Fathers of Confederation
The Fathers of Confederation were the statesmen from the British North American colonies who participated in the Charlottetown and Quebec Conferences of 1864, as well as the London Conference of 1866–67, to negotiate the terms for uniting their territories into a single dominion.[1][2] Their efforts culminated in the British North America Act, enacted by the British Parliament on March 29, 1867, which established the Dominion of Canada effective July 1, uniting the provinces of Ontario, Quebec, New Brunswick, and Nova Scotia under a federal constitution.[3] This arrangement created a centralized federal authority responsible for national defense, trade, and currency, while devolving powers over local matters to the provinces, thereby balancing unity with regional interests including the protection of Quebec's civil law and linguistic distinctiveness.[4][5] The conferences addressed pressing causal factors such as the colonies' economic interdependence, the loss of trade reciprocity with the United States after the Civil War, vulnerability to American expansionism, and the impracticality of separate railways and defenses, motivating the shift from loose legislative union to a more robust federation.[6] Key participants included figures like John A. Macdonald from Canada West, George-Étienne Cartier from Canada East, and Samuel Leonard Tilley from New Brunswick, whose pragmatic compromises forged the foundational governance structure that enabled Canada's expansion westward and adaptation to future challenges.[7] Although Prince Edward Island initially attended but later opted out, fearing loss of local control, the core union laid the groundwork for incorporating additional provinces over time.[8]Historical Background
Colonial Fragmentation and Pre-Union Pressures
In the mid-19th century, British North America comprised several politically independent colonies, including the Province of Canada (united Upper and Lower Canada under the Act of Union 1840), Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, and Newfoundland, each maintaining separate legislatures, fiscal policies, and administrative structures.[9] This fragmentation hindered economic integration, as colonies imposed internal tariffs on goods and lacked coordinated transportation networks, impeding the development of railways and trade routes essential for resource extraction and export.[10] For instance, the absence of a unified customs union meant that Maritime provinces could not efficiently access central Canadian markets, contributing to localized economic inefficiencies and small-scale domestic markets insufficient for industrial growth.[11] Within the Province of Canada, acute political deadlock arose from the equal allocation of 84 legislative seats to Canada East (predominantly French-speaking) and Canada West (English-speaking) despite Canada West surpassing Canada East in population by over 100,000 by 1861, fostering chronic instability as neither section could secure unilateral majorities for legislation.[12] This structure, intended to balance ethnic interests, instead produced repeated government crises, with seven ministries falling between 1858 and 1864 due to failures in achieving "double majorities" on sectional issues like railways and land policies.[13] The impasse stalled reforms, including representation by population, and amplified demands for dissolving the union in favor of a broader federal arrangement to redistribute power.[14] Economic pressures compounded fragmentation, as the colonies grappled with the 1846 repeal of imperial preference tariffs, which had previously shielded local industries, forcing a shift toward export-dependent economies vulnerable to external shocks.[15] The Reciprocity Treaty of 1854 with the United States provided temporary relief by enabling duty-free access to American markets for Canadian lumber, fish, and agricultural goods, boosting exports from $2 million in 1854 to over $30 million annually by the early 1860s, particularly benefiting Maritime fisheries and timber trades.[16] However, its unilateral abrogation by the U.S. in 1866—announced in 1865 amid post-Civil War protectionism—threatened stagnation, as colonies lacked the scale for self-sufficient manufacturing and interprovincial barriers persisted, prompting calls for confederation to create a tariff-protected internal market of approximately 3.5 million people.[17] Maritime economies, reliant on U.S. trade for 80% of some exports like Nova Scotian coal, faced immediate contraction risks, underscoring the causal link between small, divided units and vulnerability to foreign policy shifts.[18] Defense imperatives added urgency, as fragmented colonies struggled to fund militias amid fears of U.S. annexation following the 1861-1865 Civil War and Fenian incursions from Irish-American groups in 1866, which raided New Brunswick and Ontario borders.[11] British colonial authorities, reducing troop commitments post-Crimean War, urged local unification for shared military resources and infrastructure like the Intercolonial Railway to bypass U.S. territory, linking Halifax to central Canada at an estimated cost of $7-10 million that individual provinces could not bear.[9] These pressures—political paralysis, economic isolation, and security gaps—drove elite consensus toward federation as a pragmatic mechanism for scale and resilience, evident in preliminary Maritime union discussions from 1858 onward.[10]Immediate Triggers: American Threat, Economic Stagnation, and Political Deadlock
The conclusion of the American Civil War in April 1865 left the United States with a battle-hardened army of over one million men and lingering resentments toward Britain for its perceived sympathy toward the Confederacy, heightening fears of southward expansionism into British North America. These apprehensions were exacerbated by the 1867 U.S. purchase of Alaska from Russia for $7.2 million, interpreted by Canadian leaders as evidence of continued Manifest Destiny ambitions that could target sparsely defended northern territories. The Fenian raids, launched by Irish-American nationalists from U.S. soil, further intensified the sense of vulnerability; in June 1866, approximately 800-1,000 Fenians under John O'Neill invaded near Niagara, winning the Battle of Ridgeway on June 2, where Canadian militia suffered nine deaths and 37 wounded before U.S. intervention halted the incursion.[19] These events, totaling over a dozen raids between 1866 and 1871, underscored inadequate colonial defenses and propelled arguments for unified military resources under Confederation.[20] Economic pressures mounted with the U.S. abrogation of the Reciprocity Treaty on March 17, 1866, which had permitted duty-free exchange of natural products like timber, fish, and grains between British North American colonies and the U.S. since 1854, fueling colonial exports that grew by 50-100% in key sectors during its tenure.[17] The treaty's end, motivated by U.S. protectionism post-Civil War, threatened stagnation in export-dependent economies; for instance, Nova Scotia's fisheries and New Brunswick's lumber trade faced tariffs that could halve revenues, while the Province of Canada's wheat shipments to the U.S. Midwest declined sharply.[21] Proponents of union, including John A. Macdonald, argued that an intercolonial railway and expanded internal markets would mitigate these losses, as colonial trade with Britain had already waned due to imperial preference reforms in the 1840s.[18] Political deadlock gripped the Province of Canada, where the 1840 Act of Union mandated equal representation for Canada East (Quebec) and Canada West (Ontario) despite the latter's population surpassing the former by over 200,000 by 1861, paralyzing governance amid ethnic and sectional divides.[12] From 1861 to 1864, seven ministries collapsed in rapid succession, unable to pass key legislation like representation by population or militia expansion, as French-Canadian interests blocked reforms favoring English-speaking majorities.[13] This impasse culminated in the Great Coalition of June 1864, uniting conservatives George-Étienne Cartier and John A. Macdonald with reformer George Brown to pursue federal union, dissolving the equal-seat structure by creating Ontario and Quebec as provinces within a larger dominion.[12] Such internal instability, compounded by Maritime colonies' resistance to centralized tariffs, necessitated broader confederation to restore effective decision-making.[18]Confederation Conferences
Charlottetown Conference (September 1864)
The Charlottetown Conference convened from 1 to 9 September 1864 in Charlottetown, Prince Edward Island, primarily to explore the feasibility of uniting the Maritime colonies of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island under a single government.[22] This initiative stemmed from ongoing economic challenges, such as the inefficiencies of interprovincial trade barriers and the need for coordinated infrastructure like railways and harbors, amid broader pressures from the American Civil War and fears of expansionist threats from the United States.[23] Upon learning of the gathering, representatives from the Province of Canada—comprising present-day Ontario and Quebec—requested participation and arrived uninvited on 1 September via the steamer Queen Victoria, shifting the focus toward a larger union of all British North American colonies.[24] The 23 delegates included five from Prince Edward Island, seven from New Brunswick, six from Nova Scotia, and five from Canada (with George Brown attending informally).[22] Notable attendees encompassed Canadian leaders John A. Macdonald, George-Étienne Cartier, and Alexander Tilloch Galt; Nova Scotians Adams George Archibald and Charles Tupper; New Brunswickers Leonard Tilley and Edward Barron Chandler; and Prince Edward Islanders John Hamilton Gray and George Coles.[23] Proceedings were largely informal, lacking official minutes or formal resolutions, and consisted of daily sessions interspersed with banquets, excursions to sites like Government House, and social events that fostered rapport among the participants.[25] Discussions centered on federal versus legislative union models, proportional representation in a central legislature, provincial autonomy over local matters, and financial arrangements such as tariff revenues and debt assumptions, with Canadians advocating a strong central government to address their internal political deadlock between English and French interests.[22] Though no binding agreements were codified, the conference yielded a consensus in principle for pursuing a federal union, effectively sidelining the original Maritime-only focus and paving the way for the subsequent Quebec Conference starting 10 October 1864 to draft detailed terms.[23] This outcome reflected pragmatic recognition of mutual dependencies—Maritimes seeking Canadian financial support for railways and defense, while Canada aimed to bolster its population and resources against U.S. influence—without resolving contentious issues like representation ratios or minority rights protections.[25] The event's delegates, later dubbed Fathers of Confederation, laid the groundwork for the British North America Act of 1867 through these preliminary exchanges.[26]| Province | Key Delegates |
|---|---|
| Province of Canada | John A. Macdonald, George-Étienne Cartier, Alexander Tilloch Galt, William McDougall, Hewitt Bernard (secretary) |
| Nova Scotia | Adams George Archibald, Robert Barry Dickey, Jonathan McCully, John Herbert Read, Charles Tupper, William Miller |
| New Brunswick | Edward Barron Chandler, John Hamilton Gray (1814-1889), John Mercer Johnson, Leonard Tilley, William Henry Steeves, J.C. Allen |
| Prince Edward Island | George Coles, John Hamilton Gray (1811-1887), Thomas Heath Haviland, Edward Palmer, William Pope |
Quebec Conference (October 1864)
The Quebec Conference convened on October 10, 1864, in Quebec City at the Parliament Buildings, building directly on the preliminary agreements from the Charlottetown Conference held the previous month.[2] Thirty-three delegates attended from the Province of Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island, and Newfoundland, representing governments facing economic interdependence, defense concerns amid the American Civil War, and internal political stalemates.[2] The assembly aimed to negotiate detailed terms for a federal union of the colonies, addressing divisions of legislative authority, representation, and fiscal responsibilities to create a viable self-governing dominion under the British Crown.[27] Discussions spanned federalism versus legislative union, with delegates debating proportional representation in a lower house against equal provincial representation in an upper chamber to balance larger and smaller colonies' interests.[28] Key figures, including John A. Macdonald and George-Étienne Cartier from the Province of Canada, advocated for strong central powers while accommodating regional autonomies, such as provincial control over local matters like education and property.[29] Maritime delegates, led by figures like Charles Tupper of Nova Scotia, secured compromises on intercolonial railway construction and tariff protections to alleviate economic isolation.[2] Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island representatives expressed reservations, with the latter initially opposing due to fears of losing distinct identity, though participation allowed input on issues like land questions and fisheries.[30] The conference concluded with the adoption of the 72 Resolutions on October 27, 1864, providing a constitutional blueprint that influenced the British North America Act of 1867.[2] These resolutions outlined a bicameral parliament with representation by population in the House of Commons and regional equality in the Senate (24 members each for Ontario, Quebec, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick), a appointed governor general, and enumerated federal powers including trade, defense, and currency.[31] Provincial legislatures retained residual authority, with the document emphasizing responsible government and British parliamentary traditions.[32] The resolutions were forwarded to colonial assemblies for ratification, marking a critical step toward confederation despite subsequent debates and amendments.[27]London Conference (December 1866–February 1867)
The London Conference convened in London, England, opening on December 4, 1866, with the primary objective of refining the 72 Resolutions from the Quebec Conference into a legislative draft suitable for enactment by the British Parliament as the British North America Act.[33] Sixteen delegates participated, representing the Provinces of Canada, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick; Prince Edward Island and Newfoundland were absent, as the former had withdrawn after Quebec and the latter declined to join initially.[34] Chaired by John A. Macdonald, the proceedings emphasized legal precision over substantive renegotiation, incorporating advice from British constitutional experts including Sir Frederick Rogers and Henry Bovill to align the framework with imperial statutes and avoid conflicts with existing colonial governance structures.[35] Delegates were appointed by their provincial governments to ensure continuity from prior conferences, with minor substitutions for those unable to attend:| Province | Delegates |
|---|---|
| Province of Canada | John A. Macdonald (chair), George-Étienne Cartier, Alexander Tilloch Galt, Hector-Louis Langevin, William McDougall, Sir Alexander Campbell, William Pierce Howland |
| Nova Scotia | Charles Tupper, William Alexander Henry, Jonathan McCully, Robert B. Dickey |
| New Brunswick | Samuel Leonard Tilley, Edward Barron Chandler, John Mercer Johnson |
Principal Figures
Central Architects from the Province of Canada
The central architects from the Province of Canada, comprising Canada West (present-day Ontario) and Canada East (present-day Quebec), formed the Great Coalition government on June 14, 1864, to address the legislative deadlock caused by equal representation of the two sections despite differing populations.[36] This coalition, led by John A. Macdonald from Canada West and George-Étienne Cartier from Canada East, included Alexander Tilloch Galt and George Brown, enabling the push for a federal union of British North American colonies.[37] [38] Their collaboration bridged English and French Canadian interests, securing support for Confederation through compromises on federalism and provincial rights.[39] John A. Macdonald, a lawyer and Conservative leader from Kingston, served as Attorney General for Canada West and was instrumental in drafting the Quebec Resolutions at the Quebec Conference from October 10 to 27, 1864.[37] As the primary architect of the federal structure outlined in the 72 resolutions, Macdonald advocated for a strong central government to manage interprovincial trade, defense, and currency, drawing on his experience navigating the Province of Canada's political instability since 1841.[36] He led Canada's delegation to the Charlottetown Conference on September 1-9, 1864, where Maritime leaders were persuaded to include the Province of Canada in discussions, and later coordinated the London Conference from December 4, 1866, to February 1867, overseeing the final drafting of the British North America Act passed by the British Parliament on March 29, 1867.[40] Macdonald became Canada's first prime minister upon Confederation on July 1, 1867.[41] George-Étienne Cartier, a Montreal lawyer and leader of the Parti bleu, acted as Attorney General for Canada East and ensured French Canadian acquiescence to Confederation by championing provincial autonomy in education, civil law, and language rights.[38] At the Quebec Conference, he defended the dualist structure for Quebec's legislature and opposed excessive centralization, balancing Macdonald's unitary preferences.[42] Cartier's address to French Canadian skeptics on October 7, 1866, emphasized Confederation's benefits for economic integration and protection against American expansionism post-Civil War.[43] His role extended to negotiating Quebec's entry and later incorporating Manitoba and British Columbia into the Dominion.[39] Alexander Tilloch Galt, a Sherbrooke businessman and finance expert, served as Minister of Finance in the 1858-1862 Macdonald-Cartier administration and proposed federal union resolutions in 1858 to resolve sectional conflicts.[44] At the Quebec Conference, Galt focused on financial arrangements, advocating for federal assumption of provincial debts and customs duties to fund a common market, which informed the British North America Act's fiscal provisions.[45] As a representative of English-speaking Protestants in Canada East, he supported denominational schools and railway development, linking Confederation to economic expansion via the Intercolonial Railway.[46] George Brown, editor of the Globe newspaper and Reform leader from Toronto, joined the coalition reluctantly on June 14, 1864, prioritizing "rep by pop" (representation by population) for Canada West, which was incorporated into the federal House of Commons structure.[47] Though absent from Charlottetown, Brown's advocacy at Quebec for an appointed Senate to check democratic excesses and provincial equality in the upper house shaped key compromises.[48] His withdrawal from cabinet in December 1865 did not derail the process, as Macdonald and Cartier advanced negotiations.[36] Other notable contributors included Hector-Louis Langevin and Jean-Charles Chapais from Canada East, who attended the Charlottetown and Quebec conferences; Langevin handled public works, while Chapais advised on agriculture and militia matters, reinforcing Cartier's bloc.[49] William McDougall from Canada West drafted early federation schemes and participated in all three conferences, focusing on western expansion.[50] These figures' combined efforts overcame internal divisions, culminating in the Province of Canada's division into Ontario and Quebec within the new Dominion.[41]Maritime and Newfoundland Delegates
The Maritime delegates to the Charlottetown Conference (1–9 September 1864) represented Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Prince Edward Island, convened initially to explore a union among these three colonies amid shared economic challenges like railway debts and trade barriers. [51] The arrival of Canadian delegates shifted discussions toward a broader British North American federation, swaying many Maritime representatives despite initial reservations about legislative equality and regional autonomy. [22] Nova Scotia's delegation included Charles Tupper, provincial secretary and a vocal Confederation advocate; William Alexander Henry, attorney general; Jonathan McCully, solicitor general; Robert B. Dickey, legislative council member; and John William Ritchie, executive councilor. [52] Tupper played a pivotal role in promoting union, emphasizing military defense against American expansionism post-Civil War. [53] New Brunswick sent Samuel Leonard Tilley, provincial secretary; John Hamilton Gray, attorney general; William Henry Steeves, commissioner of fields, fisheries, and factories; Edward Barron Chandler, surveyor general and a skeptic of rapid union; and John Mercer Johnson, member of the Executive Council. [52] Tilley championed the federal structure to preserve provincial powers over local matters. [54] Prince Edward Island's representatives comprised George Coles, premier; Thomas Heath Haviland, provincial secretary; Edward Palmer, attorney general; William Henry Pope, pro-secretary; and Andrew Archibald Macdonald, member of the Executive Council. [52] John Hamilton Gray chaired the proceedings but prioritized Island-specific issues like land tenure reform, leading PEI to reject the Quebec Resolutions due to inadequate concessions on absentee landlords and representation. [22] The delegation attended the subsequent Quebec Conference (10–27 October 1864) but withdrew support, delaying PEI's entry until 1873 under terms including better terms and railway funding. [55] Newfoundland dispatched Frederick Bowker Thomas Carter, attorney general, and Ambrose Shea as non-voting observers to the Quebec Conference, reflecting cautious interest without commitment. [56] They raised fiscal concerns, arguing provincial tariffs would insufficiently cover expenses amid reliance on fisheries and colonial grants, leading Newfoundland's assembly to decline participation; the colony remained separate until 1949. [56] Several Maritime delegates, including Tupper, Tilley, and Chandler, also attended the London Conference (December 1866–March 1867) to finalize the British North America Act.| Province/Territory | Key Delegates | Conferences Attended | Notable Stance |
|---|---|---|---|
| Nova Scotia | Charles Tupper, William A. Henry | Charlottetown, Quebec | Strong support for federation to counter U.S. threats |
| New Brunswick | S.L. Tilley, E.B. Chandler | Charlottetown, Quebec, London | Tilley pro-union; Chandler wary of centralization |
| Prince Edward Island | George Coles, T.H. Haviland | Charlottetown, Quebec | Rejected over land and representation issues |
| Newfoundland | F.B.T. Carter, Ambrose Shea | Quebec (observers) | Declined due to economic self-sufficiency fears[56] |
Peripheral Contributors and Disputed Claimants
Delegates from Prince Edward Island and Newfoundland, while formally recognized among the 36 Fathers of Confederation for their attendance at the 1864 conferences, are often viewed as peripheral contributors due to their colonies' initial rejection of the union. George Coles, then premier of Prince Edward Island, headed the island's delegation to the Charlottetown Conference (1–9 September 1864), where he actively supported discussions on maritime union expanding to include the Province of Canada. Despite this, the PEI Legislative Assembly rejected the subsequent Quebec Resolutions on 11 March 1865 by a 23–7 vote, primarily over fears of unfavorable proportional representation and threats to proprietary land systems. Coles resigned as premier on 7 April 1865 amid domestic political pressures unrelated to Confederation, further diminishing his sustained influence on the federal process; PEI did not join until 1 July 1873 following separate negotiations prompted by railway debt. In Newfoundland, figures such as Frederick B.T. Carter participated in both the Charlottetown and Quebec conferences, advocating for colonial inclusion in the proposed federation to counter economic vulnerabilities and American expansionism. Carter, a leading conservative politician, helped frame early resolutions but could not overcome local opposition rooted in concerns over tariff changes, fishery rights, and perceived subordination to central authority. A legislative vote against the Quebec terms in January 1865, followed by an 1869 referendum rejecting Confederation (with minimal turnout but clear anti sentiment), sidelined Newfoundland's role; the colony remained a separate dominion until its 1949 union via referendum under Joseph Smallwood, rendering these delegates' efforts peripheral to the 1867 Dominion's formation. Disputed claimants to the title include Joseph Howe of Nova Scotia, whose initial vehement opposition evolved into pragmatic acceptance, arguably stabilizing the union post-enactment. As a former premier and influential orator, Howe led the Anti-Confederation League, securing a majority against the union in the September 1867 election. Traveling to London in 1868 to petition for repeal of the British North America Act, he failed but negotiated "Better Terms" – an extra annual subsidy of $80,000 – ratified by the Nova Scotia legislature on 12 May 1869, quelling secession threats. Though not a conference delegate, Howe's capitulation ensured Nova Scotia's enduring commitment, prompting some to credit him with essential post-Confederation consolidation, while others dispute his inclusion given his prior obstructionism.[57]