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Geneina

El Geneina is the capital and largest city of State in , situated near the border with in the Dar Masalit region. The city, whose name translates to "the garden" in , has historically served as a central hub for the Masalit ethnic group, whose traditional homeland encompasses much of the surrounding area including El Geneina. Prior to recent escalations, its strategic location fostered a relatively local economy through cross-border trade and agriculture, contributing to communal cohesion amid broader regional tensions. However, El Geneina has become synonymous with , particularly intertribal clashes between Arab nomadic groups and sedentary non-Arab communities like the Masalit, rooted in competition over land and resources. In 2023, as the nationwide conflict between the and the erupted, El Geneina witnessed intensified assaults by RSF-aligned Arab militias on Masalit neighborhoods, involving house-to-house killings, rapes, and arson, which displaced hundreds of thousands and resulted in an estimated 15,000 civilian deaths in the state. These events, building on prior violence such as the 2021 massacres, have been characterized by independent investigations as constituting and , with systematic efforts to expel or eliminate non-Arab populations from the city. By 2025, the ongoing war has left El Geneina scarred by mass graves, destroyed infrastructure, and persistent insecurity, exacerbating a with over a million internally displaced persons in alone.

History

Etymology and Early Settlement

The name Geneina, also rendered as Al-Junaynah or El Geneina in Arabic (الجنينة), derives from the term al-junaynah, meaning "the little garden" or simply "the garden," reflecting its position amid relatively fertile terrain in an otherwise arid region of western . This etymology underscores the city's historical association with localized vegetation and water resources, distinguishing it from the broader Sahelian landscape of . Geneina emerged as the central settlement of Dar Masalit, the traditional homeland of the Masalit ethnic group, a non-Arab African population indigenous to the borderlands of western and eastern . The Masalit, who speak a Nilo-Saharan language and maintain distinct cultural practices including and , have occupied the area for multiple centuries, with their presence documented prior to major 19th-century Arab influxes into . Archaeological evidence specific to Geneina remains limited, but the surrounding region exhibits human activity dating back millennia, including prehistoric pastoral sites and early settlements linked to proto-Masalit or related groups. Early inhabitants likely relied on the Azum and seasonal watercourses for sustenance, fostering small-scale farming communities that evolved into the city's core before the consolidation of the Fur Sultanate in the . By the late , Geneina had developed as a key node for inter-ethnic trade, connecting Masalit territories with Chadian polities and facilitating exchanges of livestock, grains, and goods across the porous border. This pre-colonial role positioned it as a hub resistant to full integration into centralized sultanates, preserving Masalit autonomy until Anglo-Egyptian administrative formalization in the early 20th century.

Darfur Sultanate and Pre-Colonial Period

The region of modern Geneina lay on the western periphery of the , which was founded around 1640 by Sulayman Solong of the Keira dynasty and expanded into a multi-ethnic state encompassing diverse African and Arab groups under Fur rule. The sultanate's authority extended unevenly to border areas like , where local Masalit communities maintained semi-autonomous structures amid intermittent central oversight, tribute demands, and raids. Prior to the Keira era, the broader region, including its western frontiers, had been influenced by earlier polities such as the Daju kingdom (possibly dating to the or earlier) and the Tunjur dynasty (15th–17th centuries), though direct evidence of their control over the Geneina area remains limited due to sparse archaeological and oral records. The Turco-Egyptian conquest of the Sultanate in destabilized central authority, creating opportunities for peripheral groups to assert independence; during this period, the coalesced into the Sultanate of Dar Masalit, an independent border state resisting encroachments from Mahdist forces and remnants of 's sultans. emerged as the sultanate's political and administrative center, serving as the seat for Masalit rulers who governed a territory of farming villages, trade routes, and pastoral lands straddling present-day and . The Masalit sultanate's pre-colonial structure emphasized kinship-based administration, with sultans drawing legitimacy from Islamic influences and local traditions, while navigating alliances and conflicts with neighboring Arab nomads and elites. This era of localized sovereignty persisted until external pressures mounted in the early , with the Masalit successfully repelling incursions in 1910 before eventual incorporation into following the 1916 conquest of proper. Oral histories and limited documentary evidence indicate that Geneina's growth as a hub reflected the sultanate's economic role in networks, though chronic resource competition with migrant Arab groups foreshadowed enduring tensions.

Colonial and Post-Independence Developments

In 1916, forces conquered the Darfur Sultanate, defeating , who was killed in an ambush on November 5 near Jebel Marra, thereby annexing as Sudan's 15th province under the Anglo-Egyptian Condominium. Western Darfur, including the Masalit Sultanate around Geneina, was formally incorporated by following border agreements with . The implemented through native administration, retaining tribal structures such as sheikhs, umdas, and nazirs while establishing six key administrative centers, including Geneina as the hub for western . In 1919, the Dar Masalit Charter permitted the local sultan to maintain courts and prisons in Geneina alongside emerging institutions, emphasizing , tribal , and minimal interference in tenure. Development remained limited, with scarce investments in , , or , preserving 's peripheral status relative to central . Sudan achieved independence on January 1, 1956, integrating Province fully into the republic, where Geneina continued as a primary administrative in the west, hosting garrisons and serving the Masalit-dominated Dar Masalit area with an estimated population of 594,000 by 1987. Early post-independence efforts included the formation of the Darfur Renaissance Front, which advocated for regional development and representation, drawing five members from Geneina to address marginalization. Native administration, initially preserved, was abolished in 1970 under Nimeiri's reforms but sporadically reinstated amid local experiments like the 1971 Local Popular Governance Act, which fueled tribal land disputes. Droughts from 1970 to 1984 exacerbated resource pressures, displacing populations and intensifying nomadic-sedentary conflicts around Geneina. Administrative fragmentation accelerated in the 1990s under President al-Bashir's regime; on February 14, 1994, Province was divided into three states—North, , and —with Geneina designated the capital of to enhance security and local control. This restructuring, part of broader federalization via the 1993 Federal Governance Act, weakened traditional tribal authorities and contributed to over 15 documented inter-tribal clashes in between 1990 and 2000, often centered on land and grazing rights near Geneina. Clandestine groups like the Soni movement established cells in Geneina's military garrisons to protest underrepresentation in national forces, signaling rising grievances over resource allocation and political exclusion by the early .

Darfur Conflict (2003–2023)

The Darfur conflict erupted in February 2003 when rebel groups, primarily the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/A) and Justice and Equality Movement (JEM), comprising non-Arab ethnic groups like the Fur, Masalit, and Zaghawa, attacked government installations in response to perceived marginalization and neglect by the Sudanese central government. In West Darfur, where Geneina serves as the provincial capital and a Masalit-majority area, the government's counterinsurgency involved arming Arab nomadic militias known as Janjaweed, leading to widespread attacks on non-Arab villages suspected of harboring rebels. These operations, documented as ethnic cleansing by Human Rights Watch, systematically targeted civilian populations, destroying over 500 villages in West Darfur by mid-2004 and displacing hundreds of thousands toward Geneina and the Chadian border. Geneina itself became a focal point for , with camps like Krinding swelling as refugees from razed rural areas sought safety; by , the town hosted tens of thousands of internally displaced persons (IDPs) amid ongoing . Specific assaults near Geneina included the December 20, 2003, attack on Habila Canare, 25 km east, where government forces and , supported by helicopter gunships, killed approximately 50 civilians (including 15 women and 10 children), burned the village, and displaced 500 residents. Further incursions followed: on February 7, , in southeast of Geneina, aerial bombings preceded ground assaults that killed 12 and razed 30 villages; on February 17, 59 were slain in Millebeeda southwest of the city; and on March 27, 14 villages southwest were torched in a single day. These patterns, involving , , and killings, reflected a strategy to clear non-Arab lands for Arab settlement, with relocating families through Geneina en route south. Throughout the 2000s, Geneina's camps faced recurrent threats, exacerbating humanitarian crises with inadequate aid access and infiltration. simmered post-2005 peace efforts, including the 2006 Darfur Peace Agreement and African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID) deployment, but inter-communal clashes persisted, often pitting Arab against Masalit and communities over land and resources strained by . By 2010, rebel fragmentation and government amnesties reduced large-scale fighting, yet localized attacks continued, with Geneina remaining a tense ethnic mosaic. The conflict's toll in included tens of thousands dead and over a million displaced, contributing to -wide estimates of 300,000 fatalities by 2008 from , starvation, and disease. Into the 2010s and early 2020s, Geneina experienced flare-ups tied to the evolving insurgency, including 2021 clashes triggered by a incident between ethnic groups, resulting in over 270 deaths and attacks on Krinding camps by Arab militias, displacing additional thousands. These events underscored the incomplete resolution of underlying ethnic tensions and militia empowerment, with former integrated into the (RSF) under the post-2019 transitional government. By 2023, relative calm in Geneina contrasted with renewed escalations elsewhere in , though unresolved grievances and arms proliferation sustained vulnerability.

Role in Sudanese Civil War (2023–Present)

The Sudanese Civil War, erupting on April 15, 2023, between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and Rapid Support Forces (RSF), rapidly engulfed Geneina, the capital of West Darfur, transforming it into a focal point of intense urban combat and ethnic violence. Initial clashes pitted RSF elements, rooted in former Janjaweed militias, against SAF-aligned forces, but quickly devolved into targeted assaults by RSF and allied Arab nomadic groups against non-Arab communities, particularly the Massalit ethnic group, who predominantly supported the SAF. By late April 2023, coordinated attacks involving looting, arson, and killings had displaced thousands within the city, with RSF fighters and militias blockading roads and systematically clearing Massalit neighborhoods. Escalation peaked in May and June 2023, as RSF forces launched a major offensive, overrunning positions and capturing Geneina on June 15. During this period, documented over 1,000 Massalit civilian deaths in Geneina from targeted killings, rapes, and summary executions, with Sudanese authorities reporting totals exceeding 5,000 fatalities amid widespread destruction of homes, markets, and infrastructure. These acts, described by observers as part of an campaign, involved RSF commanders directing militias to expel or eliminate Massalit populations, resulting in mass graves discovered near the city in July 2023 containing at least 87 non-Arab victims. The violence prompted over 400,000 residents, mostly Massalit, to flee westward into , exacerbating a with reports of risks and restricted aid access under RSF control. RSF maintained dominance in Geneina through 2024 and into 2025, using it as a base to project power across while facing sporadic counteroffensives elsewhere. Persistent inter-communal tensions and activities continued to fuel atrocities, with UN officials noting patterns of mass rape and tied to RSF operations, though -aligned groups were also implicated in reprisals. International bodies, including the U.S. State Department, have classified RSF actions in Geneina as and , underscoring the war's ethnic dimensions rooted in Darfur's pre-existing conflicts. Despite global calls for accountability, no major territorial shifts occurred in Geneina by October 2025, leaving the city amid ongoing instability and demographic upheaval.

Geography

Location and Administrative Role

Geneina, also known as El Geneina, is the capital and largest city of State in western . The city is positioned near the international border with , approximately 20 miles from the crossing point at Adré, facilitating cross-border trade and movement historically. Its geographic coordinates are roughly 13.45°N and 22.46°E . Administratively, Geneina functions as the central hub for West Darfur's , hosting the governor's office, legislative bodies, and key ministries responsible for regional policy implementation, security coordination, and public services. The , established as one of five Darfur subdivisions under 's federal structure, encompasses eight localities, with Geneina serving as both a locality and the overarching administrative seat, overseeing activities across an area marked by terrain and proximity to the Jebel Marra highlands. This role positions it as a for political decision-making and resource allocation in a region prone to ethnic tensions and humanitarian challenges.

Climate and Environmental Challenges

Geneina features a hot semi-arid climate (Köppen Aw) with distinct wet and dry seasons. Annual precipitation averages 523–562 mm, predominantly falling between June and September, while the dry season from October to May receives negligible rainfall, often 0 mm in February and December. Average annual temperature is approximately 26°C, with daytime highs peaking at 39°C in April and minimum highs of 31°C in January; nighttime temperatures frequently drop below 20°C during the cooler months. Environmental degradation poses significant challenges, including and accelerated by , for fuelwood, and population pressures in . Vegetation cover has declined markedly, with projections indicating over 20% reduction in parts of by 2050 due to these factors compounded by variability. Drought frequency has surged since the 1970s, leading to erratic rainfall patterns that undermine rain-fed and , key livelihoods in the region. Water scarcity is acute, with communities relying on seasonal wadis, shallow wells, and limited aquifers that are strained by and urban growth in Geneina. and camps surrounding the city exacerbate demand, often resulting in contaminated or insufficient supplies, heightening risks and resource conflicts. Rising temperatures and prolonged dry spells, linked to broader Sahelian trends, further deplete surface and subsurface , while the ongoing has damaged like boreholes and pipelines, hindering mitigation efforts.

Demographics

Ethnic and Linguistic Composition

Prior to the escalation of the in 2023, El Geneina's population was predominantly composed of the Masalit ethnic group, an indigenous African farming community that constituted the majority in the city and surrounding localities such as Kereneik and Beida. Significant minorities included Arab nomadic and semi-nomadic pastoralist clans, notably the Mahariya and Mahamid, alongside smaller communities of , Zaghawa, Erenga, Tama, Bargo, Hawsa, and Fallata groups, reflecting the multiethnic character of urban neighborhoods. These non-Arab African groups, including the Masalit, historically engaged in sedentary , contrasting with Arab pastoralist lifestyles and contributing to longstanding resource-based tensions over and . Linguistically, served as the across ethnic lines, facilitating trade and administration in El Geneina as the state capital. The Masalit language, a Nilo-Saharan tongue, was widely spoken among the Masalit majority, while speakers formed a notable subset among the Fur minority, with often functioning as a in multilingual households. No comprehensive data quantified linguistic distribution, but the ethnic predominance of Masalit implied their language's everyday prevalence in pre-war daily life and local governance. The 2023 civil war profoundly altered this composition through targeted violence. (RSF) and allied Arab militias conducted systematic attacks on Masalit and other non-Arab civilians in El Geneina, resulting in thousands killed, widespread , and an campaign that removed much of the Masalit population from the city. By mid-2024, documented over 2,000 buildings destroyed in Masalit areas and the effective expulsion of survivors to , shifting demographic balance toward Arab groups under RSF control, though precise post-conflict figures remain unavailable amid ongoing insecurity and lack of reliable enumeration. This transformation has intensified ethnic polarization, with RSF-aligned forces reportedly declaring intentions to eliminate non-Arab presence in former Dar Masalit territories.

Population Dynamics and Displacement

![Displaced persons with water tank in Geneina, West Darfur in 2007.jpg][float-right] Prior to the escalation of the in 2023, Geneina had experienced significant population growth due to inflows of internally displaced persons (IDPs) fleeing rural violence in since the onset of the conflict in 2003. By November 2022, the city hosted approximately 83,000 IDPs, contributing to a swollen urban population amid ongoing inter-communal tensions. These dynamics reflected broader patterns in , where pre-existing IDP caseloads reached 491,000 by late 2022, with Geneina serving as a primary reception area for those displaced by ethnic clashes between Arab and non-Arab groups, particularly the Masalit. The outbreak of nationwide fighting between the and in April 2023 triggered acute displacement in Geneina, culminating in the . Inter-communal violence intensified, with -aligned militias targeting Masalit and other non-Arab civilians, leading to widespread killings, looting, and forced . This resulted in the of much of the city's Masalit population, who formed the majority prior to the conflict; estimates indicate hundreds of thousands fled , including from Geneina, toward and other regions. The population in peaked at 301,055 in mid-June 2023, many of whom originated from or transited through Geneina amid repeated displacements from camps and urban areas. By March 2025, Geneina's demographic composition had shifted dramatically, with remaining numbering around 10,000 households sheltered in mosques, schools, and private homes, reflecting partial returns or secondary movements but underscoring persistent insecurity and reduced original residency. Overall, the city's population dynamics illustrate a pattern of conflict-induced booms in IDP hosting followed by catastrophic outflows, exacerbating humanitarian vulnerabilities without resolution of underlying ethnic tensions.

Education and Human Capital

Education in Geneina, the capital of , has historically faced significant challenges due to limited and high student-to-teacher ratios exceeding 50:1 in many schools. Literacy rates in the region remain among the lowest in , with illiteracy affecting approximately 68% of the population in Darfur, , and eastern regions combined, reflecting broader disparities in , attainment, and quality. Darfur's overall stands below 40%, compounded by insufficient vocational opportunities for . Ongoing conflicts have exacerbated these issues, leading to widespread destruction of schools and disruption of learning. The 2023 and subsequent violence resulted in the closure or damage of educational facilities, with tribal clashes in 2021 alone causing increased school dropouts and attacks on education infrastructure across . By early 2025, efforts to resume classes in Al Geneina allowed over 2,000 displaced children to take transitional exams in six rehabilitated schools, though access remains limited amid persistent insecurity. Human capital development in Geneina is constrained by low skills formation and conflict-induced , with Sudan's broader and systems failing to meet regional standards. Initiatives include the of in Geneina aimed at fostering through skills in trades and , supported by projects promoting labor insertion in . Despite these, the faces skills mismatches, with many young people lacking formal training amid economic reliance on and informal sectors disrupted by .

Economy

Pre-Conflict Economic Activities

Prior to the Darfur conflict of 2003, Geneina's economy relied heavily on agro-pastoral livelihoods, with forming the foundation for most households in the surrounding region. Rain-fed farming predominated on goz soils, cultivating staple crops such as millet, , and , while dry-season along wadi alluvial soils supported additional rotations including broad beans and . Farmers employed adaptive techniques like contour ridging for , to maintain , and rinmail dry sowing to accelerate in variable rainfall patterns, often replanting seeds up to three times if rains were delayed. Livestock husbandry complemented agriculture, with households maintaining herds of , camels, sheep, and goats for , , and traction; women often managed small stock for products like curdled and fat, which were sold locally. Geneina functioned as a hub, hosting daily livestock auctions that aggregated animals from pastoralist groups across ethnic lines for bulking and onward trade. Pre-2003, contributed approximately 30% of Sudan's national exports, with Geneina serving as a key terminal for and camels destined for eastern markets via routes to —spanning 45 to 60 days through Kebkabiya and El Fasher—or cross-border exchanges with . Cross-border commerce with , facilitated through Geneina's proximity to markets like Fora Boranga, exchanged and agricultural for imported , bolstering regional resilience. The tapping of from abundant Acacia senegal trees in the vicinity provided seasonal cash income, with collection and initial processing feeding into longer-distance trade networks that linked to central and exports. Petty trade in firewood, wild foods, and surplus crops thrived in Geneina's bustling central market, diversifying incomes amid environmental and climatic uncertainties.

War Impacts and Humanitarian Crisis

The , erupting in April 2023, inflicted severe economic devastation on Geneina, disrupting its pre-conflict reliance on agriculture, cross-border trade with , and informal markets that sustained much of the local population. Looting by (RSF) and allied militias targeted commercial assets, including shops and warehouses, leading to the collapse of supply chains and a sharp rise in amid widespread arson of markets and residential areas during the June 2023 escalation. This economic paralysis exacerbated vulnerability in a region historically dependent on subsistence farming and remittances, with reports indicating near-total halt in agricultural production due to insecurity preventing planting and harvesting cycles. The in Geneina intensified as a direct consequence, with over 570,000 residents—predominantly ethnic Massalit—fleeing atrocities between April and June 2023, swelling camps in eastern and straining regional resources. By late 2023, RSF-allied attacks in nearby Ardamata displaced thousands more, contributing to acute rates exceeding thresholds, as verified by UN assessments showing over 30% global acute malnutrition among children under five in West Darfur camps. Aid delivery remains obstructed by ongoing clashes and systematic looting of humanitarian convoys, with only a fraction of required funding reaching the area despite appeals for $2.7 billion in Sudan's 2024-2025 response plan. As of October 2025, the crisis persists with disease outbreaks, including and , claiming additional lives amid collapsed health services and contaminated sources from damage. risks loom large, with integrated food security assessments reporting Phase 4 (emergency) conditions affecting over 700,000 in , driven by market disruptions and restricted humanitarian access. Economic recovery appears stalled, as population flight and insecurity deter investment, perpetuating a cycle of dependency on underfunded amid national displacement figures surpassing 12 million.

Infrastructure

Transportation Networks

Geneina Airport (IATA: EGN, ICAO: HSCN), the primary aviation facility serving West Darfur, is located near the city center and operates as a public airport under Sudanese government management. It features two runways measuring approximately 2,500 meters and supports limited commercial, military, and humanitarian flights, with a Sudanese Air Force helicopter squadron stationed there operating Mil Mi-8 aircraft. Accessibility improved after the construction of two bridges in early 2018, enabling year-round operations via an asphalt access road. In July 2017, the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in (UNAMID) completed and transferred a 10-kilometer paved encircling the airport to authorities, designed to enhance security, facilitate internal movement, and mitigate flood risks through embankments. This infrastructure supports aid delivery, though operations have faced disruptions from the ongoing , including restricted flights amid violence in 2023 and beyond. Road networks in Geneina fall under Sudan's Ministry of Transport, Roads and Bridges, consisting primarily of unpaved tracks and limited paved segments connecting to regional centers like Zalingei and El Fasher. The Geneina-Zalingei route, vital for heavy truck transport of goods and , spans 's interior but experienced severe setbacks in August 2024 when four key bridges collapsed due to seasonal floods and heavy rains, halting vehicular passage and exacerbating humanitarian access challenges. Broader connectivity relies on the El Ingaz highway, which links states to central , though poor maintenance and conflict-related insecurity have long impeded reliable overland travel.

Urban Development and Services

Geneina's urban landscape has expanded rapidly since the early 2000s due to waves of internal displacement from rural inter-communal violence, doubling the urban population and overwhelming existing infrastructure capacities. This growth has manifested in informal settlements and IDP camps on the city's periphery, with limited formal planning; pre-2023 initiatives under the Darfur Development Strategy included urban master plans for water supply networks, sanitation, drainage, and waste management, though implementation lagged due to funding shortages and ongoing insecurity. The 2023 conflict exacerbated these challenges, with satellite imagery documenting the destruction of at least 0.7 square kilometers of civilian infrastructure, including systematic bulldozing and burning of majority-Massalit neighborhoods and IDP sites like al-Jamarek, al-Madaress, and Ghabat al-Neem, rendering large areas uninhabitable. Public services in Geneina remain precarious, heavily reliant on humanitarian interventions amid chronic underinvestment. Water access in urban households stood at only 3% piped connections as of 2006, with overall improved sources declining to 45% by that period; projects like the DFID-funded Urban Water Supply (DUWS) initiative installed mechanized boreholes in Geneina to bolster supply, while UN programmes targeted 150 boreholes and water yards across localities including El Geneina. Sanitation coverage is similarly low, with fewer than 30% of facilities improved pre-2017 and 13.3% household access in by 2013; efforts such as Community Approaches to Total Sanitation (CATS) and school latrine construction have aimed to address , particularly in areas where rates reached 51% improved in camps like Mornei compared to 29% in rural zones. Electricity provision via the local 10.365 MW power plant delivers intermittent service—6-8 hours daily to about 7,500 customers—with planned 2 MW solar additions stalled by ; city-wide outages began on April 24, 2023, following RSF seizure of the Dunkey 13 water station, which also damaged solar panels and halted pumps, forcing residents to risk gunfire for alternative sources. Housing conditions reflect the city's displacement dynamics, with thousands of IDPs occupying makeshift shelters or evictions from sites like Sheikh Musa Islamic Complex in June 2023, amid the razing of over 100 gathering points including schools repurposed as temporary homes. UN-Habitat and PBF projects have sought to profile settlements and plan extensions with basic infrastructure, but absorption capacity remains constrained by land disputes and service deficits, leaving many without adequate shelter post-2023 violence. Overall, urban services depend on sporadic aid resumption—such as limited WASH activities from mid-July 2023—highlighting the causal link between protracted conflict and infrastructural decay, independent of institutional biases in reporting.

Conflicts and Controversies

Historical Inter-Ethnic Tensions

Historical inter-ethnic tensions in El Geneina, the capital of , stem primarily from longstanding competition between sedentary non-Arab farming groups—such as the Massalit, who form the ethnic majority in the area—and nomadic Arab herding tribes, including the Rizeigat and other Baggara confederations, over scarce land, water, and grazing resources in a semi-arid environment prone to . These disputes arose from incompatible livelihoods: farmers sought to expand cultivation on fertile riverine areas, while herders required migratory access to pastures and wells, leading to recurrent skirmishes managed through traditional tribal councils under pre-colonial systems. Arab migrations into Darfur accelerated in the 17th and 18th centuries, with groups like the Juhayna and Baggara entering as pastoralists and initially serving as auxiliaries to the Sultanate, which dominated the region from around until 1916. Over time, these migrants adopted local practices but maintained claims to lineage for social prestige, fostering a fluid "" identity that coexisted with non- groups until resource pressures politicized ethnic differences. In , including El Geneina, such dynamics manifested in localized , as herders challenged Massalit control over agricultural lands historically secured under sultanate hierarchies. British colonial conquest in 1916 introduced the Native Administration, which codified tribal territories and customary land rights, inadvertently entrenching divisions by granting formal recognition to claims in pastoral zones while sidelining non- cultivators. Post-independence Sudanese governments, particularly after , further aggravated tensions through policies favoring northern elites, including arms distribution to herder militias and neglect of Darfur's periphery, which amplified local grievances amid population growth and recurrent droughts. The 1980s marked a escalation, with severe —exacerbated by Sahel-wide droughts from 1983 onward—triggering widespread clashes across . From 1987 to 1989, militias, precursors to the , engaged in armed confrontations with Fur and Massalit communities near El Geneina, disputing control over fertile areas amid crop failures and losses; these events displaced thousands and killed hundreds, driven by both resource scarcity and emerging supremacist , such as a 1987 manifesto demanding recognition as Arabs. A fragile 1989 reconciliation accord mediated tribal leaders, but it failed to address underlying inequities, including state-backed land grabs, leaving a legacy of mutual distrust that persisted into subsequent decades.

2023 Battle of Geneina and Atrocities

The 2023 Battle of Geneina encompassed a series of armed confrontations in El Geneina, the capital of Sudan's state, between the (RSF) and the (SAF), integrated into the nationwide that erupted on April 15, 2023. Initial skirmishes occurred outside the city following the outbreak of hostilities in , but major fighting commenced on April 24, when SAF units advanced from the Ardamata garrison toward al-Jamarek district, clashing with RSF near their base; RSF and allied Arab militias simultaneously targeted Massalit-majority neighborhoods. Renewed assaults by RSF forces struck Massalit areas and internally displaced persons () sites like al-Jamarek between May 12–14 and May 21–27, employing mortars, rocket-propelled grenades, and gunfire. A mid-May SAF convoy reinforcement effort was ambushed, resulting in over 40 soldiers killed. Escalation peaked from June 6–14, as RSF offensives collapsed Massalit defenses, enabling RSF to seize full control of El Geneina by June 14–15 after overrunning SAF positions. Atrocities during and immediately after the battle were predominantly perpetrated by RSF fighters and allied militias, including groups and local Arab elements under leaders such as al-Tijani Karshoum and Abdel Rahman Joma’a , targeting ethnic Massalit civilians and other non-Arab groups through ethnic profiling at checkpoints, mass executions, , , , and . Methods included indiscriminate shelling, vehicles running over fleeing individuals, and forced drownings in the Kajja River; on June 15 alone, RSF attacked a convoy of Massalit fleeing toward Ardamata, killing hundreds via shootings and executions. Sudanese Red Crescent volunteers buried approximately 3,900 bodies from April 24 to June 15, while makeshift clinics reported 4,215 deaths and 9,275 injuries in the same period; UN estimates place total fatalities in at 10,000–15,000 by late 2023, with much of the violence concentrated in El Geneina. Massalit neighborhoods were systematically demolished using bulldozers post-capture, facilitating the displacement of over 300,000 residents, many to . The SAF's role was limited and ineffective in civilian protection; while some units fired defensively from Ardamata on June 15 and shelled RSF positions, they largely remained confined to and failed to intervene against assaults, per UN of Experts assessments, contributing to the RSF's unchallenged consolidation of control. documented these acts as and war crimes within an campaign, based on over 180 interviews, showing destruction from June to August, and medical data from Adré, . Further RSF advances in November 2023 captured the Ardamata SAF after November 1–4 fighting, yielding 1,000–2,000 additional Massalit deaths via similar tactics.

Allegations of Ethnic Cleansing and Counter-Narratives

In June 2023, during the , documented a systematic campaign by the (RSF) and allied Arab militias targeting ethnic Masalit and other non-Arab communities, involving house-to-house killings, widespread rape, , and that destroyed non-Arab neighborhoods, resulting in thousands of deaths and the of over 300,000 people to . The organization classified these acts as , including , based on interviews with over 180 witnesses, showing razed areas, and analysis of videos depicting targeted executions. investigators corroborated these findings, reporting mass graves containing at least 87 Masalit bodies in Geneina and ethnically motivated attacks that escalated from to June 2023, with perpetrators using slurs like "anbai" (slave) to identify victims. The U.S. State Department, in its 2023 report and a January 2025 determination, concluded that RSF forces and allies committed and in , including Geneina, through deliberate expulsion and extermination of non-Arab groups, drawing on testimonies and forensic evidence of coordinated assaults. These allegations align with patterns of in Darfur's history, where Arab militias have previously targeted African ethnicities, though the 2023 events occurred amid the broader Sudanese Armed Forces-RSF that began on April 15, 2023. RSF spokespersons have denied orchestrating , attributing the violence to "tribal conflicts" involving outlaws and irregular fighters rather than systematic policy, and claiming their operations targeted armed Masalit elements allied with the . They rejected responsibility for mass graves, asserting the bodies were victims of crossfire or prior clashes, while some community leaders framed attacks as against alleged Masalit incursions that killed civilians earlier in 2023. Independent verification of these counter-claims remains limited, as RSF-controlled areas restrict access, and reports of mutual inter-communal killings—such as clashes—do not negate the scale of documented one-sided targeting against Masalit, per UN and HRW analyses.

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