Fact-checked by Grok 2 weeks ago

Gerry Fitt

Gerard "Gerry" Fitt, Baron Fitt of Bell's Hill (9 April 1926 – 26 August 2005), was a Northern politician and unionist who founded and led the (SDLP), Northern Ireland's main moderate nationalist party, from its establishment in 1970 until 1979. Born into a working-class Catholic family in , Fitt worked as a merchant seaman before entering politics, where he was elected to Corporation in 1958 and the (Stormont) in 1962 as a Republican Labour member. He gained prominence as the for West from 1966 to 1983, becoming Northern Ireland's sole Catholic representative at during a period of escalating sectarian conflict. Fitt played a key role in the , leading a march in Derry that highlighted Catholic discrimination in housing and employment, prompting direct intervention from the UK government. As SDLP leader, he contributed to the 1973 , which established a short-lived power-sharing between unionists and nationalists, though it collapsed amid unionist opposition and IRA violence. His commitment to constitutional nationalism and opposition to armed republicanism defined his career; he grew increasingly hostile to the Provisional IRA, criticizing their and the 1981 hunger strikes, which alienated him from the SDLP's evolving stance under and led to his resignation in 1979 over disagreements on engaging in constitutional talks. Created a as Baron Fitt in 1983, he lost his Commons seat to that year amid nationalist backlash and suffered personal attacks, including the of his family home. In the , Fitt remained a vocal critic of impunity, opposing aspects of the 1998 that granted releases to paramilitary prisoners, reflecting his lifelong advocacy for peaceful change over violence despite pressures from both loyalist and republican extremists.

Early Life and Background

Childhood and Family

Gerald Martin Fitt was born on 9 April 1926 in the infirmary of to Rose Martin, an unmarried Catholic servant, with his father's identity unknown. Shortly after his birth, he was taken in by a childless Catholic couple, George Fitt, a boiler-maker, and his wife Mary (née Lavery), who lived initially in the Falls area before settling in the working-class Sailortown district near the ; he was baptised Gerard Fitt on 18 April 1926 at St Peter's pro-cathedral. This arrangement reflected the era's social stigma against illegitimacy, which often compounded economic hardship for single mothers in interwar , limiting familial resources and opportunities amid widespread Catholic disenfranchisement and industrial decline. George Fitt died around 1934 when Gerard was eight years old, leaving Mary to raise the family—including Gerard and possibly other children—in Sailortown during the , a period of acute poverty exacerbated by Belfast's reliance on volatile and dock work. The absence of a stable male breadwinner, combined with the economic downturn that hit working-class Catholic communities hardest due to discriminatory hiring practices and union exclusion, constrained access to and , fostering a cycle of low-wage labor and reliance on meager relief. Fitt attended a local Christian Brothers school, where exposure to the sectarian tensions inherent in Belfast's divided neighborhoods—Catholic enclaves like Sailortown bordered by Protestant areas—highlighted communal fractures without yet shaping his personal response to violence.

Wartime Service and Early Employment

Fitt left school at an early age and initially worked as a newsboy and barber's assistant before joining the in 1941 at the age of 15. He served as a stoker initially on routes between and , later advancing to seaman on various vessels, with his service extending through until demobilization in 1953. During the war, Fitt sailed on perilous Atlantic and Arctic convoys, including runs to , where ships faced repeated threats from German attacks involving torpedo strikes and exchanges of gunfire. These voyages demanded resilience amid harsh conditions, supply shortages, and high casualty rates among merchant seamen, exposing him to multinational crews and global ports that broadened his worldview beyond local sectarian divides. While in the , Fitt actively participated in the seamen's union, gaining early exposure to organized labor advocacy. The service honed practical skills in , , and under duress, contributing to an internationalist informed by direct encounters with wartime hazards and postwar economic disparities abroad. Returning to in 1953, Fitt secured employment as a at the city's docks during the , a period marked by physically demanding labor unloading cargo amid fluctuating trade and mechanization pressures. In this role, he experienced the rigors of casualized work, including exposure to strikes over wages and conditions, which underscored economic grievances and fostered solidarity among workers irrespective of religious background. These formative years in manual trades cultivated a pragmatic emphasis on class-based cooperation over identity-based conflicts, shaping his later aversion to parochial nationalism.

Political Entry and Civil Rights

Local Politics and Republican Labour Party

Fitt entered local politics with his election to Belfast Corporation in May 1958 as a member of the Irish Labour Party. Representing working-class constituencies, he rapidly distinguished himself through trenchant critiques of unionist dominance, which he argued perpetuated against Catholics in provision and opportunities within the public sector. These positions reflected broader nationalist grievances over unequal resource allocation under the Stormont regime, where control often favored Protestant applicants. In the May 1962 Northern Ireland general election, Fitt secured the Stormont parliamentary seat for the constituency as an Irish Labour candidate, defeating unionist opponents in a traditionally competitive area. He retained the seat in the 1965 election, using his position to expose practices that diluted nationalist voting power and to demand implementation of one-man-one-vote in local elections, a aimed at rectifying the ratepayer franchise that excluded many non-property-owning Catholics. Fitt framed these efforts as essential for equitable governance, citing evidence of that contributed to disproportionately high Catholic unemployment in —rates often exceeding those among Protestants by significant margins, with nationalist areas experiencing chronic joblessness akin to Depression-era levels. By 1963, ideological tensions within the Irish Labour Party over the integration of republican nationalism prompted Fitt's departure; he co-founded the Republican Labour Party (RLP) that October alongside Stormont MP Harry Diamond, the party's other key figure from the Socialist Republican tradition. The RLP sought to fuse labour socialism with republican aspirations, prioritizing reforms against discrimination in housing and jobs over outright separatism, while contesting elections to amplify working-class Catholic voices marginalized by unionist gerrymandering and electoral restrictions. This break marked Fitt's shift toward a more explicitly nationalist platform, grounded in addressing verifiable socioeconomic disparities rather than abstract ideology.

Involvement in Civil Rights Movement

Gerry Fitt, serving as the Republican Labour Party MP for West Belfast, emerged as a prominent figure in the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA), established on 29 January 1967 to address systemic discrimination against Catholics in areas such as housing allocation, public employment, and local government gerrymandering. As a vocal advocate, Fitt participated in early NICRA activities, including rallies protesting the unionist government's use of the Special Powers Act to suppress dissent, which empowered authorities to detain individuals without trial and impose curfews. His involvement amplified calls for reforms modeled on American civil rights tactics, emphasizing peaceful marches to expose inequalities empirically demonstrated by data on Catholic underrepresentation in public sector jobs (e.g., only 9% of senior civil service positions held by Catholics as of 1968) and housing waiting lists favoring Protestant applicants. Fitt played a leading role in organizing and marching for NICRA events, culminating in the banned demonstration on 5 October 1968 in Derry, where approximately 400 participants gathered to protest housing discrimination despite a prohibition under the Public Order Act. Heading the procession with Nationalist MP Eddie McAteer, Fitt defiantly advanced along Duke Street toward the intended assembly point at the , prompting (RUC) officers to deploy batons and water cannons, resulting in injuries to over 100 people, including Fitt, who suffered head wounds requiring hospitalization. Footage of the baton charges, broadcast internationally, highlighted the disproportionate police response to a non-violent gathering, galvanizing public sympathy and prompting UK Prime Minister to criticize the Stormont regime's handling of protests. Through repeated public addresses and parliamentary interventions, Fitt leveraged these incidents to document unionist maladministration, citing specific grievances like the Derry Corporation's allocation of 71% of new houses to Protestants despite Catholics comprising 40% of the population. He consistently urged restraint to maintain the movement's moral authority, arguing that escalation into retaliatory violence would undermine legitimate demands and invite further repression, a stance that differentiated his approach from fringes even as protests intensified. The cumulative from NICRA actions, including Fitt's , contributed causally to Westminster's direct intervention, with British troops deployed to and Derry on 14 August 1969 amid riots, initially greeted by nationalists as neutral peacekeepers restoring order against RUC partisanship. This phase marked a temporary in civil unrest before subsequent events shifted dynamics.

Rise in Nationalist Politics

Election to Westminster

Gerry Fitt, standing as the Republican Labour Party candidate, won the West Belfast seat in the UK general election on 31 March 1966, defeating the incumbent Ulster Unionist James Kilfedder by 2,011 votes. Fitt secured 26,292 votes (52.0% of the valid poll) against Kilfedder's 24,281 (48.0%), with turnout at 74.8% from an electorate of 67,575. This victory marked a breakthrough for nationalist representation in the constituency, reflecting discontent with unionist dominance amid allegations of and , though Fitt's platform emphasized socialist reforms and constitutional rather than immediate separation from the . Fitt retained the seat in the 18 June 1970 , again as Republican Labour, increasing his majority to 3,198 votes over unionist challenger Brian McRoberts. He polled 30,649 votes (52.8%) to McRoberts's 27,451 (47.2%), with turnout rising to 84.6% amid escalating communal tensions. The result underscored Fitt's cross-community appeal in the divided, working-class constituency, where Catholic-majority areas provided core support but his labor-oriented messaging drew some Protestant votes in a period of growing civil unrest. In the , Fitt focused on exposing systemic discrimination in , including housing allocation, employment barriers, and electoral that disadvantaged Catholics. During 1969 debates following the riots in August, he pressed for intervention, describing the violence as rooted in long-standing unionist failures without endorsing paramilitary responses. His interventions, often drawing on firsthand observations from , contributed to increased parliamentary scrutiny of Stormont's policies. Throughout this period, Fitt navigated personal dangers in volatile West Belfast, facing threats and intimidation from loyalist groups opposed to his credentials and from nascent elements viewing his constitutional approach as insufficiently militant. Incidents included attacks on his home and public harassment as violence erupted in 1969, yet he maintained a commitment to parliamentary methods over armed struggle.

Formation and Leadership of the SDLP

Gerry Fitt co-founded the (SDLP) on 21 August 1970 with other civil rights activists and nationalist politicians, establishing it as a non-sectarian, social democratic alternative to the and . Fitt was elected the party's inaugural leader at its formation, advocating constitutional nationalism and reconciliation over violent . In the wake of on 30 January 1972, when British paratroopers killed 13 unarmed civilians in Derry, the SDLP—already boycotting Stormont since July 1971 over prior incidents—demanded a and refused to resume participation in the devolved parliament. This position, led by Fitt, pressured the British government to suspend Stormont on 30 March 1972 and introduce . Fitt guided the SDLP into negotiations that produced the on 9 December 1973, creating Northern Ireland's first power-sharing executive. As SDLP leader, he assumed the role of Deputy Chief Executive under Unionist , marking a pragmatic step toward cross-community governance. The SDLP's electoral performance under Fitt peaked in the 28 June 1973 Northern Ireland Assembly election, capturing 22.1% of the first-preference votes and 19 seats to become the foremost nationalist party. This success underscored Fitt's strategy of merging socialist reforms with devolutionary compromise, outpacing more abstentionist rivals.

Conflicts and Departure from SDLP

Internal Party Tensions

Throughout the 1970s, internal divisions within the (SDLP) deepened, primarily over the party's stance toward republican violence and its evolving emphasis on Irish unity, pitting Gerry Fitt's uncompromising rejection of the (IRA) against a perceived softening in the party's approach among figures like . Fitt, who had long condemned IRA bombings for their indiscriminate civilian casualties—responsible for hundreds of deaths amid the escalating —insisted on absolute opposition to any engagement with the IRA or tolerance of its sympathizers, viewing such concessions as morally bankrupt amid the paramilitary's campaign that had claimed over 2,000 lives by late , many non-combatants. These clashes manifested in debates over and constitutional strategy, where Fitt opposed diluting the party's commitment to participation in favor of gestures appealing to republican constituencies. Fitt's isolation grew as the SDLP shifted toward what he derided as "green ," accusing party members of pandering to tribal sentiments and prioritizing an "Irish dimension" over socialist principles and anti-violence . He publicly and privately lambasted the party for reluctance to unequivocally denounce actions, arguing that such equivocation eroded the SDLP's moderate appeal and emboldened paramilitaries amid their rising influence in nationalist communities. This tension was exacerbated by Hume's rising ambitions, leading to acrimonious internal disputes over policy direction, including the party's response to atrocities and negotiations with British authorities. The culmination came in , when Fitt faced a leadership from , losing amid his growing marginalization within the party's executive and grassroots, where his hardline anti- stance clashed with a broader tolerance for sympathies to maintain electoral viability against Sinn Féin's emerging . Fitt described himself as "in a minority of one," highlighting how the party's drift toward accommodating nationalist fervor—fueled by IRA 's disruption of power-sharing efforts—undermined its founding cross-community ethos. These rifts reflected causal pressures from the IRA's sustained campaign, which by the late had not only inflicted heavy civilian losses but also shifted voter allegiances, pressuring the SDLP to compete on identity rather than reject outright.

Resignation and 1983 Electoral Defeat

Fitt resigned as leader of the SDLP on 22 November 1979, amid internal disputes over the party's support for constitutional proposals that emphasized greater Irish government involvement in affairs, a position he opposed in favor of closer ties. He formally departed the party shortly thereafter, citing its increasing alignment with elements sympathetic to Irish unification over pragmatic constitutional nationalism. In the June 1983 UK general election, Fitt stood as an candidate in West Belfast, securing 11,690 votes (25.5% of the valid poll) but losing to Sinn Féin's , who won with 16,379 votes (36.9%). This outcome reflected a marked among nationalist voters, boosted by Sinn Féin's post-1981 momentum, which had elevated the party's vote share from negligible levels to a competitive force in republican strongholds. Fitt's share, while substantial, underscored the erosion of support for moderate, non-violent nationalism in the constituency he had held since 1966. Following his , Fitt publicly lambasted the SDLP for what he viewed as ambivalence toward IRA violence and a drift toward accommodating demands, arguing it undermined efforts for peaceful resolution. Threats against him intensified, including repeated attacks on his property; on 3 July 1983, shortly after the election, republicans firebombed and gutted his home on the Antrim Road, forcing him to relocate. The episode highlighted the personal costs of his anti-IRA stance amid rising sectarian militancy, rendering his return to elected office untenable.

Later Career and Peerage

House of Lords Activities

Upon being created a life peer as Baron Fitt, of Bell's Hill, in the County of Down, in 1983, Fitt took his seat in the , where he remained active in parliamentary debates on until his health deteriorated in the late . From this independent platform, he focused interventions on security policy and counter-terrorism, consistently criticizing Provisional IRA violence and calling for robust measures against activities. Fitt advocated for stronger anti-IRA policies, including praise for the British Army's efforts in maintaining order, a shift from his earlier criticisms of security force conduct during the initial escalation. He rejected partisan alignments, emphasizing pragmatic responses to terrorism over nationalist solidarity, and urged sustained military and policing resources to protect civilians in and beyond. His speeches highlighted the IRA's role in undermining community stability, drawing on his West experiences to argue against concessions that might embolden militants. In the 1990s, Fitt notably opposed the early release of prisoners as part of negotiations, allying in 1999 with former Ulster Unionist leader Lord Molyneaux to warn that such measures rewarded and endangered public safety. This stance underscored his commitment to security priorities, positioning him as a vocal critic of leniency toward offenders amid evolving political accommodations.

Evolving Stance on Security and Unionism

In the late 1970s and 1980s, Fitt developed a personal sympathy for British security forces, including the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) and , through close interactions with his police bodyguards, who protected him amid death threats from the . This rapport contrasted with his earlier experiences, such as being beaten by the RUC during the 1968 Derry civil rights march, and reflected a broader shift influenced by IRA violence targeting civilians and politicians like himself—his home was burned by the in 1983 following his electoral defeat. Fitt publicly defended security forces against criticisms from nationalists, participating in rescue efforts after the IRA's Enniskillen bombing on 8 November 1987, which killed 11 civilians at a ceremony. In the , he opposed the 2000 Patten reforms that dismantled the RUC in favor of the Police Service of , arguing it undermined effective policing amid ongoing threats. He viewed IRA atrocities as having entrenched generational cycles of violence, stating in 1994 that those born after 1969 "know nothing but throwing stones at police and robbing post offices and knee-capping people," which hindered Catholic social and economic progress. By the 1990s, Fitt criticized SDLP leader John Hume's engagement in cross-party talks, accusing him in April 1993 of destroying initiatives by prioritizing Irish nationalist dimensions over pragmatic security and unionist concerns. He opposed the 1998 Agreement's provisions for IRA immunity from prosecution, aligning with unionist figures like Lord Molyneaux, and saw such processes as legitimizing terrorists who had derailed constitutional nationalism. In his later years, Fitt expressed a preference for Northern Ireland's constitutional status quo tied to over aspirations for a , which he deemed unrealistic given the IRA's counterproductive campaign of murder and bombings.

Political Ideology and Controversies

Core Beliefs: Socialism and Constitutional Nationalism

Gerry Fitt's socialism stemmed from his working-class origins in Belfast's Sailortown district, where he was born on 9 April 1926 to a Catholic dock labourer father, and his experiences in the from to 1953, during which he served on Atlantic and Russian convoys, observed global poverty, and engaged with international seamen's unions. These shaped his advocacy for class-based across sectarian lines, prioritizing economic justice and workers' rights over ethnic divisions, as evidenced by his early alignment with the and formation of the Republican Labour Party, which emphasized industrial labour causes in Belfast's Dock ward. Fitt viewed as subordinate to , rejecting sectarian exclusivity in favor of shared proletarian interests, a stance informed by his rejection of extreme and promotion of non-sectarian politics. Fitt's constitutional nationalism focused on achieving reforms through democratic and legal channels within the framework, rather than violence or separation. As a key figure in the , he led the 5 October 1968 march in Derry demanding "" in local elections to end discriminatory practices like limited franchises and , drawing international attention after being beaten by officers. Influenced by his Navy exposure to diverse labor movements, he consistently opposed armed struggle, advocating peaceful agitation and leverage—such as his 1966 election as MP for West Belfast—to press for and fair play, believing systemic change required verifiable institutional reforms over aspirational upheaval. Underlying this approach was Fitt's pragmatic realism regarding Irish unity: he deemed a united Ireland unviable absent majority consent in , prioritizing empirical demographics and democratic legitimacy over irredentist rhetoric or "united Ireland at any price" demands. This reflected his commitment to causal outcomes grounded in consent principles, as later embodied in the Social Democratic and Labour Party's (SDLP) foundational stance upon its 1970 creation under his leadership, where unity aspirations yielded to cross-community power-sharing and British-linked solutions.

Criticisms of IRA Violence and Republicanism

Fitt condemned the (PIRA) throughout the 1970s for its campaign of bombings and murders, viewing the violence as counterproductive to nationalist goals by alienating moderate supporters and justifying intensified security measures that deepened communal divisions. The PIRA's actions, which resulted in over 1,700 deaths across the conflict, primarily targeted and civilians alike, but Fitt argued this paramilitary approach masked criminality under the guise of political struggle, prolonging civilian suffering without advancing unification and instead reinforcing by validating unionist opposition to forced change. Following the 1981 hunger strikes, in which ten republican prisoners died, Fitt accused of exploiting the deaths for electoral gain rather than genuine resolution, having urged the government days before ' death on May 5 to reject the strikers' demands for political status, which he saw as a ploy to legitimize paramilitarism. This stance, articulated amid rising PIRA attacks, positioned the hunger strikes not as heroic sacrifice but as a tactical escalation that entrenched intervention and eroded support for constitutional nationalism, as evidenced by 's subsequent electoral inroads at the expense of moderates like Fitt himself. Fitt's rejection of republican "armed struggle" emphasized its causal role in perpetuating cycles of retaliation, where PIRA tactics—such as indiscriminate bombings—provoked loyalist responses and state crackdowns, ultimately failing empirically to dismantle the while isolating anti-violence nationalists and sustaining a security apparatus that hindered democratic progress. His criticisms, though drawing backlash including attacks on his home starting in 1980, aligned with the observable outcome that violence entrenched divisions rather than resolving them, as the PIRA's campaign yielded no territorial gains despite decades of attrition.

Reception Among Nationalists and Unionists

Among Irish nationalists, Gerry Fitt was initially celebrated as a pioneer of the in the late , where his advocacy highlighted systemic discrimination against Catholics in housing, employment, and voting rights, earning him widespread support within nationalist communities. However, his vehement opposition to violence, including public condemnations of republican paramilitarism as counterproductive to constitutional , led to his vilification as a "traitor" by elements; this culminated in death threats from the , forcing him and his family to relocate from due to sustained intimidation. His acceptance of a life peerage as Baron Fitt in further fueled derision among many nationalists and socialists, who viewed it as a capitulation to British establishment honors incompatible with Irish republican ideals. and republican outlets, such as , emphasized profound ideological differences, portraying Fitt's evolution as an abandonment of militant struggle for perceived collaborationism. Unionists, by contrast, initially distrusted Fitt due to his early nationalist rhetoric and civil rights activism, derogatorily labeling him "Fenian Fitt" amid fears that his demands would erode Protestant privileges and unionist control. Over time, particularly after his departure from the SDLP in 1979 and outspoken criticism of IRA terrorism, he garnered respect for his moderation and alignment with security concerns shared by unionists, such as opposition to Dublin's role in Northern Irish affairs and support for robust anti-paramilitary measures. This shift prompted some unionists to appreciate Fitt's principled stand against violence, viewing him as a rare nationalist voice prioritizing stability over , though lingering suspicions persisted regarding his foundational commitment to unity. Fitt's polarizing reception highlighted broader tensions: nationalists accused him of a pro-British "sellout" that undermined communal , while defenders, including some moderate nationalists, credited him with legitimizing non-violent as a viable alternative to armed struggle. Unionists, despite early hostility, acknowledged his consistency in rejecting , which aligned with their emphasis on , though critics on both sides pointed to perceived inconsistencies in his ideological journey from to acceptance.

Death and Legacy

Final Years and Death

In his later years, Gerry Fitt resided in , where he experienced declining health due to a long history of heart disease, including a quadruple bypass operation performed in 1986 and recurrent stomach ulcers. Following the death of his wife, , on 23 January 1996, he lived as a widower and reduced his public engagements, though he occasionally contributed to media discussions critiquing flaws in the . Fitt died on 26 August 2005 at the age of 79 after a prolonged illness, with the specific cause undisclosed publicly but linked to his cardiac condition. He was survived by five daughters, one having predeceased him. His requiem mass was held on 31 August 2005 at in , attended by politicians from both nationalist and unionist backgrounds. No significant posthumous disputes over his estate emerged, and family privacy was maintained regarding personal details.

Historical Assessments and Impact

Gerry Fitt's primary achievement lay in channeling the momentum of the into constitutional nationalism through the founding of the (SDLP) in 1970, providing a non-violent alternative that initially contained the appeal of republican paramilitarism. By advocating power-sharing and British intervention against unionist discrimination, Fitt compelled Westminster to suspend Stormont in 1972, marking a causal shift from one-party rule to and moderated governance experiments. This framework delayed Provisional IRA dominance in nationalist politics, as SDLP secured 19% of the vote in the 1973 Assembly election compared to Sinn Féin's negligible share, sustaining moderate voices amid escalating violence. Critics, however, faulted Fitt's abrasive for alienating SDLP colleagues, fostering internal divisions that weakened party cohesion; his "minority of one" status stemmed from clashes over and socialism's primacy, culminating in his 1979 resignation. His post-SDLP evolution toward unionist sympathies, evident in House of Lords speeches decrying IRA tactics, drew accusations of from former allies, though empirical patterns of IRA bombings—over 1,800 civilian deaths by 1990—substantiate his causal emphasis on violence's self-defeating nature over ideological drift. Such critiques overlook how Fitt's unyielding opposition, including death threats from both loyalists and republicans, underscored the tribal barriers to moderation. Fitt's impact endures in demonstrating constitutionalism's viability against paramilitary alternatives, indirectly informing the Agreement's emphasis on democratic consent; SDLP's early successes preserved space for negotiation until IRA necessities forced the 1994 ceasefire, vindicating his warnings that republican violence would alienate support and prolong partition. Yet data on SDLP's electoral erosion—from 24% in 1979 Westminster elections to 9% by 2001—reveals moderation's fragility in polarized contexts, where Sinn Féin's rise capitalized on and post-ceasefire despite 's tactical failures. A truth-seeking lens prioritizes this evidence: Fitt's realism exposed nationalism's violent path as causally counterproductive, prioritizing empirical containment of over unified ideological fronts.

References

  1. [1]
    Fitt, Gerard ('Gerry') | Dictionary of Irish Biography
    Fitt, Gerard ('Gerry') (1926–2005), politician, was born Gerald Martin on 9 April 1926 in the infirmary of Belfast workhouse.Missing: facts | Show results with:facts
  2. [2]
    Lord Fitt of Bell's Hill | Northern Ireland - The Guardian
    Aug 27, 2005 · In 1979, after bitter rows with Hume over the involvement of Dublin in fresh constitutional talks, Fitt resigned the SDLP leadership. He lost ...Missing: career | Show results with:career<|separator|>
  3. [3]
    To Westminster And Back: The Life And Times Of Gerry Fitt | Magill
    Gerry Fitt abandoned his own party. He had been campaigning for a republican Labour councillor from Belfast who wanted a run at a seat -- any seat - and Gerry ...
  4. [4]
    Lord Fitt - The Telegraph
    Aug 27, 2005 · Gerard Fitt, the third of six children, was born on April 9 1926 into a Catholic labourer's family in north-west Belfast. His father died when ...Missing: upbringing poverty
  5. [5]
    Gerard Fitt | Politics - The Guardian
    Aug 26, 2005 · First leader of the Social Democratic and Labour party and leading light in the 1960s civil rights movement in Northern Ireland.
  6. [6]
    Northern Ireland | Obituary: Gerry Fitt - BBC NEWS | UK
    Aug 26, 2005 · A lifelong activist for peaceful change in Northern Ireland, Gerry Fitt - who has died aged 79 - was in his heyday the dominant voice of nationalism.Missing: facts | Show results with:facts
  7. [7]
    How Northern Ireland broke down in 1968-69 | Workers' Liberty
    Oct 3, 2007 · More Catholics were unemployed than Protestants: run-down areas where unemployment never dropped below the Great Depression level, even during ...Missing: rates | Show results with:rates
  8. [8]
    Gerry Fitt and the evolution of nationalist politics in Northern Ireland ...
    As Rumpf and Hepburn suggest, labour politics in Catholic Belfast since 1945 ... The 1960s saw an influx of new organisations vying for Catholic sup-.
  9. [9]
    Northern Ireland Nationalists campaign for equality, 1967–1972
    On February 1, 1967, a group of middle class Catholics founded the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA). ... Gerry Fitt. Fitt was a MP from ...
  10. [10]
    Civil Rights - A Chronology of Main Events, 1964-1972
    Mar 9, 2025 · A delegation from the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) met with members of the Derry Housing Action Committee (DHAC) to discuss ...
  11. [11]
    Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association
    Mar 9, 2025 · The Campaign for Democracy in Ulster had prepared the groundwork for concern about civil rights in Northern Ireland and the cut on Gerry Fitt's ...Missing: 1967-1969 | Show results with:1967-1969
  12. [12]
    BBC ON THIS DAY | 5 | 1968: Londonderry march ends in violence
    At least 30 people, including MP Gerard Fitt and some children, have been injured. Reports say police tried to disperse the protesters by using their batons ...
  13. [13]
    RTÉ Archives | War and Conflict | Derry Civil Rights Demonstration
    Led by Gerry Fitt and Eddie McAteer, they proceed along the prohibited route. McAteer, Currie and others get through the police cordon. In Duke Street, ...
  14. [14]
    News report on the NICRA march in Derry (1968) - Alpha History
    “Police have used batons and water cannon to break up a civil rights march in Londonderry, Northern Ireland. At least 30 people, including MP Gerard Fitt ...Missing: involvement | Show results with:involvement
  15. [15]
    CAIN: Derry March - Events - Ulster University
    Mar 9, 2025 · The march in Derry on 5 October 1968 was notionally organised by an ad hoc committee comprising representatives of the Derry Labour Party, the Derry Labour ...
  16. [16]
    The Derry Civil Rights March [5 October 1968]
    It was headed off from Simpson's Brae by a cordon, but moved into Duke Street, which also leads to the bridge. ... Gerry Fitt, MP for West Belfast. Gerry ...
  17. [17]
    West Belfast 1950-1970 - ARK
    Aug 30, 2025 · Along with his fellow Belfast councillor Harry Diamond, Fitt was a founding member of the Republican Labour Party. Fitt had unsuccessfully ...
  18. [18]
    NORTHERN IRELAND (Hansard, 22 April 1969) - API Parliament UK
    We cannot immediately remedy the manifest discrimination against Catholics in the legal profession, in the top Civil Service or against Catholic and Labour ...Missing: Gerry | Show results with:Gerry
  19. [19]
    Parliamentary Activism? Northern Irish Civil Rights and the ...
    Abstract. This article seeks both to reassess the dynamics of the Northern Irish civil rights movement during the mid to late 1960s, as well as to suggest a ...Missing: critiques | Show results with:critiques
  20. [20]
    Gerry Fitt (Northern Irish Politician) - On This Day
    Born in Belfast, he initially worked as a merchant seaman before becoming involved in politics. Fitt was first elected to the Parliament of Northern Ireland in ...Missing: facts | Show results with:facts
  21. [21]
    John Hume's SDLP, the unsung hero of the peace process, turns 50
    Aug 21, 2020 · The Social Democratic & Labour Party (SDLP) was founded on 21 August 1970, as Northern Ireland descended into chaos. The month before, the ...<|separator|>
  22. [22]
    About SDLP - Social Democratic and Labour Party
    The Social Democratic and Labour Party was founded in 1970 as an anti-sectarian political movement with the aim of reconciling the people of the island.
  23. [23]
    Social Democratic and Labour Party - BBC Politics 97
    The SDLP, the main Nationalist party in Northern Ireland, competes for Catholic votes with Sinn Fein. Founded in 1970 by members of the old Nationalist Party ...
  24. [24]
    'Bloody Sunday', 30 January 1972 - A Chronology of Events
    [The Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) withdrew from Stormont on 16 July 1971 because no inquiry was announced into the killings.] Monday 9 August ...
  25. [25]
    The Sunningdale agreement - Alpha History
    The Sunningdale agreement, signed in December 1973, was Northern Ireland's first attempt to implement a power-sharing executive government.
  26. [26]
    Northern Ireland Assembly Elections 1973 - ARK
    The old Stormont House of Commons and Senate were prorogued in March 1972. A referendum on the future status of Northern Ireland was held on 8 March 1973, which ...
  27. [27]
    Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) - Britannica
    Oct 13, 2025 · The SDLP was formed in August 1970. Its cumbersome title is an indication of the hybrid nature of the party, whose founders included members of ...
  28. [28]
    Gerry Fitt and the SDLP: 'In a minority of one' - Manchester Hive
    The. Dublin Government noted that, with the notable exception of Gerry. Fitt, there seemed to be no-one within the SDLP committed to having the British remain ...
  29. [29]
    Gerry Fitt and the SDLP: 'In a minority of one' - Manchester Hive
    His death was reported with sadness throughout Britain and Ireland and his contribution to. Northern Ireland politics and bravery in the face of Provisional IRA.<|control11|><|separator|>
  30. [30]
    Rivals unite in tribute to Lord Fitt | Northern Irish politics | The Guardian
    His departure followed a period of growing disillusionment with the party which he accused of becoming "green", moving away from the socialism which was Fitt's ...
  31. [31]
    SDLP founder and foe of sectarianism - The Irish Times
    Aug 27, 2005 · Obituary: Gerry Fitt, the founder leader of the SDLP who in 1984 ... Fitt resigned from the party in late 1979 when the SDLP voted to ...
  32. [32]
    Westminster - Belfast West First Preference Votes - ElectionsIreland.org
    Candidate · Party · 1st Pref · Share · Status · Seat · Gerry Adams · Sinn Féin Lozenge, 16,379, 36.92%, Elected, 1, ♂ ...
  33. [33]
    West Belfast - Election results, 1983-1992 - ARK
    The Member of Parliament elected in 1983 was Gerry Adams (Sinn F in), defeating the incumbent independent Socialist; he was re-elected in 1987 but lost to Joe ...
  34. [34]
    Arsonists Sunday burned the Belfast home of Gerry Fitt,... - UPI
    Jul 3, 1983 · Republican sources in West Belfast said the IRA denied any involvement in the burning of Fitt's home, an 18th century terrace house officially ...Missing: firebombing | Show results with:firebombing
  35. [35]
    July 5th, 1983 - The Irish Times
    Jul 5, 2011 · July 5th, 1983. A month after losing his Westminster seat in West Belfast to Gerry Adams, Gerry Fitt's house in Belfast was damaged by fire.Missing: firebombing | Show results with:firebombing
  36. [36]
    Biographies of People Prominent During 'the Troubles' - F
    At the 1962 Northern Ireland general election he was returned for the Dock constituency in the Stormont parliament (1962-72) as a member of the Republican ...Missing: re- | Show results with:re-
  37. [37]
    Hume accused of destroying cross-border talks | The Independent
    Apr 28, 1993 · Lord Fitt, a founder of the Social Democratic and Labour Party, yesterday accused its leader John Hume of destroying cross-party talks on ...Missing: criticism | Show results with:criticism
  38. [38]
    Gerry Fitt - The Irish Times
    Aug 27, 2005 · Gerry Fitt emerged on to this landscape in 1958 as a Belfast city councillor, a committed socialist championing the cause of industrial labour.
  39. [39]
    Gerry Fitt | Irish Independent
    Aug 27, 2005 · He was fiercely critical of the Provisional IRA, condemning it roundly for its terrorism, its campaign of murder and bombings, its growing ...
  40. [40]
    Lord Fitt dies | Politics - The Guardian
    Aug 27, 2005 · A committed socialist, Gerry Fitt was a pivotal figure in the Catholic civil rights movement, which challenged Unionist domination. He served as ...
  41. [41]
    The Provisional IRA killed more than 1,700 people during a 25-year ...
    Aug 14, 2019 · The organisation killed more than 1,700 people during a 25-year campaign that followed, before calling a ceasefire. "All sides inflicted pain ...Missing: attributed | Show results with:attributed
  42. [42]
    Gerry Fitt urged British to reject Hunger Striker demands days before ...
    Dec 3, 2018 · FORMER SDLP leader Gerry Fitt urged the British government to reject the demands made by the 1981 hunger strikers days before the death of Bobby ...
  43. [43]
    Flames and hate finally destroy Fortress Fitt - The Times
    Oct 10, 2010 · The most serious violence began in 1980 when Fitt condemned the IRA hunger strikes. The house was petrol-bombed, stoned and daubed with paint.
  44. [44]
    In praise of valiant Gerry Fitt - The Irish Times
    Aug 31, 2005 · Gerry Fitt was among the first to protest about nationalists being at the back of the bus and, had more people paid heed to him from the time ...Missing: reception | Show results with:reception
  45. [45]
    Sunday Life Comment: Fitting 'send off' for Gerry | BelfastTelegraph ...
    Gerry - later to become a Lord - faced down IRA and loyalist death threats to represent the people of Belfast. His proudest boast was that he was a 'man of ...
  46. [46]
    Gerry Fitt - An Phoblacht
    Sep 1, 2005 · Fitt was born in 1926 into a working-class family from the Beechmount area of Belfast, and attended the local Christian Brothers School. After a ...Missing: biography facts
  47. [47]
    From "Fenian Fitt" to "Fitt the Brit", the enigma of the SDLP founder ...
    Jul 7, 2024 · Gerry Fitt was the first leader of the SDLPHe strongly condemned republican violenceFrom working-class Belfast, he became a baron.Missing: career | Show results with:career
  48. [48]
    Political legacy of Gerry Fitt - The Irish Times
    Sep 5, 2005 · Along with many others, he fought politically to highlight the discrimination and sectarianism of the unionists who had held unbridled power in ...<|separator|>
  49. [49]
    Northern Ireland | First SDLP leader Lord Fitt dies - BBC NEWS | UK
    Aug 26, 2005 · Lord Fitt, 79, who suffered from a heart condition, had been in declining health for several months. He had lived in England for many years. ...Missing: retirement | Show results with:retirement
  50. [50]
    First leader of SDLP Gerry Fitt dies after long illness - The Irish Times
    Aug 26, 2005 · The first leader of the SDLP, Gerry Fitt, died today after a long illness. The 79-year-old peer, who served as MP for West Belfast for 17 years, had been cared ...
  51. [51]
    Gerry Fitt Dies - The Washington Post
    Aug 28, 2005 · Gerry Fitt, 79, a leader of Catholic nationalists in Northern Ireland and a fierce critic of the Irish Republican Army, died Aug. 26 in England ...
  52. [52]
    Westminster funeral for Lord Fitt - Northern Ireland - BBC News
    Aug 31, 2005 · Leading politicians have attended the funeral of former SDLP leader Lord Gerry Fitt. Lord Fitt, 79, who suffered from a heart condition ...
  53. [53]
    Rivals united in tributes to Gerry Fitt - Irish Examiner
    Aug 31, 2005 · Disillusioned with his own party, which he accused of becoming “green” - moving away from the socialism which was Fitt's guiding influence ...<|separator|>
  54. [54]
    Fitt: more loner than leader but a truly great politician
    Aug 28, 2005 · He was the one who, more than any other, broke the log-jam-of-a-convention that Westminster should not interfere in Northern Ireland affairs, ...Missing: lean | Show results with:lean
  55. [55]
    Gerry Fitt 1926-2005 - Slugger O'Toole
    Aug 26, 2005 · As Gerry Fitt MP, he was once Northern Ireland's only Roman Catholic MP in the House of Commons and he became the first leader of the SDLP in ...
  56. [56]
    Northern Ireland | Political tributes to Lord Fitt - BBC NEWS | UK
    Aug 26, 2005 · He had a deep-seated commitment to equality and basic fair play, that stemmed from his strong socialist beliefs. Above all he abhorred ...