Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly
The Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly (GBA) is the unicameral legislative body of Gilgit-Baltistan, an administrative territory of Pakistan located in the northern regions formerly part of the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, consisting of 33 members with 24 directly elected via first-past-the-post in single-member constituencies and 9 reserved seats allocated proportionally for women (6) and technocrats/professionals (3).[1][2] Established in its current form by the Gilgit-Baltistan Empowerment and Self-Governance Order of 2009, which superseded earlier advisory councils dating back to the 1970s, the assembly holds authority to legislate on matters devolved to it, such as local governance and development, subject to the overriding powers of Pakistan's federal government and Prime Minister.[2][3][4] Its powers remain circumscribed compared to Pakistan's provincial assemblies, lacking full fiscal autonomy—evident in recent impositions of direct taxes without equivalent representation in national bodies—and constitutional parity, fueling ongoing demands for provincial status amid disputes over the territory's legal status under international claims by India.[5] The assembly convenes in Gilgit, holds sessions to pass bills and budgets, and has enacted laws on education, health, and disaster management, though federal assent is required for many measures, reflecting the territory's semi-autonomous but federally subordinate structure.[6][4] Elections occur every five years, with the fourth assembly elected in 2020 comprising diverse political parties, underscoring the body's role in local representation despite structural limitations.[6]Overview
Composition and Electoral Framework
The Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly is a unicameral legislature consisting of 33 seats.[1] These include 24 general seats filled through direct elections, 6 seats reserved for women, and 3 seats reserved for technocrats and professionals, which are nominated by the government following the election of general members.[1] The reserved seats for women are allocated proportionally among political parties based on their performance in the general elections, while the technocrat seats are selected to represent professional expertise.[1] The assembly's term is five years, after which elections must be held for the general seats unless dissolved earlier by the governor on the advice of the prime minister of Pakistan.[7] Voter eligibility for general seats requires Pakistani citizenship, residency in Gilgit-Baltistan, and attainment of 18 years of age, with registration managed through electoral rolls prepared by the Election Commission of Gilgit-Baltistan (ECGB).[8] The 24 general constituencies are single-member districts apportioned across Gilgit-Baltistan's ten districts, including Gilgit, Skardu, Diamer, Ghizer, Hunza, Nagar, Ghanche, Astore, Shigar, and Kharmang, based on population data from the preceding census to ensure proportional representation.[9] The ECGB oversees delimitation, candidate nominations, polling, and result tabulation, operating under the Gilgit-Baltistan Election Rules to maintain electoral integrity.[8] In advance of the 2025 general elections, as the current assembly's term approaches expiration on November 24, 2025, the ECGB has enforced a code of conduct prohibiting new government appointments, civil servant transfers, and initiation of development schemes to curb potential misuse of public resources for electoral advantage.[10][11] This measure, announced on October 21, 2025, also freezes financial powers of the regional government, allowing only routine expenditures on ongoing projects.[10][12]Powers and Limitations
The Gilgit-Baltistan Legislative Assembly holds legislative authority to enact laws on devolved subjects outlined in the Gilgit-Baltistan Order 2018, such as education, health services, local governance, tourism, minerals, and infrastructure projects within the territory.[13] These powers enable the Assembly to address regional needs, but every bill requires formal assent from the Governor of Gilgit-Baltistan, a position appointed by the President of Pakistan on the advice of the federal prime minister, introducing a layer of central executive oversight that can delay or block enactment. In practice, this assent process ensures alignment with federal priorities, as the Governor's discretion cannot be overridden by the Assembly itself.[14] Federal supremacy further constrains the Assembly's effective autonomy, with Pakistan's Constitution and federal laws prevailing over any conflicting regional legislation, particularly on concurrent matters like criminal law or economic planning.[5] The Assembly lacks jurisdiction over core federal domains, including defense, foreign affairs, national security, and currency, which remain exclusively under Islamabad's control, reflecting Gilgit-Baltistan's ambiguous constitutional status outside full provincial integration.[15] The Gilgit-Baltistan Council, a federal body comprising Pakistani officials and regional representatives, retains residual veto-like influence on strategic issues such as major resource exploitation and security-related policies, even after the 2018 Order devolved some prior Council functions to the Assembly.[13][16] Budgetary authority is similarly limited, as the Assembly approves an annual budget overwhelmingly reliant on federal grants-in-aid, which constituted over 90% of expenditures in fiscal year 2022-2023, curtailing independent fiscal policy.[5] While the Order permits legislation on taxation for devolved subjects, the region historically lacked robust own-source revenue mechanisms, with attempts to impose sales taxes and property levies in 2023 sparking widespread protests and partial rollbacks, underscoring causal dependencies on federal funding and the practical barriers to taxation autonomy.[13] Empirical evidence of these constraints includes the Assembly's passage of 22 bills in its first two years post-2009 reforms (many on local matters like wildlife protection and money-lending), contrasted with ongoing federal interventions that have overruled or amended at least a handful of initiatives on resource and administrative grounds since 2018, though comprehensive veto statistics remain opaque due to limited public disclosure.[17][18] This structure perpetuates a dynamic where local legislative output is viable only within federal tolerances, limiting causal self-determination.Historical Development
Pre-Independence and Early Administration
Prior to 1947, the territories comprising present-day Gilgit-Baltistan formed part of the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir under Dogra rule, following the Dogra conquest of Gilgit in 1842 after conflicts with local rulers and the Sikh Empire.[19] The British East India Company, seeking to counter Russian influence in Central Asia, established the Gilgit Agency in 1889 as a forward defense outpost, administering the region through appointed political agents who operated under a lease arrangement with the Dogra Maharaja, initially nominal and later formalized.[20] Governance emphasized military control and tribal alliances, with local mirs (hereditary rulers) and notables consulted on administrative matters via informal councils, but authority rested with the political agent, who enforced British paramountcy through Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR) extended to Gilgit in 1901, relying on jirgas (tribal assemblies) for dispute resolution rather than codified laws or elected bodies.[21] No legislative assembly existed; decisions on taxation, land, and justice were ad hoc, often favoring strategic imperatives over representative input. The shift to Pakistani administration began with the Gilgit Rebellion on November 1, 1947, when the Muslim-majority Gilgit Scouts paramilitary force, under British officer Major William Brown, mutinied against Dogra Governor Ghansara Singh amid reports of the Maharaja's accession to India, capturing key installations and declaring provisional independence before aligning with Pakistan due to ethnic and religious affinities with the new dominion.[22] [20] Surrounding principalities like Hunza, Nagar, and Chilas followed suit, with formal accession instruments signed on November 18, 1947, integrating the region into Pakistan despite the Maharaja's suzerainty claim.[20] Pakistan responded by dispatching political agent Muhammad Alam to Gilgit, establishing direct federal oversight under the Ministry of Kashmir Affairs and Frontier Regions, while extending FCR to Baltistan in 1947 to maintain tribal governance structures.[23] [15] Early post-accession administration centralized power with two political agents—one for Gilgit and one for Baltistan—empowered under FCR to impose fines, blockades, or collective tribal punishments without due process, supplemented by advisory input from local leaders but lacking institutional representation.[15] [23] This system prioritized security and integration into Pakistan's frontier policy, treating the area as a de facto tribal agency akin to the Federally Administered Tribal Areas, with no elected assembly or legislative framework; policy implementation occurred through executive fiat and jirga-mediated customary law until the formation of the Northern Areas Advisory Council in 1970.[3] [24]Post-1947 Reforms up to 2009
Following the accession of Gilgit-Baltistan to Pakistan in 1947, the region was administered directly by the federal government through the Ministry of Kashmir Affairs, with limited local input via unelected administrative structures.[3] In 1970, the Northern Areas Advisory Council (NAAC) was established on November 18 as the first formal consultative body, comprising 25 members including elected representatives, to advise on local matters amid the abolition of the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR) and jagirdari system, which had previously entrenched tribal and feudal governance.[25] [15] This council operated in an advisory capacity without legislative powers, reflecting Pakistan's cautious approach to devolution in the disputed territory to preserve claims over Kashmir.[26] The Northern Areas Council Legal Framework Order of July 3, 1975, succeeded the NAAC by expanding the body to a Northern Areas Council with enhanced advisory roles and partial elected representation, marking the initial shift toward hybrid governance while retaining federal oversight.[3] [26] Further reforms culminated in the Northern Areas Council Legal Framework Order of 1994, promulgated under Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, which transformed the council into the Northern Areas Legislative Council with 26 seats—19 elected, 5 nominated, and 2 ex-officio—introducing limited legislative functions on non-core issues like local taxation and development, though ultimate authority remained with the federal minister for Kashmir Affairs.[16] [23] This order abolished remnants of feudal privileges and established a rudimentary appellate court, yet the council's powers were circumscribed, excluding control over natural resources or foreign affairs, underscoring the incremental and constrained nature of devolution.[3] [27] The Gilgit-Baltistan (Empowerment and Self-Governance) Order of 2009, signed by President Asif Ali Zardari on September 8, represented the most significant reform prior to 2009 by renaming the region from Northern Areas to Gilgit-Baltistan, reconstituting the Legislative Council as a 33-seat Legislative Assembly (24 directly elected general seats, 6 reserved for women, and 3 for technocrats/professionals), and creating the position of Chief Minister with executive authority over provincial subjects akin to Pakistan's federating units.[28] [3] The order extended judicial independence via a Gilgit-Baltistan Supreme Appellate Court and High Court, while granting legislative competence in areas like education, health, and agriculture, but withheld full provincial status, fiscal autonomy, or representation in Pakistan's parliament, maintaining federal veto powers to align with the unresolved Kashmir dispute.[29] [30] These changes aimed at greater self-governance but were critiqued as administrative palliatives without addressing constitutional ambiguity.[31]Gilgit-Baltistan Order 2018 and Subsequent Changes
The Gilgit-Baltistan Order 2018, promulgated by the President of Pakistan on May 21, 2018, replaced the 2009 Empowerment and Self-Governance Order and introduced measures to devolve administrative and legislative powers to the Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly while maintaining substantial federal oversight.[32][33] The order renamed the Gilgit-Baltistan Legislative Assembly as the Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly, shifted legislative authority over 61 subjects—including education, health, and local governance—from the federal Gilgit-Baltistan Council to the assembly, and enabled the direct election of the Chief Minister by assembly members rather than appointment by the federal government.[34][35] However, it preserved extensive powers for the Prime Minister of Pakistan, including the authority to suspend the assembly, assent to or veto bills, and adopt or amend federal laws applicable to the region without local consent, ensuring federal dominance in security, foreign affairs, and strategic matters tied to the ongoing Kashmir territorial dispute.[32][5] On taxation, the order suspended most federal taxes previously levied on Gilgit-Baltistan residents and empowered the assembly to impose local levies such as sales tax, property tax, and excise duties, aiming to foster fiscal self-reliance.[13][36] Implementation faced resistance, including protests from local groups and nationalists who viewed the new taxes as burdensome without corresponding full autonomy or representation in Pakistan's National Assembly and Senate, leading to opt-out demands and uneven enforcement.[13] Despite these provisions, empirical data underscores persistent fiscal dependence: the 2024-25 budget totaled Rs140.17 billion, with a Rs140 billion deficit largely bridged by federal grants, comprising over 90% of revenue sources and highlighting limited revenue generation from local taxes amid economic constraints and federal control over major resources like hydropower and minerals.[37][38] Subsequent judicial and administrative adjustments reinforced the order's framework without granting provincial status. On August 8, 2018, Pakistan's Supreme Court restored the order after its temporary suspension by the Gilgit-Baltistan Supreme Appellate Court, mandating equal rights enforcement but upholding federal primacy.[39] Later developments, such as the 2022 Gilgit-Baltistan Revenue Authority Bill enacted under the order, expanded local tax administration but retained Prime Ministerial veto powers and federal adaptation of income tax laws, perpetuating strategic oversight to align with Pakistan's claims in the Kashmir conflict.[40][16] These tweaks have incrementally enhanced local budgeting for development—evident in assembly-approved allocations for infrastructure—but have not altered the core federal veto mechanisms, resulting in de jure autonomy claims unaccompanied by de facto independence from Islamabad's directives.[5][41]Electoral Process
Voting System and Constituencies
The elections to the Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly utilize a first-past-the-post system for the 24 general seats, under which the candidate receiving the plurality of votes in each single-member constituency wins representation.[42] These constituencies, numbered GBLA-1 to GBLA-24, are delimited across the region's 14 districts in Gilgit, Baltistan, and Diamer divisions, with boundaries adjusted periodically by the Election Commission of Gilgit-Baltistan (ECGB) to reflect population changes.[8] Voter rolls are prepared and maintained by the ECGB through a computerized electoral rolls system (CERS), which facilitates door-to-door verification and registration updates to ensure accuracy ahead of polls.[43] Eligible voters must be Pakistani citizens aged 18 or older residing in the constituency, with the ECGB responsible for displaying preliminary rolls for objections and conducting revisions.[44] Candidates for general seats must be at least 25 years of age, hold Pakistani citizenship, and meet residency requirements in the constituency, aligning with standards for legislative eligibility in Pakistan-administered territories. The six seats reserved for women and three for technocrats or professionals are not directly elected but allocated proportionally to political parties or coalitions based on their share of general seats, with nominations submitted post-election for ECGB approval.[45] Historical voter turnout has typically ranged from 40% to 55%, reflecting moderate participation influenced by geographic challenges and logistical factors in the mountainous region.[46] In advance of the 2025 elections, following the assembly's dissolution on November 24, 2025, the ECGB enacted measures on October 21, 2025, prohibiting new government appointments, employee transfers, and initiation or diversion of development schemes to prevent administrative manipulation and ensure electoral integrity.[10][11] These restrictions freeze financial powers and mandate restoration of diverted funds, addressing observed patterns of pre-poll resource allocation.[47]2009 Election
The first elections to the Gilgit-Baltistan Legislative Assembly were conducted on November 12, 2009, following the enactment of the Gilgit-Baltistan (Empowerment and Self-Governance) Order 2009, signed by President Asif Ali Zardari on September 7, 2009, which established the assembly with 33 seats: 24 directly elected general seats via first-past-the-post in single-member constituencies, 6 reserved for women allocated proportionally by party lists, and 3 for technocrats and professionals elected by the assembly.[48] These polls represented a transition from appointed councils to partially elected governance, though the assembly's powers remained limited by federal oversight under the order.[48] The Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) secured the largest share of the 23 contested general seats (with one constituency postponed due to a candidate's death), winning 12, while independents took 4, the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) 2, and smaller parties including PML-Q, MQM, and JUI-F one each; high voter turnout was reported amid generally peaceful polling, though marred by isolated violence such as the killing of a polling agent in Diamer district and results withheld in one constituency pending re-polling at select stations due to transparency concerns.[49] Opposition parties, including MQM and PML-Q, alleged rigging and result manipulation favoring the ruling PPP, claims echoed in post-election protests, though the Election Commission of Gilgit-Baltistan notified official results on November 15, 2009, enabling assembly formation.[50][51] Incorporating reserved seats and independent support, the PPP-led coalition achieved a working majority of 16 seats in the 33-member assembly, with PML-N holding 6; this outcome allowed PPP's Mehdi Shah to become the first elected Chief Minister on November 30, 2009, marking an initial phase of stabilized elected rule despite persistent federal constraints and local demands for fuller autonomy.[49]2015 Election
The 2015 Gilgit-Baltistan Legislative Assembly election was held on June 8, 2015, across 24 general constituencies to elect members to the second assembly.[52] The Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) emerged as the single largest party, securing 14 seats, followed by Majlis-e-Wahdat-e-Muslimeen (MWM) with 2 seats, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) with 1, Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) with 1, Islami Tehreek Pakistan (IT) with 1, and 3 independents.[52][53] With support from independents joining its ranks and proportional allocation of the 9 reserved seats (6 for women and 3 for technocrats), PML-N achieved a working majority of approximately 21 seats in the 33-member assembly.[54] The election followed a caretaker administration installed after the dissolution of the previous PPP-led government under Syed Mehdi Shah, which had governed since the 2009 polls.[55] Voter participation was orderly and peaceful, with the Free and Fair Election Network (FAFEN) observing high turnout in many areas amid procedural irregularities but no major disruptions.[56] Campaigns emphasized local priorities such as infrastructure development, including roads and power supply in remote districts, reflecting ongoing regional challenges like geographic isolation and limited federal funding.[57] PML-N's Hafiz Hafeezur Rehman was elected unopposed as chief minister on June 26, 2015, and sworn in, marking continuity in PML-N's influence from national politics while consolidating local stability through coalition-building. This outcome represented a shift from the 2009 PPP dominance, underscoring PML-N's strengthened organizational presence and vote consolidation in key districts like Gilgit and Skardu.[53]2020 Election
The 2020 Gilgit-Baltistan Legislative Assembly election was held on November 15, 2020, to elect members for 33 general constituencies. Polling occurred across 1,160 stations for approximately 745,000 registered voters, with an overall turnout of around 42-45%.[58][59] The election followed the Gilgit-Baltistan Order of 2018, which maintained the first-past-the-post system without proportional representation. Official results announced by the Election Commission of Gilgit-Baltistan showed Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) securing 21 general seats, followed by Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) with 7, Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (Fazl) (JUI-F) with 3, and independents with 2.[58] PTI later gained additional support through reserved seats and alliances, reaching a majority of 22 seats in the 33-member general assembly.[58] This outcome marked PTI's first outright lead in the region's assembly elections, displacing the previous PPP-led coalition. On December 1, 2020, the assembly elected PTI's Khalid Khurshid Khan as chief minister with 22 votes, defeating PPP candidate Haji Muhammad Ismail with 13; the government relied on PTI's core seats supplemented by independents and smaller allies like the Balawaristan National Front.[60] The administration faced immediate fragility due to narrow margins and opposition boycotts during the CM vote, amid ongoing protests by PPP and JUI-F alleging pre-poll rigging and undue federal influence.[60] Election observers from the Free and Fair Election Network (FAFEN) described the process as largely orderly and peaceful, noting low incidences of violence but documenting an average of three procedural irregularities per polling station, such as unauthorized canvassing and issues with voter lists.[61][62] Opposition parties raised fraud allegations, including vote tampering and military interference, though FAFEN's preliminary report found no evidence of widespread manipulation sufficient to alter outcomes, attributing most issues to administrative lapses rather than systemic bias.[61][63]Post-2020 Developments and 2025 Election Preparations
The third Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly, elected in 2020, has held multiple sessions to address legislative matters, including budget approvals and policy debates. The 40th session was convened on September 8, 2025, at 3:00 PM in Jutial, Gilgit, focusing on ongoing governance issues amid the approaching term end.[64][65] Earlier in 2025, a budget session occurred on June 26, 2025, where debates centered on the 2024-25 fiscal allocations, highlighting fiscal constraints and development priorities in the region.[64][66] The assembly's five-year term expires on November 24, 2025, triggering dissolution procedures under the Gilgit-Baltistan Order 2018, with elections required within 60 days thereafter to maintain continuity.[67] The Election Commission of Gilgit-Baltistan (ECGB) initiated preparatory measures, including voter verification via SMS to 8301 for eligibility checks and timelines for local council delimitation to update constituency boundaries.[67][68] On October 21, 2025, the ECGB froze the regional government's financial and administrative powers, prohibiting new appointments, transfers, and development schemes to curb potential pre-poll manipulation, such as diversion of funds to politically motivated projects.[10][11] This action prompted unified opposition from the government and opposition parties seeking a review, arguing it hampers routine administration, while ECGB Chief Election Commissioner Raja Khalik Humayun defended it as essential for electoral integrity.[69] Preparations continue amid concerns over governance resets, with analysts viewing the polls as a chance to address accumulated administrative lapses.[70]Leadership and Key Positions
Speakers
The Speaker of the Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly is elected by the members from among themselves during the first session following general elections or upon a vacancy, and presides over proceedings while upholding procedural neutrality.[4] The role entails maintaining order, ruling on points of order, summoning sessions upon requisition by at least one-quarter of members, and certifying bills as enacted before transmission to the Governor for assent.[4] Mir Wazir Baig, affiliated with the Pakistan Peoples Party, served as the inaugural Speaker from December 2009 until the 2015 elections, overseeing the assembly's initial term amid its transition to legislative functions under the 2009 Empowerment Order. Haji Fida Muhammad Nashad, representing Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz), held the position from June 2015 to November 2020, administering oaths to incoming members post-2020 polls while navigating governance amid regional autonomy debates.[71] Following the 2020 elections, Amjad Hussain Zaidi of Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf was elected Speaker in November 2020 but faced a no-confidence motion from within his party, leading to his removal on June 7, 2023.[72][73] Nazir Ahmed Advocate, also of PTI and representing Ghizer-II, succeeded him unopposed on the same day, taking oath immediately and continuing to chair sessions as of 2025.[73][74]Chief Ministers
The first Chief Minister, Syed Mehdi Shah of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), served from 11 December 2009 to 11 December 2014, following the empowerment reforms that established the position.[55] His tenure coincided with initial infrastructure initiatives, including the inauguration of new districts and efforts to combat public sector corruption, which he identified as a barrier to economic progress.[75] [76] However, his administration faced criticism for failing to curb rising sectarian violence despite his Shia background, highlighting challenges in maintaining stability amid ethnic and religious divides.[77] Shah's government relied on PPP's federal dominance for legislative support, underscoring how regional executives in Gilgit-Baltistan often depend on Islamabad's backing to navigate fragile assembly majorities. After a brief caretaker period under Sher Jehan Mir, Hafiz Hafeez ur Rehman of the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) assumed office on 26 June 2015, holding it until 30 November 2020.[78] Rehman's term emphasized infrastructure and social sector advancements, including upgrades to hospitals, schools, roads, water supply systems, and tourism facilities, alongside integration with China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) projects.[79] These efforts aligned with PML-N's national focus on mega-developments, such as enhanced connectivity, though critics later accused his post-tenure opposition role of prioritizing political maneuvering over substantive governance.[80] Like predecessors, Rehman's stability was tied to federal PML-N influence, which provided fiscal and political leverage amid coalition dependencies that frequently led to short-lived governments.| No. | Name | Party | Tenure Start | Tenure End |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Syed Mehdi Shah | PPP | 11 December 2009 | 11 December 2014 |
| 2 | Hafiz Hafeez ur Rehman | PML-N | 26 June 2015 | 30 November 2020 |
| 3 | Muhammad Khalid Khurshid Khan | PTI | 1 December 2020 | 4 July 2023 |
| 4 | Haji Gulbar Khan | PTI (forward block) | 13 July 2023 | Incumbent |
Leaders of the Opposition
In the Gilgit-Baltistan Assembly, the Leader of the Opposition heads the largest non-ruling parliamentary group and plays a key role in legislative oversight, including leading question hours to scrutinize executive actions, proposing no-confidence motions against the chief minister, and influencing committee assignments for accountability.[4] This position facilitates checks on the government, particularly in a unicameral body with limited powers under Pakistan's federal oversight. Following the 2020 elections, in which Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) won 22 of the 33 seats (24 general, 6 reserved for women, and 3 for technocrats), the opposition—primarily Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) with 3 general seats, alongside independents and smaller parties like Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (Fazl) (JUI-F)—collectively held 11 seats, enabling coordinated challenges to ruling policies on taxation and autonomy.[58] Amjad Hussain Azar, a PPP member from GBA-1 (Gilgit-I), assumed the role on November 30, 2020, focusing strategies on alliances with JUI-F and other groups to amplify dissent during sessions on economic grievances and constitutional status.[89] He resigned from the assembly on July 11, 2023, ahead of a chief minister election, citing internal party dynamics.[89] Muhammad Kazim Maisam of Majlis Wahdat-e-Muslimeen (MWM), representing GBA-8 (Skardu-II) since November 25, 2020, was elected Leader of the Opposition on July 19, 2023, maintaining opposition tactics such as unified critiques of government appointments and resource policies in assembly debates.[90]| Term | Leader | Party |
|---|---|---|
| 2009–2015 | Bashir Ahmad | PPP |
| 2015–2017 | Shah Baig | Independent/PPP coalition |
| 2017–2020 | Capt. (R) Muhammad Shafi | PML-N |
| 2020–2023 | Amjad Hussain Azar | PPP |
| 2023–present | Muhammad Kazim Maisam | MWM |