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Ninth Fort

The Ninth Fort (Lithuanian: Devintas Fortas) is a reinforced concrete fortress located in the northern outskirts of Kaunas, Lithuania, constructed in the 1880s and completed by 1903 as the most modern component of the Russian Empire's Kaunas Fortress defenses against anticipated German aggression. During World War I, it saw limited action before capture by German forces in 1915, and in the interwar period, it functioned as a branch of a hard labor prison. Under Soviet NKVD control in 1940, it was employed for the imprisonment and execution of political prisoners, but its most infamous role came during the Nazi German occupation from 1941 to 1944, when it became a primary site for mass shootings in the Holocaust, claiming approximately 50,000 lives—predominantly Jews from the Kaunas Ghetto, including a notorious "Great Action" on October 29, 1941, that killed around 10,000, half of them children. Today, the site operates as the Kaunas Ninth Fort Museum, established in 1959, featuring exhibitions on its military origins, totalitarian repressions, and a 1984 memorial monument honoring the victims amid preserved mass graves.

Origins and Military Construction

Russian Imperial Fortress Development

The Ninth Fort formed part of the Kaunas Fortress complex, initiated by the Russian Empire in the 1880s to fortify its western borders against potential incursions from the German Empire and Austria-Hungary, located approximately 70 kilometers from East Prussia. Construction of the overall fortress system began in 1882, employing vast resources including forced labor from local populations and prisoners, with the project spanning until the outset of World War I in 1914. The Ninth Fort, designated as the most modern in the series of nine peripheral forts encircling Kaunas, had its groundwork laid in 1902 to safeguard the Linkuva Heights in the northern sector. Development of the Ninth Fort emphasized reinforced concrete construction, a departure from earlier brick-and-earth designs in the fortress ring, featuring walls up to 2 meters thick overlaid with approximately 7 meters of earth for camouflage and blast resistance. The initial phase concluded by 1903, with enhancements including artillery galleries, ammunition depots, defensive casemates, barracks, electric generators, and telephone communications completed by 1912–1913. Strategically positioned on a commanding hill, it incorporated heavy artillery emplacements and symmetrical layouts for optimal fire coverage, accommodating a peacetime garrison of 250 soldiers expandable to 450 during mobilization. By summer 1914, the full Kaunas Fortress mobilized up to 60,000 troops, underscoring the Ninth Fort's integration into a comprehensive defensive network designed for prolonged siege warfare.

Architectural and Defensive Design

The Ninth Fort was constructed as the most modern element of the Kaunas Fortress system, with its first phase completed in 1903 and further improvements extending until 1912, utilizing reinforced concrete in contrast to the red clay bricks employed in earlier forts. This material choice enhanced durability against artillery fire, reflecting advancements in late Imperial Russian military engineering designed to counter threats from the German Empire. Key defensive features included walls up to 2 meters thick, covered by approximately 7 meters of earth for camouflage and protection, along with a semi-caponier for flanking fire, internal artillery galleries, and ammunition storage facilities. The fort's symmetrical layout incorporated two-storied military barracks, defensive walls, ventilation and drainage openings, and was strategically positioned on one of Kaunas's highest elevations to maximize field of fire and observation. Technical innovations such as electric generators for lighting, water pumps, and telephone systems supported operational efficiency, enabling a peacetime garrison of 250 soldiers expandable to 450 during conflict. These elements formed a self-contained polygonal integrated into the broader concentric of the , emphasizing passive through earthworks and active via enfilading positions and emplacements. The prioritized and deployment, aligning with doctrines for fortresses in the early .

Pre-World War II Operations

Tsarist and Interwar Military Use

The Ninth Fort, constructed between 1903 and 1913 as the most modern component of the Kaunas Fortress system, served primarily as a defensive stronghold for the Russian Empire's western frontier against potential threats from Germany and Austria-Hungary. Designed with reinforced concrete elements for enhanced durability, it featured artillery batteries, casemates, and underground galleries intended to support prolonged resistance and counter-battery fire. The fort housed a garrison of Russian troops, including infantry and artillery units, focused on fortification maintenance and readiness drills amid escalating pre-World War I tensions. During , following Germany's on in , the Ninth Fort formed part of the Fortress's outer ring defenses. Russian forces mobilized reinforcements to the site, but organizational deficiencies led to its hasty abandonment on the evening of August 17, 1915, ahead of the German advance; unlike earlier forts that endured heavy , it sustained minimal structural damage due to limited engagement. Post-capture by German Imperial forces, the fort saw sporadic use for storage and minor defensive roles until the war's end, though its strategic obsolescence was evident given advances in mobile warfare and heavy artillery. In the interwar period, after Lithuania's independence in 1918 and the return of the Kaunas Fortress territories, the Ninth Fort was integrated into the nascent Lithuanian Army's infrastructure. Initially repurposed as barracks accommodating approximately 200 soldiers under the Ministry of National Defence, it supported training, logistics, and garrison duties in Kaunas, then Lithuania's temporary capital. By 1924, reflecting the fortress's outdated defensive role amid interwar demilitarization trends, the site transitioned from active military use to administrative control, though residual military oversight persisted in early prison operations. This shift underscored the fort's evolution from frontline asset to utilitarian facility, with no recorded combat deployments by Lithuanian forces during tensions with Poland or the Soviet Union.

Early Imprisonments and Executions

In 1924, the Ninth Fort was repurposed as a branch of the Kaunas Hard Labour Prison, with modifications including bars installed on windows and doors, reinforced gates, and a 6-meter-high perimeter fence to enhance security. This adaptation allowed it to function as an isolated facility for high-security inmates, initially housing dangerous criminals and political prisoners separated from the general prison population in central Kaunas. The fort's capacity supported containment of approximately 20 prisoners per cell under standard interwar conditions, emphasizing forced labor as a rehabilitative and punitive measure. By the mid-1930s, its inmate profile shifted to around 100 petty offenders, primarily engaged in agricultural work on 80 hectares of adjacent farmland to promote prison self-sufficiency through crop production and maintenance. No records indicate systematic executions during this Lithuanian interwar administration, with capital punishment typically carried out elsewhere under judicial oversight for crimes like murder or treason. The Soviet occupation beginning in June 1940 transformed the site into an NKVD transit prison, dramatically increasing overcrowding to up to 40 inmates per cell—double the prior limit—and using it as a staging point for interrogations and preparations for mass deportations to GULAG camps. This period saw intensified repression of perceived enemies, including ethnic Lithuanians, Poles, and others labeled as counter-revolutionaries, but documented executions at the Ninth Fort itself remain unverified in primary archival sources, with Soviet killings more commonly occurring at remote sites or during the NKVD's hasty withdrawal in June 1941 ahead of German advances. Harsh conditions, including inadequate food and sanitation, led to elevated deaths from disease and exhaustion, though precise figures for the fort are not quantified in historical accounts.

Nazi Occupation and Mass Killings (1941-1944)

German Seizure and Initial Pogroms

Following the German invasion of the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941, as part of Operation Barbarossa, Wehrmacht forces advanced rapidly into Lithuania, reaching Kaunas by June 24 and occupying the city with minimal resistance from retreating Soviet troops. The Kaunas Fortress, including the Ninth Fort on the city's northern outskirts, had been hastily abandoned by Soviet defenders, who failed to mount an effective stand, allowing German units to seize the installations intact shortly after entering Kaunas. This rapid takeover facilitated the fort's immediate repurposing from a Soviet-era prison to a site for detaining and executing perceived enemies, primarily Jews accused of collaboration with the prior regime. Almost immediately upon occupation, units of Einsatzgruppe A, specifically Einsatzkommando 3, instigated and oversaw anti-Jewish pogroms carried out by Lithuanian nationalist mobs and auxiliaries, aiming to incite local participation in violence while deflecting direct German responsibility. These initial pogroms erupted on June 24 in Kaunas's Jewish districts, where mobs attacked synagogues, homes, and gatherings, murdering hundreds through beatings, stabbings, and arson; one notorious incident on June 27 at the Lietukis Garage saw over 50 Jewish men bludgeoned to death with iron bars, crowbars, and wheels in view of German soldiers and Lithuanian spectators. The violence, which continued through June 29, resulted in thousands of Jewish deaths across Kaunas and surrounding areas, with perpetrators including armed Lithuanian partisans who had risen against Soviet rule days earlier. By early July 1941, the disorganized pogroms transitioned to systematic mass shootings at the Ninth Fort, where German SS and police, alongside Lithuanian auxiliaries, rounded up and executed thousands of Jewish men labeled as Soviet sympathizers or intellectuals. Victims were transported to the fort, confined briefly, and shot in groups over pits, with reports indicating around 3,800 Jews killed in Kaunas proper and an additional 1,200 in nearby regions by this stage, as documented in the operational summary of SS-Brigadeführer Walter Stahlecker, head of Einsatzgruppe A. This marked the Ninth Fort's role as a primary execution site from the outset of German control, with over 50,000 total victims—mostly Jews—ultimately murdered there through 1944 via shootings and other means.

Organized Massacres and Extermination Methods

The primary extermination method employed at the Ninth Fort was mass shooting, conducted systematically in pre-dug pits on the site's western slope, as part of the broader "Holocaust by bullets" operations by Einsatzgruppen mobile killing units and their auxiliaries. Victims, predominantly Jews selected from the Kaunas ghetto or transported from elsewhere, were typically assembled in the ghetto's central square, divided into groups, and marched or trucked approximately 4 kilometers to the fort under guard by German SS personnel and Lithuanian auxiliary police. Upon arrival, they were stripped of clothing and valuables, which were collected for reuse or looting, before being forced to the edge of or into the pits—often measuring tens of meters in length and depth—to facilitate efficient killing. Executions involved automatic weapons fire, with victims positioned to fall layer upon layer into the pits in a method likened to stacking sardines, minimizing perpetrator movement and ammunition use; bodies were subsequently covered with quicklime to accelerate decomposition and then buried under earth. These operations were highly organized, with pits excavated in advance by forced labor, including Jewish prisoners, and coordinated to align with deportation arrivals or ghetto "actions" ordered by SS authorities such as Helmut Rauca, the ghetto's Jewish affairs specialist. A key example was the "Great Action" of October 28–29, 1941, during which approximately 9,000–10,000 ghetto residents—about half of them children—were selected via arbitrary criteria like age, health, or perceived utility, then executed in a single coordinated assault at the Ninth Fort, marking one of the largest single-day massacres in Lithuania. Earlier actions, such as on October 4, 1941, saw around 2,000 victims, including women and children, killed similarly, while subsequent waves in November 1941 targeted over 4,000 recently deported German Jews who were routed directly to the site without entering the ghetto. The process often incorporated psychological terror, with some victims forced to witness prior shootings or endure humiliations, and occasional "improvisations" like live burials or targeted cruelty to expedite compliance. Killings continued through 1944, adapting to incoming transports; for instance, in May 1944, nearly 900 French Jews were shot upon arrival from Drancy, reflecting the fort's role in liquidating Western European deportees. To conceal evidence amid advancing Soviet forces, from late 1943 the SS deployed Sonderkommando 1005 units—Jewish prisoners compelled to exhume, burn, and crush remains in the pits—though this led to a partial prisoner revolt and escapes on December 25, 1943. No systematic gassing occurred at the Ninth Fort, distinguishing it from later extermination camps, though the site's remoteness and infrastructure supported high-volume shootings estimated at 30,000–50,000 total victims, verified post-war through forensic excavations revealing 14 ditches and mass grave remnants. These methods prioritized speed and resource efficiency, driven by ideological imperatives and logistical constraints of mobile killing in occupied Lithuania.

Perpetrators: German Forces and Lithuanian Auxiliaries

The mass killings at the Ninth Fort were orchestrated by units of the Security Police and SD, particularly 3, under the command of SS-Standartenführer , who served as the head of the Security Police and SD in from July 1941. 's unit, part of Einsatzgruppe A, planned and supervised operations, including the transport of victims from the ghetto and the preparation of execution sites, with personally directing several actions such as the murder of approximately 12,000 Jews from the ghetto between September and 1941. Supporting personnel included Gestapo deputy Heinrich Schmitz and ghetto administrator Helmut Rauca, who facilitated selections and logistics for deportations to the fort, where victims were shot in pre-dug pits using machine guns and rifles. forces emphasized systematic extermination, with an estimated 50,000 people killed at the site from 1941 to August 1944, though they often delegated direct shooting to local collaborators to maintain operational distance. Lithuanian auxiliaries, primarily from the Lithuanian Auxiliary Police Battalions and local guard units, conducted the majority of the hands-on executions under German oversight, motivated by anti-Soviet and antisemitic sentiments following the 1940-1941 occupations. The First Lithuanian Police Battalion, commanded by figures like Juozas Simkus, formed volunteer firing squads that participated in early actions, such as the August 1941 "Intelligentsia Aktion" killing 534 Jewish intellectuals, and larger operations like the October 28-29, 1941, "Great Action" where around 10,000 Jews were murdered in a single day. Local commanders at the fort, including Captain Vylius for guarding and Juozas Slezuraitis for the permanent garrison, managed victim herding, pit supervision, and finishing off wounded survivors, often inflicting additional brutality such as beatings and torture before shootings. These auxiliaries, drawn from pre-war nationalist groups like Tautinio Darbo Apsauga (TDA), numbered in the hundreds and were integrated into German structures, enabling the regime to exploit local manpower for efficiency while framing the violence as indigenous initiative. Post-war trials documented their direct culpability, with survivors' testimonies confirming Lithuanian-led squads as primary shooters in events like the October 4, 1941, liquidation of the small Kaunas ghetto.

Victims: Demographics, Scale, and Evidence

The of the killings at the Ninth Fort during the Nazi (1941–1944) were predominantly , comprising the overwhelming of those executed, with estimates placing the death toll between 30,000 and 50,000 individuals. Lithuanian () from the formed the largest group, alongside deported from , , and other occupied territories, as well as smaller numbers of non-Jewish including Soviet prisoners of , intellectuals, Lithuanian political opponents, and suspected Communists. Breakdowns from specific actions highlight the Jewish : for instance, the –29, 1941, claimed over 9,200 , nearly all , while the 1941 killings targeted approximately 4,934 transported to the . Earlier pogroms and executions in July–August 1941 added thousands more Jewish victims, often locals rounded up immediately after the German invasion, with Lithuanian auxiliaries playing a key role in initial selections. By late 1943 and into 1944, as the Red Army advanced, remaining prisoners—primarily Jewish forced laborers—faced liquidation, including attempts to exhume and burn bodies to conceal evidence under Aktion 1005 directives. Evidence for the scale and demographics derives from multiple corroborating sources, including survivor and escapee testimonies, such as the December 1943 protocol from Ninth Fort prisoners detailing body disposal operations and prior executions. Post-liberation Soviet exhumations in 1944 uncovered mass graves containing thousands of remains, documented through photographs and forensic examinations that confirmed execution by shooting and aligned with Jewish victim profiles based on clothing, artifacts, and ghetto records. Oral histories from survivors, like those preserved by the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, describe selections targeting Jews for their perceived racial inferiority, with non-Jews killed for political reasons. Modern geophysical surveys, including ground-penetrating radar and aerial analysis, have mapped execution trenches and grave sites in the surrounding Vidzgiris Forest, supporting historical accounts without disturbing remains. These findings, cross-verified against perpetrator records and ghetto deportation logs, provide robust empirical substantiation, though exact totals remain estimates due to deliberate Nazi obfuscation and incomplete pre-war censuses.

Post-Liberation and Soviet Era (1944-1990)

Soviet Investigations and Reclamation

Following the Red Army's liberation of Kaunas on August 1, 1944, Soviet authorities launched investigations into the Nazi-era massacres at the Ninth Fort, focusing on exhumations to document atrocities for evidentiary and propagandistic purposes. In August 1944, Soviet officers directed the opening of mass graves at the site, uncovering remains of executed victims—primarily shot in the back of the head—and associated artifacts such as clothing and personal effects, confirming systematic shootings rather than natural deaths. These forensic efforts aligned with the mandate of the Extraordinary State Commission for the Establishment and Investigation of the Atrocities of the German-Fascist Invaders and Their Accomplices, established in 1942, which compiled physical evidence, eyewitness accounts, and site analyses across liberated territories to support war crimes prosecutions, including at Nuremberg. Soviet reports from such probes at the Ninth Fort estimated 30,000 to 50,000 victims, though these figures were sometimes leveraged to amplify the scale of "fascist" crimes while subordinating the specifically Jewish targeting to a broader anti-fascist framework. Reclamation of the Ninth Fort involved Soviet military and civilian administration securing the perimeter, dismantling remnants of German execution infrastructure like pits and barbed wire, and repurposing the fortress for state-controlled preservation as a symbol of Nazi barbarism defeated by Soviet forces. By the late 1940s and 1950s, the site transitioned from active investigation to memorial designation, with initial plaques and barriers installed to restrict access and frame it within the "Great Patriotic War" narrative, emphasizing collective Soviet suffering over individual ethnic or local collaborator roles. This process reflected systemic Soviet priorities: privileging evidence of German orchestration while archival records indicate selective omission of pre-1941 Soviet uses of the fort for executions and post-liberation reprisals against suspected collaborators. The reclaimed site's development accelerated in the post-Stalin era, leading to formalized commemoration; a major monument to the victims, designed by sculptor Alfonsas Ambraziūnas and architects Gediminas Baravykas and Vytautas Kamarauskas, was unveiled in 1984, depicting abstract forms symbolizing shattered earth and human loss amid 45-meter-high pillars evoking burial mounds. This structure, integrated into the surrounding landscape, served dual reclamation functions: physical restoration of the fort's earthworks and ideological reinforcement of Soviet antifascism, though independent forensic reassessments post-1991 have corroborated core grave locations while questioning some Soviet-era body counts due to incomplete excavations and politicized reporting.

Suppression and Reframing of Atrocities

Following the Red Army's liberation of Kaunas on August 1, 1944, Soviet commissions exhumed mass graves at the Ninth Fort, uncovering remains estimated at 30,000 to 50,000 individuals executed by Nazi forces and their auxiliaries between 1941 and 1944. These investigations, documented through photographs and reports, served propagandistic purposes to highlight German war crimes as part of the "Great Patriotic War" narrative, yet systematically downplayed the systematic extermination of Jews—who comprised over 80% of victims—by categorizing them broadly as "peaceful Soviet citizens" or "victims of fascist terror" without ethnic specificity. Official Soviet historiography and educational materials reframed the site's atrocities to align with Marxist-Leninist , subsuming under antifascist and struggle, where Jewish was de-ethnicized to promote proletarian internationalism and suppress Zionist interpretations. Publications in Soviet acknowledged mass murders but integrated them into accounts emphasizing Soviet partisans and communist fighters as primary and , often omitting or minimizing the of Lithuanian in executions, attributing operations "solely to " to foster against "" while avoiding narratives that could highlight pre-Soviet ethnic tensions or anti-Soviet . The Ninth Fort Museum, operational from the late 1950s as a branch of the Kaunas State Museum of History, perpetuated this reframing through exhibits that focused on the fort's multifaceted history—including Tsarist and Nazi uses—while presenting Nazi crimes through a fascist-centered lens that prioritized collective antifascist martyrdom over targeted genocide. Victim memorials and displays depicted a homogenized group of male-dominated "Soviet heroes and Nazi victims," sidelining Jewish religious or cultural artifacts and the scale of the "Great Action" deportations from the Kaunas Ghetto, with narratives unchanged until perestroika-era reforms in the late 1980s introduced limited acknowledgments of Jewish specificity. Soviet authorities also suppressed documentation of their own NKVD executions at the site in 1940–1941, erasing approximately 8,000 political prisoners' deaths to maintain the site's utility as a symbol of anti-German resistance.

Post-Independence Preservation and Museum (1991-Present)

Museum Establishment and Exhibitions

The Kaunas Ninth Fort Museum was established in 1958 under Soviet administration, with its inaugural exhibition opening to the public on July 20, 1959, primarily documenting Nazi German atrocities at the site during World War II, including mass executions of approximately 50,000 victims, the majority Jews. This initial focus aligned with Soviet propaganda narratives emphasizing fascist crimes while suppressing evidence of prior and concurrent Soviet repressions at the fort, such as executions and imprisonments from 1940–1941 and post-1944. Following Lithuania's restoration of independence in 1991, the museum expanded its scope through intensified archival research and exhibit revisions, incorporating artifacts and testimonies related to Soviet-era crimes, including the fort's use as a prison for political dissidents and sites of NKVD executions. By the 1990s, permanent displays balanced coverage of both occupations, reflecting a shift toward comprehensive historical accountability rather than selective Soviet framing. The museum's collections, exceeding 70,000 items as of recent inventories, encompass photographs, archival documents, personal effects, and material artifacts such as textiles, metal implements, wooden objects, and paintings recovered from the site or donated by survivors' families. Permanent exhibitions in the historic fort structures and adjacent memorial building detail chronological events: pre-war fortifications, interwar prison conversions, Nazi ghetto operations and killing operations from 1941–1944, and Soviet post-war suppressions until 1990. Temporary exhibits, such as those on 1991 independence defense efforts, rotate to address contemporary commemorations. Guided tours, available in multiple languages, emphasize forensic evidence like mass grave excavations and victim demographics, drawing from declassified records accessed post-independence. Admission is free on the last Sunday of each month, with annual visitor numbers surpassing 100,000 in recent years.

Physical Site Maintenance and Artifacts

Following Lithuania's restoration of independence in 1991, the Ninth Fort complex has been preserved and maintained by the Kaunas Ninth Fort Museum as a 50-hectare memorial and educational site encompassing original fortress structures, execution grounds, and exhibition facilities. Initial post-Soviet efforts focused on site cleanup and conversion of principal buildings into museum spaces to facilitate public access and historical interpretation. Structural maintenance has addressed decades of deferred upkeep, with major renovations commencing in January 2023 on the Occupations Exposition building—a structure of distinctive architecture that had lacked substantive repairs for over 40 years. These works involve reconfiguring the entrance, enhancing accessibility, and adding amenities such as a cafe and bookstore to support visitor experience without altering core historical elements. The site's 19th-century concrete fortifications and associated post-war memorials are classified as objects of national cultural significance, informing targeted conservation strategies against deterioration common to concrete heritage. The museum's artifacts, numbering in the thousands, include personal effects from victims, Nazi-era documents, and items recovered through on-site archaeological digs spanning the fort's multi-epoch . A dedicated restoration conducts , , and scholarly , prioritizing metal and wooden valuables alongside excavation finds, with protocols for preventive care to mitigate . Specific restorations encompass prisoner-crafted items, such as a tin sun symbolizing spiritual resilience, and rare post-war plastic artifacts, underscoring the collection's role in evidencing human experiences amid repression.

Memorial and Commemorative Features

Monument Design and Unveiling


The Ninth Fort monument, a central element of the memorial complex, was designed by Lithuanian sculptor Alfonsas Vincentas Ambraziūnas in collaboration with architects Vytautas Vielius and Gediminas Baravykas. The structure embodies brutalist architecture, characterized by its massive concrete form rising 32 meters high, evoking a stark, monolithic presence that Ambraziūnas described as a "monument of the era" to symbolize collective suffering and remembrance. The design emerged from a competition announced in the late 1960s, with winners selected in 1970, followed by a six-year refinement phase and approximately ten additional years of construction, reflecting the Soviet-era emphasis on monumental scale for ideological commemoration.
The monument's form integrates symbolic elements, including vertical pillars and expansive bases that guide visitors toward mass burial sites, underscoring the site's history as an execution ground for approximately 50,000 victims, primarily Jews, during Nazi occupation. The concrete construction, filled and reinforced for durability, aligns with brutalist principles of raw materiality to convey unyielding historical testimony without ornamentation. Unveiling occurred on , , in a state-organized attended by officials and the , featuring the The Bells of Remembrance to evoke . This marked the of the , which integrated the with pathways and spaces, framing the atrocities under Soviet as exclusively Nazi crimes. In recognition, Ambraziūnas, Vielius, and Baravykas received the USSR State Prize in 1985 for their contribution to monumental art.

Annual Events and Public Rituals

The Ninth Fort serves as a primary venue for annual Holocaust commemorations in Lithuania, with rituals centered on honoring the victims of Nazi mass executions, particularly the "Great Action" of October 28–29, 1941, when German forces and Lithuanian auxiliaries murdered approximately 9,200 Jews from the Kaunas Ghetto, including 4,273 children, in pits at the site's execution field. These events feature formal ceremonies including speeches by government officials, such as the Lithuanian President, wreath-laying at the memorial monolith, visits to the mass grave area, and moments of silence to reflect on the scale of the atrocities. Community participation often involves Jewish organizations, survivors' descendants, and international delegations, emphasizing moral accountability for historical silence. The site also hosts rituals tied to Lithuania's National Memorial Day for the Genocide of Lithuanian Jews on September 23, commemorating broader Holocaust liquidations, with events including artistic programs, candle-lighting, flower deposition, and guided reflections at the execution grounds. These gatherings, organized by the Kaunas Jewish Community and the Ninth Fort Museum, draw attendees to process the site's role in killing over 30,000 Jews overall during 1941–1944. Additional public rituals occur during international programs like the March of the Living, where participants march to the fort for prayers and survivor testimonies, reinforcing the site's status as a locus of remembrance amid ongoing debates over local collaboration.

Controversies and Scholarly Debates

Disputes over Perpetrator Responsibility

The mass executions at the Ninth Fort, particularly during the "Great Action" of October 28–29, 1941, involved systematic shootings and gassings of approximately 9,000–10,000 Jews from the Kaunas ghetto, perpetrated by German SS personnel from Einsatzkommando 3 under Karl Jäger alongside Lithuanian auxiliary units such as the Ypatingasis būrys (Special Squad). These local forces, composed of Lithuanian nationalists and volunteers, handled much of the roundup, transport to the site, and direct killings, with reports of gratuitous cruelty including beatings and mutilations during the process. Disputes over responsibility center on the degree of agency and voluntarism among Lithuanian perpetrators versus German command authority. German records, including Jäger's operational report, document the Einsatzkommando's oversight but credit Lithuanian auxiliaries with executing the bulk of the physical murders, often exceeding quotas with enthusiasm born of pre-existing antisemitism and anti-Soviet reprisals. However, some Lithuanian historical narratives and post-independence commemorations portray local participants as coerced subordinates or victims of dual occupations, minimizing evidence from survivor testimonies and perpetrator confessions that indicate proactive recruitment and initiative, such as in the initial Kaunas pogroms of June 1941 where Lithuanians acted before full German control. Scholarly critiques, including those by Yitzhak Arad, highlight how Lithuanian sources frequently obfuscate these details by emphasizing Nazi orchestration and attributing crimes to "a few Germans," despite archival proof of over 10,000 Lithuanian volunteers in auxiliary police roles nationwide, many directly involved at Ninth Fort sites. This framing aligns with broader national efforts to equate Soviet and Nazi crimes under a "double genocide" paradigm, which dilutes focus on indigenous collaboration in Holocaust-specific atrocities. Post-war Soviet trials prosecuted select Lithuanian collaborators but integrated their actions into an antifascist narrative that suppressed Jewish victimhood and local antisemitic motivations, further complicating accountability. Contemporary debates intensified in the , exemplified by controversies at Lithuania's and , where faced dismissal for insufficiently addressing collaboration amid efforts to honor figures later documented as perpetrators. Forensic and from sites like Ninth Fort, including analyses, corroborates mixed perpetrator but underscores that Lithuanian units' hands-on —estimated at –90% of shooters in some actions—cannot be reduced to mere facilitation without causal . These tensions reflect ongoing scholarly insistence on disaggregating from to avoid exculpation.

Accuracy of Casualty Figures and Forensic Data

Estimates of total casualties at the Ninth Fort during the German occupation from June 1941 to August 1944 range from 30,000 to over 50,000 victims, predominantly Jews from the Kovno ghetto and surrounding areas, with smaller numbers of German Jews, Soviet prisoners of war, and Lithuanian political prisoners. Specific documented massacres include approximately 9,200 Kovno ghetto residents killed on October 29, 1941, by German SS, police units, and Lithuanian auxiliaries; around 12,000 Jews executed in September and October 1941; and 4,934 German Jews in two shootings in November 1941. These figures derive primarily from survivor and eyewitness testimonies, Nazi administrative records, and post-war interrogations, as comprehensive body counts were not maintained by perpetrators. Forensic verification remains limited due to deliberate Nazi efforts under Sonderaktion 1005 to exhume, cremate, and scatter remains from 1943 onward, erasing physical evidence of earlier burials. Soviet forces conducted partial exhumations in 1944 shortly after liberating Kovno, uncovering mass graves with skeletal remains showing execution-style gunshot wounds, but these investigations prioritized propaganda documentation over systematic quantification, yielding qualitative rather than precise numerical data. No large-scale exhumations have occurred since, respecting Jewish halakhic prohibitions against disturbing graves and the site's status as a memorial. Modern non-invasive geophysical surveys, including (GPR) conducted since , have identified multiple subsurface anomalies consistent with mass graves at the Ninth Fort, spanning areas of reported executions from October 1941 to August 1944. These methods detect disturbed layers and potential fragments without excavation, corroborating the of burials implied by historical accounts but unable to provide exact victim counts due to cremation and site alterations. Discrepancies in aggregate totals arise from incomplete and varying inclusions of non-Jewish victims, with scholarly consensus favoring higher estimates based on cross-referenced testimonies rather than forensic alone, though exact accuracy eludes definitive proof absent full excavation.

Shifts in National Narratives

During the of from to , the surrounding the Ninth Fort framed the site's massacres as atrocities committed by Nazi "fascists" against "peaceful Soviet citizens," deliberately avoiding explicit reference to the genocide's targeting of and integrating the events into a broader antifascist that emphasized struggle over ethnic specificity. This approach subsumed Jewish victims—estimated at around 30,000 of the roughly 45,000 total killed between 1941 and 1944—into a of Soviet , while downplaying or omitting the active of in guarding, transporting, and executing prisoners, including documented instances of local enthusiasm in the killings. The Ninth Fort Museum, established in 1959, exemplified this by displaying artifacts from both Nazi-era genocide and Soviet repressions but presenting them through a lens of unified antifascist resistance, with exhibits unchanged until the late 1980s. Amid in the late 1980s, initial cracks appeared in this narrative, as public began to differentiate the 's ethnic dimensions from general wartime crimes, setting the stage for post-independence reevaluation. Following Lithuania's of independence on March 11, 1991, national shifted toward explicit of the Ninth Fort as a primary , where and Lithuanian systematically murdered approximately 50,000 , mostly , through shootings and gassings in pits and bunkers. Museum exhibitions were gradually updated to highlight Jewish victims and the ghetto clearances that fed the fort's killing operations, such as the October 29, 1941, "Great Action" in Kaunas that claimed over 9,000 lives in a single day. Yet, this transition has been uneven, with persistent tensions in Lithuanian national narratives between Holocaust commemoration and the preservation of a victim-centered identity emphasizing suffering under both Nazi and Soviet regimes, often resulting in silences or minimization of local collaboration to avoid tarnishing collective heroism. Post-1991 scholarly works and trials, drawing on Soviet-era commissions and eyewitness accounts, have substantiated Lithuanian auxiliaries' complicity—such as their operation of the fort as a killing center under German oversight—but public memory has frequently resisted full integration, framing perpetrators as marginal exceptions rather than reflecting broader societal antisemitism. Recent efforts, including ongoing museum renovations since the 2010s, seek to confront these taboos by incorporating collaboration narratives and challenging the heroic status of implicated figures, though debates continue amid accusations of external pressure from international Holocaust researchers. This evolution underscores a causal tension: while empirical evidence from archives and forensics demands acknowledgment of dual roles (victim and perpetrator), national identity formation prioritizes restorative narratives of independence and resilience over unflinching causal analysis of local agency in the atrocities.

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