interpretations varied from quietist adherence to militant offshoots like those inspiring al-Qaeda.^[52] While official Saudi Wahhabism historically rejected political activism in favor of apolitical piety, its emphasis on emulating early Muslim practices contributed to transnational revivalism, competing with Iranian Shi'ism and Turkish Islamism in shaping contemporary Sunni discourse.^[53] Recent Saudi reforms under Muhammad bin Salman, including crackdowns on hardline clerics and promotion of "moderate Islam," signal a partial decoupling from rigid Wahhabi enforcement, yet the doctrine's foundational role in legitimizing Al Sa'ud rule endures, informing ongoing tensions between religious authority and state centralization.^[54]

Contemporary debates and reinterpretations

In recent years, the Saudi government has promoted a reinterpretation of the First Saudi State's origins, establishing "Foundational Day" on February 22 to commemorate 1727 as the year of its founding under Muhammad ibn Saud, predating the 1744 alliance with Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab by 17 years.^[55] This shift emphasizes political consolidation and tribal unification under the Al Saud as primary drivers of state formation, rather than the religious pact that has traditionally defined the narrative, allowing for a portrayal of inherent Saudi legitimacy independent of Wahhabi ideology.^[56] Official accounts now highlight the state's role in fostering stability, security, and economic development from its inception, aligning with contemporary national identity under Vision 2030 reforms that prioritize modernization over doctrinal rigidity.^[57] Scholars and critics, however, view this as deliberate historical revisionism aimed at diminishing the clerical establishment's influence and facilitating social liberalization, such as reduced enforcement of strict Wahhabi norms.^[51] Traditional historiography, rooted in both Saudi chronicles and Western analyses, underscores the indivisible fusion of Al Saud political ambition with Abd al-Wahhab's puritanical reform as the state's causal engine, evidenced by the rapid expansion through religiously motivated conquests that unified central Arabia by 1792.^[58] This reinterpretation is contested for potentially overlooking empirical records of Wahhabi doctrine's centrality, including the destruction of shrines and imposition of tawhid-based governance, which propelled the state's military successes but also invited Ottoman-Egyptian intervention in 1811.^[32] Debates extend to Wahhabism's doctrinal legacy, with some Saudi intellectuals arguing the modern state transcends strict Wahhabi orthodoxy, as policies reflect elite pragmatism rather than unyielding religious fiat.^[59] Critics, including exiled dissidents and Western observers, caution that downplaying the First State's theocratic foundations risks sanitizing its expansionist jihad, which involved coercive takfir against perceived polytheists, influencing later Salafi movements despite official disavowals.^[60] Archival studies of 19th-century European press portrayals reveal early biases framing the state as fanatical, a lens that persists in academic reevaluations questioning whether its persistence stemmed more from adaptive leadership than ideological purity alone.^[61] These reinterpretations reflect broader tensions between causal historical continuity and instrumental national rebranding, with Saudi sources often exhibiting pro-regime bias while Western critiques may overemphasize extremism amid geopolitical rivalries.^[53]

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