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Islah

Islah (Arabic: إصلاح, ʾIṣlāḥ), derived from the root ṣ-l-ḥ meaning "to make good" or "to reform," denotes the process of rectification, improvement, and renewal in Islamic doctrine, aimed at restoring alignment with divine principles amid deviations or stagnation.^[1]^[2] In the Quran, the term appears multiple times, often contrasted with fasād (corruption), as in Surah al-A'raf 7:56, which commands believers not to spread corruption in the land after it has been reformed, underscoring a mandate for moral, social, and environmental order through proactive correction.^[3]^[1] This imperative extends to Islamic thought as a recurring mechanism for tajdīd (renewal), where scholars periodically address interpretive accretions or external influences to revive foundational texts, methodologies, and practices without altering core tenets.^[1]^[4] In jurisprudence (uṣūl al-fiqh), islah informs principles like istislāh (public interest consideration), particularly in the Maliki school, enabling derivation of rulings to preserve societal welfare when explicit scriptural evidence is absent, such as in policy adaptations for emerging challenges like environmental protection.^[5] Historically, islah has driven movements correcting rigid taqlīd (imitation) or bidʿah (innovations), with figures like Ibn Taymiyyah exemplifying efforts to purge accretions through direct recourse to primary sources, though applications vary between gradualist scholarly renewal and activist societal overhaul, sometimes sparking debates over scope and authority.^[1]^[4] Its emphasis on causal efficacy—linking reform to tangible outcomes like social harmony and justice—distinguishes it from mere revivalism, prioritizing empirical alignment with prophetic precedent over uncritical tradition.^[4]

Definition and Core Concepts

Etymology and Linguistic Roots

The term Islah (إِصْلَاح), an Arabic verbal noun (maṣdar), derives from the triliteral root ṣ-l-ḥ (ص-ل-ح), which conveys core meanings of rendering something sound, intact, good, or proper, often through rectification or restoration to a state of wholesomeness. This root underlies related forms such as the verb aṣlaḥa (أَصْلَحَ), meaning "he reformed" or "he made right," and ṣulḥ (صُلْح), denoting reconciliation or peace treaty, highlighting a semantic cluster linking moral, social, and material improvement. In classical Arabic lexicography, including Edward William Lane's compilation drawing from medieval sources like Lisān al-ʿArab, the root ṣ-l-ḥ emphasizes emendation from defect or corruption (fasād), extending to concepts of equity, salvation, and prosperity, as in making affairs "goodly" or "felicitous." Pre-Islamic usage already associated it with settling disputes and improving conditions, a connotation preserved and amplified in Islamic texts where islah implies corrective action aligned with divine order. The term's morphological structure—Form IV intensive of the base verb ṣalaḥa (صَلَحَ, "it was good or right")—intensifies the act of active betterment, distinguishing it from passive states of goodness.

Theological Definition in Islam

In Islamic theology, Islah (إصلاح), derived from the triliteral root ṣ-l-ḥ signifying soundness, wholesomeness, and reconciliation, denotes the divinely mandated process of rectification and improvement to restore moral, social, and religious affairs to their optimal, Sharia-compliant state following corruption (fasad). This concept frames human stewardship as khalifah (vicegerents) on earth, tasked with upholding order and goodness as per God's design, evident in Quranic directives such as 7:56, which prohibits corruption after the earth's initial reformation and links mercy to those who enact good. Theologically, Islah is not mere innovation but a corrective imperative rooted in tawhid (divine unity), countering deviations like hypocrisy or bid'ah (unwarranted innovations) by realigning practices with the Quran and Sunnah's pristine intent.^[1] Central to Islah is its application across individual piety (e.g., self-reform through taqwa and ethical conduct), communal harmony (e.g., reconciling disputes as in Quran 4:128, where Islah between spouses is urged), and societal governance, all oriented toward eliminating strife and fostering public welfare (maslaha). Unlike secular reform, theological Islah prioritizes causal fidelity to revelation over utilitarian adaptation, viewing failure to pursue it as enabling decline, as critiqued in verses decrying false claimants to reform (e.g., 2:11, where hypocrites masquerade as muslihun while sowing discord). Classical theologians like Ibn Taymiyyah interpreted it as reviving the prophetic methodology to purge accretions, emphasizing empirical alignment with foundational texts over taqlid-bound stagnation.^[4] The doctrine integrates Islah with broader obligations like amr bil ma'ruf wa nahi anil munkar (enjoining good, forbidding wrong), rendering it a fard kifayah (collective duty) that sustains ummah vitality.^[6] Quranic occurrences—appearing seven times, often juxtaposed with fasad—underscore its teleological role in divine economy: promoting peace (sulh), rectifying imbalances, and averting existential threats to faith communities. This theological framework posits Islah as perpetual, contingent on ijtihad informed by unchanging usul (principles), ensuring resilience against historical corruptions without compromising doctrinal integrity.^[1]

Scriptural and Foundational Basis

Quranic Injunctions on Reform

The Quran mandates islah (reform or reconciliation) as a core obligation in interpersonal and communal disputes among believers. In Surah Al-Hujurat (49:9-10), it instructs: "And if two factions among the believers should fight, then make settlement (islah) between the two. But if one of them oppresses the other, then fight against the one that oppresses until it [meets] the ordinance of Allah. And if it returns [to obedience], then make settlement between them in justice and act justly. Indeed, Allah loves those who act justly." This establishes a prescriptive framework for resolving intra-Muslim conflicts, prioritizing equitable mediation over prolonged strife, with force permissible only against aggression until reform is achieved. Similarly, in marital relations, Surah An-Nisa (4:128) permits mutual settlement (islah) to avert harm: "And if a woman fears from her husband contempt or evasion, there is no sin upon them if they make terms of settlement between them—and settlement is best." Such injunctions underscore islah as a preferred mechanism for restoring harmony, rooted in justice rather than retribution. Prophetic missions exemplify islah as a divine imperative for societal correction. Surah Hud (11:87) records Prophet Shu'ayb's address to the people of Madyan: "I do not intend to oppose you in what I forbid you from. I only intend reform (islah) as much as I am able. And my success is not but through Allah." This verse frames prophetic da'wah (invitation to faith) as an effort to rectify moral and economic corruption, such as dishonest trade practices, aligning individual and collective conduct with divine order. The Quran positions such reformative calls as continuous with believers' duties, implying emulation of prophets in pursuing ethical improvement without overreach.^[7] Broader injunctions prohibit fasad (corruption) following divine islah, enjoining preservation of established order. Surah Al-A'raf (7:56) commands: "And cause not corruption upon the earth after its reformation (islah). And invoke Him in fear and aspiration. Indeed, the mercy of Allah is near to the doers of good." Here, islah denotes God's initial creation and moral ordering of the world, with humans obligated to sustain it through righteous action, avoiding disruption via transgression. This principle extends to private counsels, as Surah An-Nisa (4:114) deems beneficial only those promoting islah, justice, or charity, thereby directing communal discourse toward constructive reform. These verses collectively frame islah not as optional innovation but as an enduring command to align human affairs with tawhid (divine unity) and ethical equilibrium.

Hadith and Prophetic Exemplars

The Prophet Muhammad emphasized reconciliation (islah) between disputing parties as a paramount virtue, equating it to superior acts of worship. In a narration recorded in Sunan Abi Dawud, he stated, "Shall I not inform you of something better than your fasting, prayer, and charity? Reconciling between people," highlighting its precedence in reforming social rifts. This principle underscores islah as a proactive effort to mend interpersonal and communal fractures, rooted in the Prophet's own interventions, such as arbitrating quarrels among companions to preserve unity. Authentic hadith further permit measured flexibility in speech to facilitate islah. Umm Kulthum bint Uqbah reported the Prophet saying, "He who reconciles between people and says something good for the purpose of reconciliation is not a liar," as transmitted in Sahih Muslim, allowing benign additions to narratives that avert discord without fabricating falsehoods.^[8] This exemption reflects a pragmatic approach to reform, prioritizing communal harmony over rigid literalism, as the Prophet exemplified by diffusing tensions through diplomatic counsel rather than confrontation.^[8] Prophetic exemplars of islah extended to societal transformation, beginning with the eradication of pre-Islamic vices upon his mission's inception in 610 CE. He abolished female infanticide, a pervasive practice among Arabs, by decreeing its prohibition and promoting female dignity, as evidenced in his addresses and the resultant shift where daughters became sources of honor rather than shame. In Medina from 622 CE, he instituted the Constitution of Medina, a charter forging a multi-tribal polity that curbed feuds through mutual defense pacts and equitable justice, reforming anarchic tribalism into a cohesive ummah. Further exemplars include the Prophet's amnesty during the 630 CE conquest of Mecca, where he declared general forgiveness despite prior persecutions, stating, "Go, for you are free," thereby dismantling cycles of vengeance and fostering reconciliation across former adversaries. He also reformed economic inequities by banning usury (riba) and promoting charitable redistribution, as in the instruction to companions to pair Muhajirun emigrants with Ansar hosts, sharing wealth to alleviate poverty and integrate society. These actions, drawn from sirah compilations like Ibn Hisham's, demonstrate islah as incremental, evidence-based correction aligned with divine principles, yielding verifiable shifts from jahiliyyah barbarism to structured equity.

Historical Evolution

Pre-Modern Developments (7th-18th Centuries)

The concept of islah manifested early in Islamic history through efforts to align governance and society with Quranic principles and the Prophetic sunnah, particularly during periods of perceived deviation from the Rashidun model. Umayyad Caliph Umar ibn Abd al-Aziz (r. 717–720 CE), often regarded as the fifth Rashidun caliph by traditional scholars, exemplified practical islah by abolishing non-canonical taxes imposed on dhimmis, standardizing weights and measures to curb corruption, and ensuring equitable zakat distribution that reportedly eradicated poverty within his short reign.^[9]^[10] His reforms extended to moral enforcement, including bans on public alcohol consumption and mixed-gender facilities, prioritizing piety in official appointments over nepotism.^[11] In the medieval era, islah gained theoretical depth amid Mongol invasions and internal schisms, with Hanbali scholar Taqi al-Din Ibn Taymiyyah (1263–1328) articulating a framework for Sharia-compliant politics in his treatise Al-Siyasa al-Shar'iyya fi Islah al-Ra'i wa al-Ra'iyya. This work prescribed rulers to foster public welfare through justice, deterrence of crime, and protection of property rights, while subjects were obligated to enjoin good and forbid evil, viewing governance as a tool for moral and material reform rather than arbitrary power.^[12] Ibn Taymiyyah critiqued excessive taqlid and philosophical deviations, advocating return to primary sources to rectify societal ills like injustice under Mamluk rule. By the 18th century, islah efforts intensified in response to Mughal decline and syncretic practices, as seen in the works of Indian scholar Shah Waliullah Dehlawi (1703–1762), who sought to purify doctrine by reconciling Hanafi and Hanbali methodologies, translating the Quran into Persian for wider access, and urging socioeconomic equity grounded in hadith.^[13] His emphasis on ijtihad to counter bid'ah and factionalism influenced later movements, positioning islah as a continuous imperative for civilizational renewal without innovation.^[14] These pre-modern instances underscore islah as pragmatic correction, distinct from mere revival (tajdid), focused on enforcing foundational texts amid political fragmentation.^[6]

19th-20th Century Revival Movements

In the 19th century, Islamic revival movements emphasizing islah emerged amid the Ottoman Empire's territorial losses, such as the Greek War of Independence (1821–1830) and European colonial expansions, prompting scholars to advocate purification of religious practice and adaptation to modern challenges through renewed ijtihad. Jamal al-Din al-Afghani (1838–1897) spearheaded pan-Islamist efforts, traveling across the Muslim world from the 1870s to promote unity against Western imperialism and the revival of rationalist Islamic thought, influencing subsequent reformers.^[15] In Egypt, Muhammad Abduh (1849–1905), appointed Grand Mufti in 1899, pursued institutional reforms including updates to religious courts and education, rejecting uncritical taqlid in favor of direct engagement with Quranic sources to foster compatibility between Islam and scientific progress, thereby laying groundwork for modernist islah.^[16]^[1] Concurrently, in British India following the 1857 rebellion, Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan (1817–1898) established the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College in 1875 to integrate Western sciences with Islamic ethics, aiming to counteract Muslim socioeconomic decline through educated reform rather than political confrontation.^[15] The early 20th century saw islah evolve into organized transnational efforts, with Muhammad Rashid Rida (1865–1935) extending Abduh's ideas into a more scripturalist Salafiyya from the 1920s, critiquing Sufi excesses and advocating emulation of early Muslim practices alongside selective technological adoption, which bolstered alliances like support for the Saudi Wahhabi state established in 1932.^[1] Hasan al-Banna founded the Muslim Brotherhood in Ismailia, Egypt, on March 22, 1928, as a grassroots organization focused on comprehensive societal islah—encompassing moral education, welfare programs, and political activism to restore sharia governance amid secularizing post-colonial states, growing to over 500 branches by the 1940s.^[17]^[15] In South Asia, Abul A'la Maududi established Jamaat-e-Islami in Lahore on August 26, 1941, to counter Hindu-majority secularism and Western influences, promoting an Islamic ideological state through da'wa and rejecting partition's secular framework, with membership expanding post-1947 independence to institutionalize islah in governance and law.^[17] These movements diverged in emphasis—modernist reconciliation versus puritanical revival—but shared a causal focus on internal religious rectification to address empirical Muslim vulnerabilities like military defeats and economic stagnation.^[15]

Theoretical Relations and Distinctions

Islah versus Tajdid

Islah, derived from the Arabic root s-l-ḥ signifying improvement or reconciliation, encompasses efforts to rectify deviations in Islamic doctrine, jurisprudence, or societal norms, often through principles such as maṣlaḥah (public interest) and ijtihād (independent reasoning). In Islamic jurisprudence, it addresses specific faults or imbalances, potentially requiring detachment from inherited interpretations that conflict with core texts, as seen in classical applications to legal reforms or dispute resolutions.^[1]^[18] Tajdid, from the root j-d-d meaning to make new or restore, refers to the periodic renewal of the religion's foundational principles, fulfilling the prophetic hadith reported by Abu Hurayrah: "Allah will send to this community at the turn of every hundred years one who will renew its religion for it."^[19] This process emphasizes reviving suppressed elements of the Qur'an and Sunnah, refuting innovations (bid'ah), and clarifying authentic guidance, as articulated by scholars like Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti, who described it as "renewing its guidance, clarifying its truth and precedence."^[1] While both concepts promote revitalization through fidelity to revelation, tajdid tends toward comprehensive doctrinal restoration by a designated mujaddid (renewer), often at centennial intervals, focusing on faith (īmān) and spiritual purity, as exemplified by figures like Abu Hamid al-Ghazali in the 5th/11th century.^[18] Islah, by contrast, is more operational and continuous, targeting practical corrections in law, ethics, or community affairs, which may involve radical amendments to address temporal deficiencies without the same prophetic periodicity.^[1] Scholarly analyses, such as those by John O. Voll, highlight tajdid's emphasis on internal renewal from tradition versus islah's reformative adaptation, though overlaps occur in historical movements where renewers pursued both.^[4] Certain contemporary interpretations, including those from Malaysian scholars, equate the terms as creed-based processes of change leading to civilizational rebuilding, yet classical distinctions persist: tajdid builds incrementally on precedents for broader applicability, encountering less resistance, while islah confronts entrenched errors directly, invoking ijtihād for contextual equity.^[20]^[18] This nuanced versus underscores Islam's dynamic methodology, balancing preservation with adaptation grounded in scriptural imperatives.

Interconnections with Ijtihad and Taqlid

Islah, denoting reform or rectification in Islamic thought, intersects with ijtihad—the exertion of independent reasoning to derive rulings from primary sources—and taqlid, the adherence to established scholarly precedents without independent verification, primarily through the advocacy of ijtihad as a mechanism to overcome the perceived rigidity of taqlid. In classical and modern Islamic jurisprudence, taqlid emerged as the dominant approach following the consolidation of legal schools (madhahib) around the 10th century CE, leading to a relative decline in ijtihad and contributing to interpretive stagnation that reformers later critiqued as an obstacle to adaptive reform.^[6] Islah-oriented scholars argue that unchecked taqlid perpetuates unexamined traditions, whereas ijtihad enables the correction of deviations (islah) by directly engaging the Qur'an and Sunnah, thus restoring authenticity and addressing contemporary exigencies.^[1] This interconnection gained prominence in 19th- and 20th-century reform movements, where proponents of islah explicitly called for reopening the "gates of ijtihad"—a metaphorical closure attributed to medieval jurists—to counteract taqlid's inhibitory effects on societal progress. For instance, Muhammad Abduh (1849–1905), an Egyptian reformer, emphasized liberating Muslim intellect from taqlid's "shackles" through rational ijtihad, advocating a return to foundational texts to rectify accumulated errors and foster ethical and social renewal.^[1] ^[6] Similarly, Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan (1817–1898), founder of the Aligarh movement in British India, rejected taqlid as a primary cause of Muslim decline, promoting ijtihad as a rational tool for reinterpretation that aligns Islamic principles with modern sciences and governance, thereby enabling islah at individual and communal levels.^[21] In theoretical terms, islah positions ijtihad not as innovation (bid'ah) but as a prescriptive duty (fard kifayah) for qualified scholars (mujtahids) to amend deficiencies in inherited jurisprudence, contrasting with taqlid's limitation to lay emulation of authorities. This dynamic allows islah to function as a broader ethical imperative, extending ijtihad's scope beyond legal rulings (fiqh) to doctrinal purification and societal rectification, while critiquing taqlid for potentially entrenching cultural accretions over scriptural primacy.^[1] Modern interpreters like Yusuf al-Qaradawi (1926–2022) reinforce this by framing islah as requiring ongoing ijtihad to blend enduring principles with contextual adaptation, warning that persistent taqlid hinders Islam's responsiveness to global challenges.^[6] Such interconnections underscore islah's role in maintaining Islam's vitality, predicated on prioritizing evidential reasoning over uncritical imitation.

Scholarly Interpretations

Views from Classical Jurists and Theologians

Classical jurists across the major Sunni schools, including Shafi'i, Hanbali, and Maliki, conceptualized islah as the restoration of Islamic practice to its foundational purity, focusing on reviving neglected aspects of the Quran and Sunnah while safeguarding immutable rulings. This approach prioritized the removal of innovations (bid'ah) and the application of ijtihad to address deficiencies in understanding or societal application, without altering core shari'ah principles. For instance, Imam al-Shatibi (d. 1388 CE), a Maliki jurist, maintained that ijtihad is obligatory in response to evolving circumstances, as textual evidences are finite, enabling islah through tools like qiyas to derive rulings aligned with public interests (maqasid al-shari'ah).^[1] Abu Hamid al-Ghazali (d. 1111 CE), a Shafi'i jurist and theologian, exemplified islah through his magnum opus Ihya' Ulum al-Din, which aimed to revive the religious sciences by critiquing philosophical excesses and integrating ethical purification (tazkiyah) with jurisprudence and Sufi discipline. He identified societal decay as stemming from moral laxity and advocated reforming individual souls (islah al-nafs) as the basis for communal renewal, urging Muslims to propagate authentic Islam and rectify deviations in creed and practice.^[22]^[23] In the Hanbali tradition, Taqi al-Din Ibn Taymiyyah (d. 1328 CE) and his student Ibn al-Qayyim (d. 1350 CE) framed islah as a return to the salaf's methodology, rejecting uncritical adherence to later authorities (taqlid) when it perpetuated errors. Ibn Taymiyyah asserted that shari'ah consummates benefits and averts harms, permitting flexibility in secondary rulings based on time, place, and welfare, while deeming fixed obligations like penalties immutable.^[1]^[24] Ibn al-Qayyim echoed this by classifying rulings as either static or adaptable to interests, emphasizing islah through refutation of theological innovations and revival of prophetic guidance.^[1] Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti (d. 1505 CE), a Shafi'i polymath, defined renewal (tajdid, akin to islah) as illuminating truth, dispelling falsehoods, and governing affairs per Islamic precepts, underscoring islah's role in clarifying divine guidance amid cultural accretions.^[1] These views collectively reflect a consensus among classical scholars that islah demands scholarly rigor to preserve orthodoxy, often encountering resistance from entrenched customs, yet remains essential for sustaining Islam's vitality.^[1]

Perspectives from Modern Thinkers

Muhammad ʿAbduh (1849–1905), a foundational modernist reformer and Grand Mufti of Egypt, conceptualized islah as a purification of Islamic practice by reverting to the Quran and Sunnah while discarding accretions of taqlid and superstition that had led to stagnation.^[16] He argued that true reform necessitated ijtihad informed by reason, asserting Islam's inherent compatibility with scientific progress and ethical governance, as evidenced in his Risalat al-Tawhid where he linked Islamic theology to Enlightenment-like rationalism without subordinating revelation to secularism.^[25] Abduh's approach influenced Egyptian legal reforms, such as easing divorce procedures for women, but critics later noted its potential vulnerability to Western cultural infiltration due to overemphasis on adaptability.^[26] Rashid Rida (1865–1935), Abduh's disciple and a Salafi-oriented revivalist, extended islah into a perpetual obligation intertwined with tajdid, viewing it as a methodical revival of the salaf's methodology to counter colonial decline and Ottoman secularism.^[27] In his journal al-Manar, Rida advocated institutional reforms like a caliphate grounded in shura and fiqh renewal, rejecting blind imitation while endorsing Wahhabi alliances for doctrinal purity, as seen in his support for Saudi state formation in the 1920s.^[28] His framework prioritized socio-political activation of ummah unity over individualistic ethics, influencing later Islamist groups, though his later endorsements of authoritarian caliphal models drew accusations of rigidity.^[29] Allama Muhammad Iqbal (1877–1938), the poet-philosopher of South Asian Muslim revival, framed islah as a dynamic reconstruction of religious thought through ego-centric self-realization and perpetual ijtihad, urging Muslims to transcend static medieval interpretations for a forward-looking khudi (selfhood) aligned with modern challenges like nationalism and science.^[30] In The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam (1930), he critiqued taqlid as a barrier to Islam's evolutionary spirit, proposing ijma of the living community over historical consensus to enable legal adaptability, such as reinterpreting interest prohibitions in light of economic realities.^[31] Iqbal's vision inspired Pakistan's ideological foundations but has been contested for potentially underemphasizing scriptural immutability in favor of subjective dynamism.^[32] Seyyed Hossein Nasr (b. 1933), a contemporary perennialist philosopher, subordinates islah to tajdid as a higher-order renewal rooted in esoteric Islamic principles, warning that superficial reforms risk diluting fitra (primordial nature) amid secular modernity.^[6] Nasr critiques modernist islah for conflating Western progressivism with authentic revival, advocating instead a sapiential return to metaphysical sources like Sufi ihya traditions to address civilizational decay, as articulated in his analyses of environmental and ethical crises.^[18] His perspective underscores islah's limits without transcendent intellection, influencing traditionalist resistance to reformist dilutions in global Muslim discourse.^[33]

Practical Applications

Individual and Ethical Islah

Individual and ethical Islah constitutes the foundational personal dimension of Islamic reform, emphasizing self-purification (tazkiyah al-nafs) and moral rectification to align one's inner state and conduct with Qur'anic and Prophetic standards. This process begins with recognizing the soul's (nafs) innate tendencies toward vice, requiring deliberate efforts to eradicate traits such as envy, arrogance, and heedlessness while fostering virtues like patience, gratitude, and humility. Classical scholars, including Al-Ghazali (d. 1111 CE), described tazkiyah as cleansing the heart from spiritual impurities like associating partners with God (shirk) and ethical lapses, achieved through disciplined self-control and remembrance of God (dhikr).^[34]^[35] A core practice is muhasabah (self-accounting), entailing regular introspection to evaluate daily actions against Sharia, repent for shortcomings (tawbah), and resolve to improve. This involves auditing intentions and behaviors—such as verifying the sincerity behind prayers or the equity in dealings—to prevent ethical drift and promote accountability before God. The Qur'an underscores this imperative in Surah Al-Ra'd (13:11), stating that divine reform of conditions follows internal change: "Allah does not change the condition of a people until they change what is in themselves."^[6]^[36]^[6] Ethical Islah extends to practical disciplines like obligatory worship (ibadat), which curb base desires: fasting tempers gluttony, prayer instills discipline, and charity counters greed. Prophet Muhammad (d. 632 CE) exemplified this by prioritizing personal moral renewal, teaching that "the believer's struggle against his soul is the greatest jihad." Modern interpretations, drawing from scholars like Murtada Mutahhari (d. 1979 CE), affirm that individual ethical reform underpins all Islah, as unpurified selves undermine communal efforts; Mutahhari noted, "The reformation of the self is the foundation of all reform."^[37]^[6] Failures in personal ethics, such as hypocrisy or injustice, thus perpetuate broader societal malaise, reinforcing the Qur'anic link between inner purity and outward prosperity.^[6]

Societal and Communal Dimensions

In Islamic tradition, societal Islah encompasses collective efforts to rectify communal structures, norms, and institutions by aligning them with core principles of justice ('adl), equity (insaf), and mutual welfare (maslaha), often through organized initiatives addressing poverty, education deficits, and moral decay.^[7] These endeavors prioritize reviving practices like zakat distribution and communal arbitration to foster social cohesion, drawing from Quranic injunctions such as Surah Al-Ma'idah 5:2, which urges believers to cooperate in righteousness and reform. Historical applications include 19th-century reformist responses in regions like Tunisia, where scholars advocated adapting social customs to counter colonial influences while preserving doctrinal integrity, emphasizing community education and ethical governance.^[38] In contemporary Muslim societies, Islah manifests through welfare-oriented organizations that deliver practical social services. For instance, Yemen's Yemeni Congregation for Reform (al-Islah), established in 1990, operates entities like the Islah Social Welfare Society, which conducts health awareness campaigns, religious education programs, illiteracy eradication drives, and emergency relief distributions to vulnerable communities.^[39] These activities aim to build resilient communal networks amid political instability, integrating charitable work with advocacy for socioeconomic equity compatible with Sharia.^[40] Similarly, in Somalia, the Islah Movement, influenced by Muslim Brotherhood thought since the late 1970s, has promoted communal reconstruction by establishing civil society organizations focused on humanitarian aid, basic healthcare, and education during periods of civil war.^[41] By 1999, it encouraged clan-unifying initiatives such as community-based schools and social service networks, rejecting violence in favor of moderated Islamic governance to address fragmentation and service gaps.^[42] Such efforts underscore Islah's role in countering extremism through grassroots empowerment, though outcomes vary due to local conflicts and resource constraints.^[41]

Political and Governance Reforms

Islah in the political domain emphasizes the rectification of governance mechanisms to conform to core Islamic imperatives such as shura (consultation), adl (justice), and accountability derived from the Qur'an and Sunnah, aiming to eliminate deviations like autocracy or corruption that undermine the ummah's welfare.^[6] This approach views political reform not as wholesale adoption of Western models but as a return to principled rule, where rulers are constrained by divine law and communal consensus rather than absolute personal authority.^[6] Historical precedents include the caliphate of Umar ibn Abd al-Aziz (r. 717–720 CE), often cited as an exemplar of islah for restoring fiscal equity and curbing elite privileges through direct application of prophetic governance norms.^[6] Nineteenth-century reformers like Jamal al-Din al-Afghani (1838–1897) linked islah to political awakening, urging Muslim unity against colonial domination and advocating revival of consultative institutions to replace despotic rule in Ottoman and Persian contexts.^[6] His disciple Muhammad Abduh (1849–1905) extended this by critiquing blind adherence to tradition (taqlid) in statecraft, promoting rational reinterpretation (ijtihad) to foster accountable administration aligned with maqasid al-shari'ah (objectives of Islamic law), such as preserving public order and equity.^[6] Rashid Rida (1865–1935) further operationalized islah politically, proposing a reformed caliphate post-1924 abolition, structured around elected councils and limited executive tenure to prevent dynastic entrenchment, drawing on early Islamic models like the Rashidun consultative processes.^[6] In contemporary applications, islah-oriented thinkers such as Hasan al-Turabi (1932–2016) argued for adaptive governance prototypes that integrate timeless Shari'ah guidelines with modern exigencies, including multiparty consultation and checks on power to realize justice without secular dilution.^[6] The 2006 Mecca Declaration, issued by Muslim scholars, framed political islah as essential for development, mandating frameworks steeped in shura, equality before law, and anti-corruption measures to achieve effective governance.^[6] Reformist jurist Salim al-Awa has similarly advocated tenure limits for rulers and expanded shura mechanisms, contending that unchecked authority historically led to stagnation, as evidenced by pre-modern caliphal declines.^[6] These efforts prioritize empirical alignment with prophetic precedents over ideological imports, though implementation varies, often facing resistance from entrenched elites.^[6]

Controversies and Opposing Views

Traditionalist Objections to Reformist Innovations

Traditionalist scholars, particularly those aligned with Salafi or orthodox Sunni perspectives, contend that reformist innovations in islah—such as expansive reinterpretations of sharia through unqualified ijtihad to accommodate contemporary norms—constitute bid'ah (religious innovations) that distort the pristine sources of Islam. They argue that the Quran and Sunnah, supplemented by the consensus (ijma') of the Salaf al-Salih, provide a complete and immutable framework for governance, ethics, and law, rendering substantive reforms unnecessary and presumptuous. Any deviation risks undermining divine legislation, as Islam is viewed as a perfected religion requiring no alteration to fit transient human contexts.^[43]^[1] A core objection centers on the historical and eschatological worldview: traditionalists maintain that religious knowledge and practice have declined since the prophetic era, as evidenced by hadiths foretelling the loss of understanding in end times (e.g., Sahih al-Bukhari 1036), rather than progressing toward moral superiority. Reformists' assumption of linear advancement in ethical insight justifies revising foundational principles (usul al-fiqh) or subsidiary rulings (furu'), which traditionalists deem an inversion of reality, likening later developments to accretions of error rather than authentic evolution. This approach, they assert, erodes the authority of the Companions and classical jurists, whose interpretations must not be "corrected" by modern standards.^[44] Proponents of taqlid (adherence to established jurisprudential schools) further criticize reformist islah for bypassing the rigorous qualifications for mujtahid status, such as mastery of Arabic, hadith sciences, and analogical reasoning (qiyas), which few contemporary figures possess. Unrestricted ijtihad by lay intellectuals or influenced scholars invites subjective biases, often imported from secular ideologies, leading to social fragmentation and dilution of sharia's objectives (maqasid). For instance, strict Salafi interpretations, as articulated in analyses of tajdid, confine permissible renewal to purging verifiable innovations while rejecting alterations to core practices that conflict with early precedents.^[43]^[1] Such efforts are seen not as revival but as veiled apostasy, prioritizing human preference over textual fidelity.^[43] In practice, these objections manifest in resistance to reformist proposals on issues like gender roles or penal codes, where traditionalists invoke the ulama's exclusive interpretive monopoly to preserve communal unity (ummah cohesion) against individualistic reinterpretations. They warn that yielding to modernist dilutions invites the very chaos historically curbed by the "closing of the gates of ijtihad" around the 10th century CE, after which taqlid safeguarded orthodoxy amid political upheavals.^[43]^[44]

Critiques of Modernist Dilutions and Western Influences

Traditionalist scholars and movements within Islam have argued that modernist interpretations of islah (reform) dilute core doctrinal and legal principles by integrating Western secular rationalism, individualism, and relativism, which prioritize human intellect over divine revelation and prophetic tradition. This critique posits that figures like Muhammad 'Abduh (1849–1905), a foundational modernist reformer, undermined traditional exegesis by favoring rationalist reinterpretations of scripture that echoed Enlightenment skepticism, such as questioning literal adherence to hadith in favor of contextual adaptation to modern needs. Ottoman scholar Mustafa Sabri Effendi (1869–1952), in his theological writings, lambasted Abduh's methodology as introducing doubt (shakk) into Islamic creed, accusing it of eroding the certainty (yaqin) derived from unquestioned transmission of sacred texts and thereby paving the way for theological liberalism incompatible with Sunni orthodoxy.^[45] Salafi-oriented traditionalists further contend that modernist islah dilutes Sharia by conceding to Western influences in governance and ethics, such as endorsing parliamentary democracy or gender egalitarianism that contravene explicit Quranic injunctions on authority and roles. For instance, modernist calls to reform inheritance laws or penal codes—often justified through expansive ijtihad to align with international human rights norms— are viewed as innovations (bid'ah) that secularize fiqh, reducing divine law to a flexible ethic rather than an immutable system. Critics like those in Salafi discourse highlight how early 20th-century reformers, influenced by colonial encounters, adopted Western historicism to deem certain hudud punishments obsolete, thereby weakening the comprehensive sovereignty (hakimiyyah) of Allah over human legislation.^[46] These objections extend to the causal effects of such dilutions, where traditionalists argue that emulating Western models has led to moral decay and societal fragmentation in Muslim lands, as evidenced by rising secularism and family breakdown in post-reformist states like Egypt and Turkey since the early 1900s. Rather than authentic tajdid (renewal) through purification of sources, modernist islah is seen as a reactive Westernization that inverts Islamic primacy, fostering dependency on foreign paradigms over self-reliant adherence to the salaf's (pious predecessors) methodology. Proponents of this view, including contemporary Salafi scholars, maintain that true reform restores textual fidelity without compromise, warning that dilutions invite further erosion, as observed in the proliferation of hybrid legal systems that prioritize utility over revelation.^[47]^[48]

Debates on Scope and Legitimacy

Debates on the scope of islah center on whether reforms may extend beyond interpretive flexibility in fiqh (jurisprudence) to alter foundational aqidah (creed) or definitive textual rulings (qat'i). Traditionalist scholars, drawing from usul al-fiqh, argue that islah is confined to reconciling apparent contradictions in secondary sources or applying masalih mursala (unrestricted public interest) where texts are silent, provided no violation of explicit nass (Quranic or prophetic imperatives) occurs; for instance, altering procedural aspects of contracts is permissible, but abrogating hudud punishments like amputation for theft is illegitimate as it contradicts fixed divine sanctions.^[1] Reformists, such as those influenced by Muhammad Abduh (d. 1905), contend for broader scope via renewed ijtihad, extending to societal adaptations like banking instruments resembling riba but serving modern needs, yet even they stipulate adherence to maqasid al-shari'ah (objectives of Sharia) to prevent dilution.^[49] Empirical analysis reveals that unchecked expansion risks causal chains of normative erosion, as seen in 20th-century Turkish secular reforms under Atatürk, which traditionalists attribute to overreach beyond islah's restorative intent.^[50] On legitimacy, contention arises over authority: orthodox views mandate qualification as a mujtahid mutlaq (absolute independent reasoner), requiring mastery of Arabic, prophetic traditions, and analogical methods, excluding unqualified modern intellectuals or state actors from binding reforms.^[33] Traditionalists critique modernist legitimacy claims as deriving from Western rationalism rather than prophetic precedent, noting that historical mujaddids like Ibn Taymiyyah (d. 1328) reformed by purging accretions, not innovating; they warn that democratizing ijtihad—as in some contemporary Salafi-reformist hybrids—undermines ijma' (consensus) and invites bid'ah dhalala (misguiding innovation).^[1] Conversely, reform-oriented thinkers like those at the International Institute of Islamic Thought validate islah through civilizational renewal if grounded in textual revivalism, citing Quranic imperatives for amr bil-ma'ruf (enjoining good) as authorizing communal critique of stagnation; however, sources aligned with traditional institutions, such as Dar al-Ifta al-Misriyyah, emphasize that legitimacy hinges on outcomes preserving Sharia's immutability, rejecting reforms tainted by secular ideologies.^[6] These debates highlight source credibility issues, with academic treatments often privileging modernist narratives due to institutional biases favoring adaptability over textual fidelity.^[50] A key flashpoint is the interplay of tajdid (renewal) and islah, where traditionalists view tajdid as periodic scholarly revival every century (per hadith), limited to purifying practices without scope for egalitarian reinterpretations challenging hierarchy, as in gender roles derived from prophetic sunnah.^[33] Modernist dilutions, critiqued in works analyzing post-colonial Muslim societies, risk causal realism by prioritizing expediency over eternal principles, evidenced by failed 1970s Iranian reform attempts that alienated clerical authority.^[49] Proponents counter that legitimacy is empirically tested by fruits: reforms yielding societal coherence, like environmental islah via vegetation protection in Saudi policy (drawing on fiqh maxims), affirm scope when aligned with preservation objectives.^[51] Ultimately, unresolved tensions underscore islah's prescriptive bounds: reform as return (rujūʿ), not reinvention, with legitimacy contingent on scholarly consensus averting fitna (discord).^[1]

Modern Manifestations and Impacts

Islah in Contemporary Islamist Movements

In contemporary Islamist movements, the concept of islāh—reform aimed at restoring Islamic principles to personal, social, and political spheres—manifests primarily through pragmatic strategies of gradual implementation, as exemplified by the Muslim Brotherhood and its affiliates. Founded in 1928 by Hassan al-Banna in Egypt, the Brotherhood positions islāh as a comprehensive process involving da'wa (propagation), education, social services, and political engagement to establish governance under sharīʿa, rejecting revolutionary violence in favor of incremental societal transformation. This approach contrasts with more rigid ideologies, emphasizing adaptation to modern contexts while prioritizing Islamic orthodoxy, with affiliates establishing networks across over 70 countries by the early 21st century.^[17] Affiliates like Yemen's al-Islah party, established in 1990 as a Muslim Brotherhood branch, embody islāh through political participation and opposition roles, seeking constitutional and socioeconomic reforms grounded in Islamic principles amid unification challenges. In Tunisia, Ennahda—another Brotherhood offshoot—adapted islāh post-2011 revolution by integrating Islamic values into democratic pluralism, securing 89 seats in the 2011 constituent assembly before moderating further to retain 52 seats in 2019 elections, framing democracy as a tool for ethical reform rather than an end. Similarly, Morocco's Justice and Development Party (PJD), rising from Brotherhood roots, governed from 2011 to 2021, implementing social welfare programs aligned with islāh objectives, though it lost ground to 12 seats in 2021 amid economic critiques and normalization policies. These cases highlight islāh's electoral dimension, where movements leverage parliaments for policy influence, such as advancing family law reforms or anti-corruption drives rooted in Islamic ethics.^[52]^[53]^[54] However, islāh in these movements faces internal and external tensions, particularly with Salafi currents that critique Brotherhood pragmatism as diluting doctrinal purity. Salafis, emphasizing return to the salaf (pious predecessors), often reject electoral participation as bidʿah (innovation), prioritizing theological rectification over political compromise, leading to rivalries like those in Yemen where Salafi-jihadist factions targeted al-Islah figures during conflicts. Post-Arab Spring setbacks, including Egypt's 2013 ouster of Brotherhood-linked President Mohamed Morsi and repression causing factionalism, prompted adaptations such as Ennahda's rebranding toward "Muslim democracy," yet eroded revolutionary zeal, with reliance on patrons like Qatar and Turkey waning after 2021 regional realignments. Groups like Hizb ut-Tahrir invoke islāh ideologically for caliphate revival but eschew contemporary democratic mechanisms, viewing them as un-Islamic, underscoring debates on islāh's legitimacy in hybrid regimes. Empirical outcomes show mixed efficacy: while Tunisia and Morocco saw partial institutional gains, Yemen's al-Islah grappled with civil war entanglements, allying against Houthis but facing jihadist accusations.^[55]^[56]^[53]

Case Studies in Muslim Societies (Post-2000)

In Morocco, the 2004 overhaul of the Moudawana family code exemplified Islah through reinterpretation of Islamic jurisprudence to address gender inequities while preserving Sharia foundations. Commissioned by King Mohammed VI following consultations with ulama, jurists, and civil society, the reforms raised the minimum marriage age to 18 for both sexes, eliminated the requirement for a wali (guardian) to approve a woman's marriage, conditioned polygamy on judicial approval demonstrating equity and necessity (such as spousal infertility), and empowered women to seek divorce via khul' or judicial dissolution without forfeiting financial rights.^[57]^[58] These measures drew on Maliki fiqh principles but incorporated ijtihad to prioritize mutual consent and child welfare, reducing unilateral male prerogatives evident in the prior 1957-1993 codes. By 2023, over 1.2 million marriages had been registered under the new code, though enforcement gaps persist in conservative regions, where customary practices sometimes undermine formal protections.^[59]^[60] Saudi Arabia's reforms under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman since 2017 constitute a state-driven Islah aimed at curbing Wahhabi rigorism and fostering socioeconomic adaptability. In a 2017 speech, bin Salman pledged a return to "moderate Islam" predating 1979's revolutionary influences, leading to the June 24, 2018, lifting of the female driving ban—impacting 15 million women—and 2019 amendments to guardianship laws allowing women over 21 to obtain passports, travel, and work independently without male approval.^[61]^[62] These were framed as authenticating Hanbali traditions against imported extremism, alongside cultural openings like cinema licensing (first in 35 years, with 400+ films screened by 2019) and women's sports participation. Tied to Vision 2030's economic diversification, the changes boosted female labor force participation from 18% in 2016 to 37% by 2023, though implementation relies on royal decrees rather than clerical consensus, prompting debates on sustainability amid clerical pushback.^[63]^[64] In Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the world's largest Muslim organization with 90-100 million adherents, advanced Islah post-2014 by promoting contextual fiqh against transnational jihadism. Responding to ISIS's rise, NU's 2014-2015 initiatives rejected caliphate ideologies and emphasized "Islam Nusantara"—a pluralistic, archipelago-adapted Sunni tradition integrating local customs with Ash'ari theology and Shafi'i jurisprudence.^[65] This included the 2018 "Religious Moderation" doctrine, formalized via fatwas and education programs training 500,000+ kiai (clerics) in anti-extremism, and establishment of the Nahdlatul Ulama Global Network to export tolerant models. Empirical outcomes include NU-backed policies reducing radical recruitment, with Indonesia's 2019-2023 deradicalization efforts rehabilitating 1,200+ individuals, though challenges persist from urban Salafism and political co-optation.^[65]^[66]

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