Nasjonal Samling
Nasjonal Samling was a Norwegian fascist political party founded on 17 May 1933 by Vidkun Quisling, a former defense minister, with the aim of unifying the nation under a corporatist and nationalist framework inspired by European fascist movements.[1][2] The party espoused ideologies including Norwegian nationalism, anti-communism, corporatism, and elements of Lutheranism, positioning itself in alignment with Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany while adapting to local conditions such as rural conservatism and opposition to parliamentary democracy.[3][4] Despite initial ambitions for electoral success, Nasjonal Samling achieved minimal support in pre-war parliamentary elections, peaking at around 8,000 members by 1936, reflecting its marginal status amid Norway's strong democratic traditions and multiparty system.[5] During the German invasion of Norway in April 1940, Quisling attempted a coup by announcing himself prime minister in a radio broadcast, which initially backfired but paved the way for collaboration; by 1942, under Nazi pressure, the party was installed as the sole legal political organization, with Quisling elevated to Minister President of a puppet regime that enforced occupation policies, including conscription into paramilitary groups like Hirden and suppression of resistance.[6][7] Membership swelled to approximately 44,000 by 1943 under coercive measures, but widespread Norwegian opposition manifested in civil disobedience and armed resistance, underscoring the regime's lack of legitimacy.[5] Post-liberation in 1945, Nasjonal Samling was banned, its leaders including Quisling—executed for treason—faced trials, and passive members underwent legal purges as part of Norway's reckoning with collaboration, highlighting the party's defining legacy as a tool of foreign occupation rather than genuine national representation.[8][6]Ideology and Principles
Founding Ideology and Influences
Nasjonal Samling was established on May 17, 1933, in Oslo by Vidkun Quisling, a former Norwegian defense minister, amid concerns over the rise of communism, the perceived paralysis of parliamentary democracy, and the erosion of national unity under liberal influences. Quisling, drawing from his experiences in Russia during the early Bolshevik era, positioned the party as a bulwark against Bolshevik infiltration and ideological fragmentation, advocating for a cohesive national movement to restore order and defend Norwegian sovereignty.[9][10] The founding ideology rejected multi-party democracy as divisive and inefficient, proposing instead a corporatist framework to achieve an "organic unity" in society by integrating economic sectors, professions, and social groups into a hierarchical, non-adversarial structure that transcended class struggle. This vision emphasized a "dynamic national government" operating independently of the Storting (Norwegian parliament), with plans to eventually abolish it in favor of a Riksting—a corporate assembly uniting employers and workers—to ensure solidarity and national purpose. Corporatism was framed not as foreign imposition but as aligned with pre-modern Nordic traditions, such as historical assemblies, to cultivate cultural purity and collective defense against external threats like Bolshevism.[3] Influences from contemporaneous fascist movements shaped this ideology, particularly Italian Fascism's corporatist experiments, including the Carta del Lavoro and participation in international forums like the 1934 Montreux Congress organized by the Comitati d’Azione per l’Universalità di Roma, which promoted fascism's universal applicability. German National Socialism contributed elements of authoritarian nationalism and anti-communism, though Quisling initially emphasized Norwegian independence over strict alignment, adapting these to prioritize ethnic homogeneity and anti-Bolshevik vigilance within a Scandinavian context rather than wholesale imitation.[3][11]Key Program Elements
The 1934 party program of Nasjonal Samling, released on 15 March 1934, articulated a corporatist framework for reorganizing Norwegian society under authoritarian national leadership, rejecting parliamentary democracy, liberalism, and class-based conflict. It envisioned a "new order" of organic unity, with economic and social structures subordinated to the state's directive role in achieving self-sufficiency and communal solidarity independent of foreign influences.[3] Economically, the program prescribed a planned system prohibiting strikes and lockouts, mandating universal work rights and duties to combat unemployment, and integrating employers and employees through sector-specific guilds (laug) aggregated into a Riksting chamber for policy coordination. This corporate state model, influenced by Italian Fascism's Carta del Lavoro of 1927, emphasized state intervention to curb industrial excesses, redistribute resources toward rural revitalization, and bolster peasant farmers alongside the urban middle class as pillars of national productivity. Opposition to international finance and Marxism framed these measures as defenses against external exploitation and ideological division, prioritizing autarkic national control over global market dependencies.[3] Socially, the program advanced conservative principles tying family stability and demographic vitality to Nordic cultural revival, portraying an idealized organic community drawn from medieval and Viking heritage to counteract modern fragmentation. It advocated state-guided population initiatives to enhance national strength, incorporating eugenics-influenced notions of racial hygiene and heritage preservation to promote "pure" Nordic lineage and traditional roles within the family unit.[3][12]Anti-Communism and Nationalism
Nasjonal Samling positioned anti-communism as a foundational pillar, viewing Bolshevism as an existential threat to Norwegian sovereignty and cultural integrity from the party's inception in May 1933.[11] Leader Vidkun Quisling, drawing from his diplomatic observations in the Soviet Union during the 1920s, warned of Bolshevik infiltration through Scandinavian labor movements and socialist parties, culminating in his 1930 book Russland og vi (Russia and Us), which critiqued Soviet expansionism and its potential to undermine Nordic independence.[13] As defense minister from 1931 to 1933, Quisling publicly accused the Norwegian Labor Party of harboring plans for a Bolshevik-aligned regime backed by Moscow, framing these as subversive efforts to erode national defenses amid rising European tensions.[14] Party rhetoric consistently portrayed communism not merely as an economic ideology but as a foreign agent of cultural dissolution, with NS publications decrying Marxist internationalism as antithetical to ethnic Norwegian cohesion.[15] This anti-communist stance intertwined with a fervent nationalism that sought to revive Norwegian exceptionalism through idealized historical narratives. NS ideologues invoked Viking-era heritage as emblematic of innate Nordic vigor, resilience, and self-reliance, positioning the party as steward against modern dilutions of ethnic identity by urbanization and globalist influences.[16] Quisling's speeches and writings emphasized a romanticized "Nordic folk awakening," urging a return to rural, communal values rooted in pre-Christian traditions to counter perceived urban decay and proletarian radicalism.[17] The party's 1934 program advocated corporatist structures to foster national unity, rejecting class conflict in favor of hierarchical solidarity that preserved sovereign autonomy against both communist collectivism and liberal individualism.[3] NS critiqued parliamentary democracy as inherently vulnerable, arguing it fragmented the nation and enabled incremental communist gains via electoral participation and trade union dominance.[18] In pre-war manifestos and rallies, leaders called for an authoritarian "national bloc" to impose disciplined unity, subordinating partisan divisions to a singular defense of ethnic and territorial integrity against Bolshevik encroachments.[19] This vision subordinated individual liberties to collective national revival, with Quisling asserting in 1930s addresses that only a strong, centralized leadership could safeguard Norway's historical essence from ideological subversion.[18] Such rhetoric, while gaining limited traction—NS polled under 2% in 1936 elections—reflected a causal belief that democratic pluralism causally facilitated threats to homogeneous national character.[11]Pre-War History
Formation and Early Organization (1933–1939)
Vidkun Quisling founded Nasjonal Samling on May 15, 1933, shortly after resigning as Norway's Minister of Defense on February 27 of that year, amid dissatisfaction with the Agrarian government's handling of economic crises and perceived socialist threats.[10] The party emerged from earlier nationalist efforts, including Quisling's involvement in anti-communist circles, positioning itself as a unified front against parliamentary fragmentation and foreign influences. Initial organizational activities focused on establishing local chapters and conducting small-scale public rallies to promote corporatist reforms and national revival, drawing initial support from disaffected military officers, intellectuals, and rural conservatives.[11] To broaden its appeal, Nasjonal Samling formed auxiliary organizations early on, including the youth wing Nasjonal Samlings Ungdomsfylking (NSUF) in 1934 for children and adolescents, emphasizing physical training, ideological indoctrination, and anti-parliamentary values, alongside a women's section to mobilize female participation in nationalist causes. Membership expanded rapidly from a few hundred at inception to approximately 25,000 by 1936, propelled by the Great Depression's exacerbation of unemployment—reaching 30% in some sectors—and widespread anti-socialist sentiment following labor unrest and fears of Bolshevik infiltration.[11] This growth reflected domestic grievances rather than external orchestration, with funding derived primarily from member dues and private Norwegian donations, absent significant foreign subsidies until the late 1930s.[15] Nasjonal Samling cultivated ties with kindred right-wing movements across Scandinavia, participating in transnational anti-parliamentary congresses with groups such as Sweden's Nationalsocialistiska Arbetarepartiet and Denmark's Dansk National-Socialistisk Arbejderparti, exchanging ideas on corporatism and regional solidarity without formal alliances or shared funding mechanisms.[20] These connections underscored a pan-Nordic fascist orientation, yet Quisling emphasized the party's indigenous roots, rejecting perceptions of it as a mere imitation of Italian Fascism or German National Socialism. By 1939, internal ideological sharpening, including heightened antisemitism, had begun to alienate broader support, setting the stage for pre-war stagnation.[11][3]Electoral Performance and Challenges
Nasjonal Samling contested its first national election in October 1933, securing 27,850 votes or approximately 1.6% of the total, which was insufficient to win any seats in the 150-member Storting due to Norway's proportional representation system requiring significant regional concentration for representation.[18] The party's modest showing reflected its nascent organization and limited appeal amid economic depression, where voters favored established parties addressing immediate crises.[18] Performance improved in the October 1936 parliamentary election, with Nasjonal Samling garnering 113,481 votes or 7.5% nationwide, yet fragmented candidacies—running separate lists in various constituencies—resulted in only one seat.[11] This fragmentation stemmed from internal tactical disputes and overambitious expansion, diluting vote efficiency against the d'Hondt method's leveling seats.[11] Several factors constrained broader success. Norwegian media, dominated by liberal and social-democratic outlets, subjected the party to sustained hostility, often equating its nationalism with foreign extremism and amplifying scandals to discredit leaders like Quisling.[11] Competition from conservative Høyre and agrarian parties siphoned moderate nationalist voters wary of radical rhetoric, while the Labour Party's economic stabilization post-1935 eroded anti-establishment momentum.[18] Internal divisions exacerbated limitations; co-founder Johan Bernhard Hjort, advocating a more pragmatic nationalism, clashed with Quisling's faction, departing in 1937 amid ideological rifts that foreshadowed purges of moderates.[11] Following the 1936 election, the party's radicalization—intensified alignment with German National Socialism, adoption of corporatist and anti-parliamentary stances—coalesced core ideologues but alienated potential broader support, capping electoral viability in democratic contests.[11]| Election Year | Votes | Vote Share (%) | Seats Won |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1933 | 27,850 | 1.6 | 0 |
| 1936 | 113,481 | 7.5 | 1 |