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Special Structure against Corruption and Organized Crime

The Special Structure against Corruption and Organized Crime (SPAK), known in Albanian as Struktura e Posaçme Kundër Korrupsionit dhe Krimit të Organizuar, is an independent prosecutorial and investigative body in Albania tasked with detecting, investigating, and prosecuting senior public officials and organized criminal groups involved in high-level corruption, money laundering, and related offenses.^[1] Established by Law No. 95/2016 as part of broader judicial reforms influenced by European Union accession requirements, SPAK became operational on November 25, 2019, comprising a Special Prosecution Office led by Chief Prosecutor Altin Dumani and the National Bureau of Investigation for specialized inquiries. Its mandate emphasizes crimes by high-ranking figures, including elected officials and judges, with powers to seize assets and coordinate with international bodies like the European Public Prosecutor's Office.^[2] SPAK's creation addressed Albania's entrenched systemic corruption, which had undermined governance and deterred foreign investment, by introducing vetted prosecutors and investigators insulated from political interference through rigorous integrity checks.^[3] Notable achievements include over 100 high-profile investigations by 2024, leading to arrests of former ministers, mayors, and mafia figures, alongside asset recoveries exceeding millions in euros, fostering public trust levels around 76% according to surveys.^[4]^[5] The body has dismantled networks in sectors like public procurement and drug trafficking, contributing to Albania's progress in EU evaluations, though it faces ongoing challenges such as threats to personnel and debates over selective enforcement amid political tensions.^[6]^[7] Despite criticisms from opposition groups alleging insufficient scrutiny of ruling party elites, empirical case outcomes demonstrate tangible disruptions to corrupt practices, underscoring SPAK's role in causal mechanisms for institutional accountability.^[8]^[9]

Background and Establishment

Pre-Reform Context in Albania

Following the collapse of Albania's communist regime in 1991, the country experienced a rapid surge in corruption across politics, the judiciary, and the economy, exacerbated by the abrupt transition to a market system and weak institutional frameworks. Pyramid investment schemes proliferated in the mid-1990s, defrauding millions and triggering widespread unrest in 1997 that led to the government's collapse, armed rebellion, and an estimated $1.2 billion in losses—equivalent to half of GDP at the time—while enabling entrenched networks of political and economic elites to consolidate power through illicit gains.^[10] Organized crime groups capitalized on this instability, expanding into human trafficking, drug smuggling, arms dealing, and money laundering, often with ties to post-communist political figures who facilitated smuggling routes across the porous borders of the former Yugoslavia.^[11] The judiciary, inherited from the communist era, suffered from chronic underfunding, politicization, and susceptibility to bribery, resulting in very low conviction rates for corruption offenses and organized crime prosecutions prior to 2016. Prosecutors and judges frequently faced interference from political actors, with cases often dismissed or stalled due to evidentiary manipulations or external pressures, fostering a perception of impunity among high-level officials.^[12] Economic corruption intertwined with these issues, as state-owned enterprises and privatization processes in the 1990s and 2000s were marred by nepotism and kickbacks, distorting markets and deterring foreign investment amid Albania's ranking as one of Europe's most corrupt nations in Transparency International's indices during this period.^[13] International assessments, particularly from the European Union, underscored these systemic failures as barriers to Albania's EU accession aspirations. The European Commission's 2014 Progress Report highlighted persistent corruption in the judiciary as a "particularly serious" issue, with limited advancements in judicial independence and anti-corruption enforcement despite Albania's receipt of candidate status in June 2014, conditioning further progress on tangible reforms to combat organized crime and political capture of institutions.^[14] These reports emphasized that without addressing entrenched networks linking crime to governance, Albania's integration stalled, amplifying calls for specialized mechanisms amid ongoing trafficking and laundering operations that fueled regional instability.^[15]

Constitutional and Legal Reforms (2016)

In July 2016, the Albanian Parliament approved comprehensive constitutional amendments, revising 58 articles to overhaul the judiciary, enhance prosecutorial independence, and establish specialized institutions for addressing high-level corruption and organized crime.^[16] These changes created a legal foundation for independent anti-corruption bodies, including special courts insulated from the general judicial system and subject to rigorous integrity vetting for personnel.^[17] The amendments emphasized separation of powers by transferring oversight of judicial appointments and discipline to self-governing councils, aiming to curb political interference in corruption cases.^[18] Central to these reforms was Law No. 95/2016, enacted on October 6, 2016, titled "On the Organization and Functioning of Institutions for Combating Corruption and Organized Crime." This legislation defined the Special Structure against Corruption and Organized Crime (SPAK) as an integrated framework comprising a Special Prosecution Office, investigative directorates, and administrative support units, with jurisdiction over serious corruption offenses involving public officials and organized crime networks.^[19] The law mandated operational independence, including dedicated budgets and personnel selection processes insulated from executive influence, while specifying that SPAK's institutions would operate from Tirana with nationwide authority.^[1] Complementing these measures, Law No. 84/2016 established a transitional re-evaluation (vetting) process for all judges and prosecutors, administered by specialized commissions with international oversight to verify assets, family ties, and professional ethics.^[18] Vetting commissions, drawing on foreign expertise for impartiality, rejected candidates linked to political compromise or unexplained wealth, resulting in the dismissal of over one-third of evaluated magistrates by subsequent years, thereby enabling the staffing of special courts with screened personnel.^[20] This mechanism addressed systemic vulnerabilities in the prior judiciary, where corruption had undermined enforcement, without integrating into routine judicial operations.^[17]

Operational Launch and Initial Setup (2019)

The Special Structure against Corruption and Organized Crime (SPAK) commenced operations on December 19, 2019, following the High Prosecutorial Council's (HPC) appointment of its initial eight prosecutors through a merit-based selection process involving applications, evaluations, and vetting for integrity and professional competence.^[21]^[22] The appointees included Arben Kraja, Altin Dumani, Klodian Braho, Enkeleda Millonaj, Edvin Kondili, Ened Nakuçi, Elida Kaçkini, and Behar Dibra, selected from candidates who demonstrated specialized expertise in handling complex corruption and organized crime cases.^[23] Arben Kraja was elected as the inaugural chief prosecutor shortly thereafter, receiving majority support from the HPC in a vote among eligible candidates, thereby establishing leadership for the Special Prosecution Office (SPO) component of SPAK.^[24] This setup integrated the SPO with the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI), a dedicated investigative unit under SPAK's oversight, where NBI investigators—appointed directly by SPAK prosecutors—handled specialized probes into high-level corruption and organized crime, distinct from regular police structures.^[25]^[9] Initial operations emphasized capacity-building, including protocol development for case intake and inter-agency coordination, amid Albania's ongoing political crisis marked by opposition-led protests starting in February 2019 and a parliamentary boycott that disrupted legislative functions but did not halt the HPC's independent appointments or SPAK's activation as a judicial reform priority. These challenges, rooted in allegations of electoral irregularities and systemic corruption, tested the institution's resilience from inception, yet the meritocratic recruitment—overseen by the vetting-vetted HPC—ensured continuity in staffing without direct political interference.^[26] Early efforts focused on clarifying SPAK's mandate to prioritize senior official corruption over routine cases, laying groundwork for autonomous investigations while navigating public skepticism from the polarized environment.^[3]

Organizational Framework

Special Prosecution Office

The Special Prosecution Office (SPO), known in Albanian as Prokuroria e Posaçme, constitutes the primary prosecutorial entity within Albania's Special Structure against Corruption and Organized Crime (SPAK), tasked exclusively with directing criminal proceedings for senior-level corruption and organized crime offenses as outlined in Article 148 of the Constitution.^[21] Enacted through Law No. 95/2016 dated October 6, 2016, the SPO holds authority to commence prosecutions against high-ranking officials—including ministers, judges, and lawmakers—without needing preliminary consent from the General Prosecutor or executive authorities, a mechanism designed to circumvent entrenched political oversight in prior systems.^[1] This independence extends to its operational directive: representing state accusations before specialized courts and supervising execution of judicial decisions, while coordinating with but not subordinating to investigative units.^[27] Leadership of the SPO centers on the Chief Special Prosecutor, currently Altin Dumani as of October 2025, whose five-year mandate concludes on December 18, 2025, following appointment by the High Prosecutorial Council (KLP) via a merit-based evaluation emphasizing professional qualifications and integrity assessments conducted by the Independent Qualification Commission.^[28] ^[29] The chief oversees a cadre of special prosecutors, numbering 20 as of late 2024 after expansion from 17, with selections limited to vetted candidates free of prior integrity violations or ties to disqualified judicial figures under Albania's post-2016 reforms.^[28] These prosecutors, supported by administrative sectors including a chancellor and case management units, undergo specialized training to handle emblematic prosecutions, with strategic plans targeting capacity building for at least 100 personnel by 2027.^[21] Autonomy features distinguish the SPO from Albania's general prosecution apparatus, including self-managed budgeting derived from dedicated state allocations—separate from the Prosecutorial Council's general funds—to prevent fiscal leverage by the executive, alongside annual reporting obligations directly to Parliament rather than the Prime Minister's office.^[30] ^[5] Legal safeguards prohibit interference in case prioritization or dismissal of prosecutors mid-mandate absent KLP adjudication, fostering resilience against documented attempts at political pressure observed in Albania's pre-reform judiciary.^[21] This framework, bolstered by international monitoring from bodies like the EU and OSCE, positions the SPO to sustain prosecutions insulated from the systemic capture prevalent in legacy institutions.

Supporting Investigative and Judicial Bodies

The National Bureau of Investigation (NBI), known in Albanian as Byroja Kombëtare e Hetimit (BKH), operates as SPAK's specialized investigative unit, consisting of vetted judicial police personnel dedicated to evidence gathering in high-level corruption and organized crime matters.^[31] Established under the 2016 judicial reform framework and fully operational by 2019, the NBI performs tasks such as surveillance, witness interviews, and digital evidence recovery, functioning independently from Albania's standard policing structures to mitigate risks of interference.^[9] Its investigators, selected through rigorous vetting processes outlined in SPAK's enabling legislation, numbered around 28 out of 60 approved positions by August 2021, with ongoing recruitment to address capacity gaps.^[25] Specialized forensic support within SPAK's framework aids the NBI, including digital forensics teams equipped for hard drive imaging and cybercrime analysis, donated and trained via international assistance programs as of 2023.^[32] These units ensure evidence admissibility in judicial proceedings, coordinating with prosecutors to trace financial flows in cases involving money laundering and economic offenses without encroaching on prosecutorial discretion.^[5] By the end of 2024, the NBI was filling 102 vacant roles to sustain investigative momentum amid a rising volume of complex cases.^[33] Inter-agency mechanisms facilitate asset freezing upon NBI-identified leads, with prosecutors issuing provisional orders to preserve seized properties and prevent dissipation, as piloted in corruption probes by 2024.^[34] International partnerships, including data-sharing protocols with Europol, extend NBI operations transnationally; a notable example occurred in August 2025, when NBI efforts supported the dismantling of an Albanian-led organized crime syndicate, yielding 10 arrests across Europe.^[35] These protocols, aligned with unified financial investigation guidelines adopted in November 2024, streamline evidence handover to judicial bodies while upholding chain-of-custody standards.^[33]

Independence Mechanisms and Vetting Processes

The establishment of the Special Structure against Corruption and Organized Crime (SPAK) incorporated rigorous vetting processes for its prosecutors and judges, drawing from Albania's 2016 judicial reforms to filter out individuals susceptible to political or criminal influence. All candidates underwent a transitional re-evaluation assessing assets, background integrity, and professional proficiency, administered by an independent commission with operational support from EU and U.S. experts via programs like EURALIUS and OPDAT. This process, monitored internationally through the Operation of the International Monitoring, resulted in approximately 40% of Albania's judges and prosecutors being dismissed nationwide, significantly narrowing the pool for SPAK appointments; by 2020, only about 50% of the required judicial positions for SPAK's courts had been filled with vetted personnel.^[3]^[36]^[3] Mandatory asset declarations form a core component of these mechanisms, requiring SPAK personnel and their close family members to disclose financial holdings, with ongoing verification by the High Inspectorate for the Declaration and Audit of Assets and Conflict of Interest (HIDAACI). Vetting includes lifestyle audits to cross-check declared assets against unexplained wealth or expenditures, supplemented by periodic monitoring of telecommunications and bank accounts to detect undue influences. Oversight of prosecutorial asset compliance falls under the High Council of Prosecution, which ensures adherence to ethical standards, while similar scrutiny applies to judges via the High Judicial Council. These checks have identified discrepancies in judicial candidates, leading to referrals for further investigation.^[3]^[36]^[3] To safeguard operational autonomy, SPAK prosecutors serve fixed nine-year, non-renewable terms, insulating them from electoral pressures and reappointment dependencies that plagued prior anti-corruption bodies often subject to political appointments. Dismissal requires a two-thirds majority vote by the High Judicial Council for judges or equivalent prosecutorial body, limited to proven misconduct under constitutional provisions like Article 135(4), a stark contrast to the vulnerability of predecessors in Albania's fragmented serious crime courts. Additional protections include enhanced security for seven magistrates in 2024 amid influence attempts, underscoring SPAK's design to prioritize impartiality over institutional capture.^[9]^[3]^[36]

Judicial Components

Special Court of First Instance

The Special Court of First Instance for Corruption and Organized Crime constitutes the primary trial-level judicial authority within Albania's Special Structure against Corruption and Organized Crime (SPAK), tasked with adjudicating indictments issued by the Special Prosecution Office. Enacted through constitutional amendments and Law No. 95/2016 "On the Organization and Functioning of Institutions for Combating Corruption and Organized Crime," the court assumed operational responsibilities following the vetting of judicial personnel and institutional setup in 2019. It possesses nationwide jurisdiction, independent from the general court system, to address systemic vulnerabilities in prosecuting elite-level offenses that prior structures had failed to handle effectively.^[3]^[19] The court's composition draws from a minimum of 16 judges, all subjected to rigorous vetting under Albania's 2016 judicial reforms to ensure integrity and impartiality against entrenched influences. Trials proceed before specialized three-judge panels, selected from this vetted cadre, which deliberate collegiately to mitigate risks of individual bias or coercion prevalent in standard first-instance courts. This structure contrasts with ordinary courts by prioritizing judges with demonstrated resistance to corruption pressures, as verified through asset declarations, lifestyle audits, and professional evaluations by the High Judicial Council and Independent Qualification Commission.^[3] Jurisdiction encompasses corruption offenses involving public officials exceeding ALL 50,000 (approximately €450) in value, procurement-related corruption surpassing ALL 800,000 (approximately €7,500), organized crime activities, terrorism, and electoral violations, particularly those implicating high-ranking figures such as the president, prime minister, or senior judges. Cases below these thresholds or lacking high-profile elements revert to general courts, enabling the Special Court to concentrate resources on impactful prosecutions. Procedural distinctions include enhanced coordination for witness and collaborator protection, where the court enforces measures like identity shielding and relocation requests initiated by the prosecution during trials, alongside streamlined evidentiary rules to counter intimidation tactics documented in Albanian organized crime networks. While not mandating fixed expedited timelines, the framework incentivizes efficiency to reduce backlog risks, differing from the protracted durations in non-specialized venues.^[3]^[37]^[19] By 2023, the court had issued decisions in a growing caseload, registering a 53% rise in guilty verdicts for corruption relative to 2022, reflecting operational maturation. This trajectory continued into 2024-2025, with over 90 convictions in corruption cases, handling more than 100 proceedings annually amid SPAK's expanded investigations into elite networks. Such outputs underscore the court's role in disrupting impunity, though challenges persist in securing timely witness cooperation amid Albania's cultural reticence toward testimony against powerful actors.^[21]^[36]

Special Court of Appeals

The Special Court of Appeal for Corruption and Organized Crime functions as the second-instance judicial body within Albania's Special Structure against Corruption and Organized Crime (SPAK), exclusively handling appeals from rulings of the Special Court of First Instance in matters of high-level corruption and organized crime. Enacted through the 2016 constitutional and legal reforms and operational since early 2020 following the vetting and appointment of judges, the court prioritizes review of legal interpretations, procedural compliance, and sentencing proportionality, explicitly prohibiting re-examination of evidentiary facts or de novo trials to promote judicial finality and efficiency.^[3] Composed of 11 judges selected via competitive processes emphasizing integrity and expertise, with 10 positions filled by late 2023 after mandatory vetting by independent commissions, the court adjudicates appeals in collegial panels, focusing on errors in law application that could undermine conviction validity or sentence fairness. This structure insulates proceedings from external influence, as judges are insulated from political pressures through dedicated funding and security protocols aligned with European standards. In practice, the court has processed a growing caseload, issuing 24 final decisions in 2024 alone, often affirming first-instance outcomes to reinforce accountability in cases involving senior officials.^[38] Empirical data from monitoring indicates the court's affirmation rates for convictions exceed those of Albania's general appellate system, with European Commission assessments noting sustained high uphold rates—approaching 80% in SPAK matters by 2024—attributable to the specialized bench's familiarity with complex corruption typologies and evidentiary standards developed in first-instance proceedings. This pattern supports deterrence by minimizing successful reversals in emblematic cases, though occasional modifications occur for procedural lapses, ensuring causal links between detected misconduct and imposed penalties remain robust without undue leniency.^[39]^[38]

Operational Methods and Procedures

Case Selection and Prioritization

The Special Structure against Corruption and Organized Crime (SPAK) adopts a top-down approach to case selection, prioritizing investigations into high-level corruption and organized crime involving senior public officials, politicians, judges, and criminal organization leaders, as defined under Article 8 of Law No. 95/2016.^[1] This strategy targets offenses with substantial economic damage or elements of structured criminal activity that undermine public institutions and societal trust, excluding minor or low-value infractions to prevent resource dilution and ensure focus on systemic threats.^[21] Jurisdictional criteria emphasize cases qualifying under Article 75/a of the Criminal Procedure Code, particularly those affecting heads of central or independent state institutions as per Article 135, paragraph 2 of the Albanian Constitution, with referrals from general prosecution offices assessed for takeover by SPAK.^[1] Amendments in March 2021 introduced monetary thresholds to refine scope, requiring passive corruption offenses to involve at least ALL 5,000 (approximately €45) in bribes and active corruption at least ALL 10,000 (approximately €90), thereby aligning jurisdiction with impactful rather than petty crimes while detaching from broader constitutional phrasing.^[3] To optimize efficiency, SPAK employs data-driven triage through risk-based assessments outlined in its 2024-2027 Strategic Plan, evaluating potential societal and economic impacts to sequence high-priority matters ahead of others, ensuring limited prosecutorial and investigative capacities address the most influential networks first.^[21] Low-level cases falling outside these parameters—such as routine or non-organized offenses—are explicitly deferred to general prosecution offices under Article 29, paragraph 3 of the law, safeguarding SPAK from overload and maintaining its mandate for elite-level accountability.^[1]

Investigative Techniques and Powers

The Special Prosecution Office (SPO) within SPAK, supported by the National Bureau of Investigation (NBI), employs expanded surveillance techniques, including wiretapping and electronic monitoring, to gather evidence on corruption and organized crime networks. These measures require prior judicial authorization from the Special Structure for Investigation or the Special Court against Corruption and Organized Crime, ensuring oversight to prevent abuse; for instance, wiretap approvals are issued by prosecutors and reviewed by the Special Court of First Instance.^[40]^[5] In practice, SPAK has utilized such surveillance in high-profile probes, such as monitoring judicial figures for 15 days in early 2025 without initiating formal charges at the outset, highlighting the preliminary nature of these tools for evidence building.^[41] Proactive investigative methods, including undercover operations, are integral for infiltrating organized crime groups, allowing NBI agents to collect real-time intelligence on illicit activities like money laundering and trafficking. SPAK's strategic emphasis on these approaches has led to an increase in proactive investigations, as noted in the European Commission's 2025 assessment, distinguishing them from reactive case responses.^[42]^[9] Forensic accounting forms a core technique for tracing illicit financial flows, with SPO prosecutors and NBI specialists analyzing complex asset trails, bank records, and corporate structures to uncover embezzlement and laundering schemes. This expertise has been bolstered through institutional capacity-building, focusing on financial and asset-related probes as outlined in SPAK's 2024-2027 Strategic Plan.^[21] International mutual legal assistance is routinely leveraged to extend investigations beyond Albania's borders, facilitating asset recovery and evidence sharing with foreign counterparts; for example, SPAK has formalized cooperation agreements with prosecution offices in countries including the United States, Brazil, and Spain since 2024, enabling joint operations against transnational crime.^[5]^[43]^[44] Recent advancements incorporate data analytics and AI-driven pattern detection to identify corruption indicators in large datasets, supported by OSCE training programs; a five-day course in April 2025 enhanced SPAK's analytical capacities for risk assessment in financial crimes, complemented by donated IT equipment for a dedicated task force.^[45]^[46] These tools aid in preempting organized crime through predictive modeling, though their application remains under judicial scrutiny to align with evidentiary standards.^[21]

Prosecution and Trial Processes

The Special Prosecution Office (SPO) of SPAK concludes the investigative phase by filing an indictment with the Special Court of First Instance when evidence establishes probable cause that a qualifying corruption or organized crime offense has occurred and identifies the perpetrators.^[3] This threshold, aligned with Albania's Criminal Procedure Code, demands concrete indications of criminality sufficient to warrant trial, excluding mere suspicion.^[47] In practice, SPO prosecutors have submitted dozens of such indictments annually; for instance, in 2020, 53 corruption-related cases involving approximately 100 defendants were forwarded for adjudication.^[3] Plea agreements, introduced in Albania's criminal justice framework to expedite resolutions, permit defendants to admit guilt in exchange for reduced penalties or dropped charges, subject to court approval.^[48] Within SPAK proceedings, these are permissible for eligible offenses but undergo stringent judicial review to verify absence of coercion, particularly given the high stakes and power imbalances in corruption cases involving public officials.^[48] Such scrutiny aims to maintain procedural integrity, as abbreviated trials via pleas have been applied in select high-profile matters, though full evidentiary hearings remain the norm for complex organized crime allegations.^[48] Trials in the Special Court emphasize adversarial presentation of evidence, with public hearings conducted to foster accountability and public oversight.^[3] Media access is facilitated for transparency, as evidenced by extensive coverage of SPAK cases, balanced by closures or redactions to protect victim privacy, witness safety, or national security under Criminal Procedure Code provisions.^[47] Sentencing, upon conviction beyond reasonable doubt, follows Criminal Code penalties—typically imprisonment from three to eight years for active or passive corruption—integrated with mandatory asset forfeiture and restitution orders to rectify financial harms and deter recidivism.^[49] Courts have prioritized such recoveries, as seen in seizures from convicted officials including former judges and prosecutors.^[3]

Key Cases and Outcomes

Prominent Investigations and Arrests

In 2023, SPAK charged former Deputy Prime Minister Arben Ahmetaj with corruption, money laundering, and misuse of office in connection with the incinerators concession scandal, involving allegations of rigged contracts for waste management facilities.^[50] This probe targeted high-level involvement in public procurement irregularities, marking an early focus on executive branch figures. Subsequent waves from 2020 to 2022 involved arrests of multiple mayors and local officials accused of graft in urban development projects, including tender manipulations and undeclared assets linked to construction permits.^[51] By 2024, investigations escalated with the October 21 arrest of former President Ilir Meta on charges of money laundering, passive corruption, and failure to declare assets, stemming from probes into financial dealings during his tenure.^[8] In the same year, SPAK issued security measures against 33 former senior officials for corruption offenses, including former ministers and municipal leaders implicated in abuse of office and bribery schemes.^[52] These actions contributed to a cumulative total of 629 security measures applied across investigations by the end of 2024.^[53] Probes intensified in 2025, with the February arrest of Tirana Mayor Erion Veliaj and his wife on suspicions of corruption and money laundering tied to municipal contracts and asset concealment.^[54] Drug trafficking networks linked to public officials faced heightened scrutiny, as seen in July operations dismantling international cocaine rings, yielding arrests of over a dozen suspects and identification of additional traffickers with ties to Albanian functionaries.^[55] August actions further targeted Albanian-led organized crime groups in Europe, issuing 16 arrest warrants for cocaine distribution involving domestic operatives.^[56]

Convictions, Acquittals, and Asset Recoveries

The Special Structure against Corruption and Organized Crime (SPAK) has secured convictions in 88 out of 134 defendants sent to trial, yielding a 66% conviction rate as of early 2025, primarily in corruption and organized crime matters handled by specialized courts.^[57] This includes 174 convictions for corruption offenses in 2023 alone, a marked increase from prior years, with final convictions in high-level cases rising compared to 2022.^[58]^[59] High-profile examples encompass the conviction of former General Prosecutor Adriatik Llalla on multiple counts related to abuse of office and property concealment.^[37] Acquittals and non-convictions account for the remaining 34% of trial outcomes, often stemming from insufficient evidence in intricate financial or networked schemes, which exposes constraints in forensic tracing and witness reliability amid entrenched criminal structures.^[57] Civil society analyses note the slower resolution of select high-profile prosecutions, where evidentiary shortcomings have led to dismissals, though specific acquittal tallies remain limited in public reporting.^[9] Asset seizures and confiscations by SPAK totaled €182 million over its first five years through mid-2025, with €65.5 million secured in 2024—a 60% rise from the previous year—encompassing real estate, bank accounts, businesses, and cryptocurrencies derived from illicit activities.^[60]^[33] Confiscated properties, including those from former senior judges and prosecutors, have been returned to state control under anti-mafia provisions, enabling reallocation for public purposes and curtailing the economic leverage of convicted elites.^[3]^[61]

Achievements and Measurable Impacts

Corruption Perception Index Improvements

Albania's score on Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) rose from 36 in 2018 to 42 in 2024, reflecting a perception of reduced public-sector corruption and improving its global ranking from 99th to 80th out of 180 countries.^[62]^[63] This five-point score increase from 2023 to 2024 marked Albania's largest annual gain in over a decade, amid broader regional stagnation or decline in the index.^[64] The CPI aggregates expert assessments and business surveys on bribery, diversion of public funds, and enforcement efficacy, with higher scores indicating lower perceived corruption.^[64] The timing of this progress aligns with the 2019 launch of the Special Structure against Corruption and Organized Crime (SPAK), which has secured convictions against former ministers, parliament members, and mayors for graft-related offenses.^[65] Transparency International attributes part of the score uplift to SPAK's role in building public confidence through targeted prosecutions of elite figures, previously shielded from accountability, thereby signaling stronger deterrence against impunity.^[66] SPAK's 2024 annual report highlights over 50 high-level cases concluded since inception, correlating with the index gains as perceptions shifted due to visible enforcement outcomes.^[5] While direct causation remains inferred from temporal correlation and expert analysis rather than isolated econometric modeling, the CPI methodology emphasizes sustained judicial independence and sanctioning as key drivers of perceptual shifts, areas where SPAK's operations have demonstrably advanced Albania's standing relative to pre-2019 baselines.^[64] Independent assessments, including those from anti-corruption monitors, reinforce that such institutional reforms have incrementally lowered tolerance for systemic bribery in public administration, though challenges persist in petty corruption domains.^[3]

Public Trust Metrics and Societal Effects

Public opinion polls in 2025 indicate that 76% of Albanians trust SPAK, the highest approval rating among all state institutions in the country.^[4] This figure reflects growing confidence in SPAK's independence and effectiveness, particularly following its investigations into high-level corruption involving politicians, judges, and business figures since its inception in 2019.^[4] Earlier surveys, such as those from early 2025, showed lower but rising trust levels around 52%, with subsequent increases tied to prominent arrests and convictions.^[67] The elevated public trust in SPAK has manifested in societal effects beyond direct anti-corruption measures, including a perceived deterrent influence on elite behavior. High-profile takedowns have prompted greater self-compliance among officials and business leaders, evidenced by increased voluntary disclosures and cooperation in ongoing probes, as SPAK's strategic focus on influential networks has raised accountability expectations.^[4] This shift contributes to broader perceptions of fairness in governance, potentially diminishing long-term emigration drivers rooted in institutional distrust, though Albania continues to experience net outflows exceeding 50,000 citizens annually.^[68] SPAK's credibility has also spilled over into the private sector, correlating with heightened foreign direct investment amid improved rule-of-law signals. Inflows reached €398 million in the second quarter of 2025 alone, supporting economic stability through sectors like tourism and real estate, where reduced corruption risks enhance investor confidence.^[69]^[70] These developments underscore SPAK's role in fostering a more predictable business environment, distinct from overall economic policies.^[4]

Contributions to EU Accession Efforts

The Specialised Structure against Corruption and Organised Crime (SPAK) has played a pivotal role in advancing Albania's fulfillment of EU rule-of-law benchmarks, particularly those concerning the fight against high-level corruption as a prerequisite for accession negotiations. Established in 2019 as part of broader judicial reforms, SPAK's operational independence and early investigative outcomes were cited in the European Commission's assessments leading to the formal opening of accession talks in July 2022, which required demonstrable progress on anti-corruption mechanisms aligned with the Copenhagen political criteria.^[71] The Commission's 2022 report specifically acknowledged SPAK's initial handling of complex cases involving senior officials, marking a shift toward credible enforcement that bolstered Albania's case for negotiation clusters on fundamentals, including judiciary and anti-corruption.^[71] By 2024, SPAK's contributions extended to meeting targeted anti-corruption milestones, with the European Commission's Enlargement Report highlighting enhancements in financial investigation capacities and the systematic application of asset seizures in organized crime probes, such as those linked to the Tirana incinerator scandal.^[34] These developments aligned with EU demands under the Copenhagen criteria for stable institutions guaranteeing the rule of law, enabling Albania to satisfy over half of the reforms tied to the EU's Western Balkans Growth Plan and unlocking €100 million in disbursements by October 2025.^[72] The 2025 Rule of Law Report further affirmed SPAK's consolidation of results against high-level graft, crediting it with establishing a track record essential for progressing negotiation chapters on justice and internal affairs.^[36] Despite these advancements, EU evaluations underscore challenges in maintaining momentum, including vulnerabilities to political interference that could precipitate rule-of-law reversals if SPAK's autonomy erodes.^[34] The Commission's reports emphasize that sustained gains depend on uninterrupted resource allocation and resistance to backsliding pressures, as incomplete implementation of anti-corruption strategies risks stalling further benchmark fulfillment and funding releases.^[36] SPAK's ongoing alignment with EU recommendations, as self-reported in its 2024 annual review, remains critical to mitigating these risks and supporting Albania's trajectory toward potential membership by 2030.^[5]

Criticisms and Challenges

Allegations of Political Selectivity

Opposition figures, particularly from the Democratic Party, have accused SPAK of selective targeting, claiming the agency disproportionately investigates and indicts non-ruling party affiliates while shielding Socialist Party loyalists.^[73]^[8] For instance, former Prime Minister Sali Berisha, leader of the Democratic Party, was indicted on corruption charges related to a property deal during his 2005-2013 tenure, with critics alleging the probe serves to neutralize political rivals ahead of elections.^[74] Similarly, former President Ilir Meta faced arrest in October 2024 on corruption allegations, prompting claims from opposition lawmakers that SPAK operates under executive influence to sideline adversaries.^[75] These assertions are countered by evidence of SPAK's investigations into high-profile Socialist Party members, demonstrating cross-party scrutiny. In July 2025, SPAK indicted former Socialist MP Jurgis Cyrbja for sharing police intelligence with organized crime figures in exchange for electoral support, marking a rare probe into ruling coalition ties.^[76]^[4] Tirana Mayor Erion Veliaj, a prominent Socialist, was indicted in a corruption case involving urban development contracts, alongside MP Klotilda Bushka for alleged interference.^[77] Former Deputy Prime Minister Arben Ahmetaj faced charges in 2023 for corruption and money laundering linked to waste incineration concessions, with assets seized.^[50] SPAK's 2024 annual report highlights ongoing prosecutions against criminal organizations with political connections, including those aiding ruling party campaigns, underscoring efforts to address favoritism claims through empirical case progression rather than partisan exemption.^[5] Quantitative analysis of indictments reveals no systemic disparity favoring the ruling party, as SPAK has pursued over a dozen high-level cases spanning both major parties since 2020, with conviction rates holding steady across affiliations—approximately 65% for corruption offenses in 2023-2024—based on prosecutorial closure data.^[58] SPAK Chief Altin Dumani has publicly rejected politicization charges, emphasizing that investigations follow evidence from independent referrals, including from EU partners, and noting resistance from entrenched interests on all sides.^[78] While opposition-aligned sources amplify selectivity narratives, international observers like the Economist attribute SPAK's actions to institutional independence, citing the agency's indictments of "bigwigs" irrespective of alignment as evidence against bias.^[4]

Concerns Over Judicial Overreach and Rights Violations

Critics have highlighted extended pre-trial detentions in SPAK cases as a potential infringement on personal liberty, with durations often spanning several months and contributing to pretrial detainees accounting for 52 percent of Albania's prison population as of November 2022.^[79] The United Nations Human Rights Office expressed concern in April 2024 over the high volume of such detainees, recommending immediate measures to alleviate prison overcrowding and protect rights during investigations.^[80] Albanian law caps pretrial detention at three years but permits extensions in intricate corruption and organized crime probes to avert flight risks or evidence interference, though delays in investigations have prolonged holds in practice.^[81] The European Court of Human Rights has adjudicated specific SPAK-related detentions, finding violations of Article 5 of the European Convention on Human Rights in cases like that of Thoma Gëllçi, where the court deemed the detention unjustified and exposing flaws in Albanian practices as of February 2025.^[82] Similar critiques emerged in other instances, including an eight-month hold ruled non-compliant with Convention standards.^[83] Domestic courts have frequently upheld these measures, citing the complexity of high-level cases involving asset tracing and international elements. Concerns over witness handling include allegations of coercion risks in aggressive probes, though Albania's witness protection program—conducting 24 operations in 2021—aims to shield testimonies from retaliation in organized crime contexts.^[84] SPAK's low acquittal rates, with convictions reaching 87.1 percent in 2023 assessments, indicate procedural robustness in many instances, as few detentions are overturned post-trial.^[85] These tactics reflect a deliberate pivot from prior leniency, under which corruption probes often dissolved due to suspect interference or impunity, enabling escapes from accountability in systemic graft networks.^[86] While overreach risks persist in balancing urgency against rights, the necessity arises from evidence that milder approaches historically permitted tampering and flight in entrenched organized crime.^[12]

Resource Constraints and Internal Issues

SPAK operates under persistent budget limitations that restrict its capacity to expand operations and address escalating demands. In its 2024-2027 Strategic Plan, the agency highlights the need for enhanced budgetary funding to strengthen investigative and prosecutorial capabilities, noting that current allocations hinder scaling efforts amid complex caseloads. In July 2025, SPAK formally requested an additional 2.5 million euros from the state budget, primarily for personnel costs including the recruitment of more magistrates and investigators, as well as sustaining electronic case management systems. These constraints have limited the agency's growth, despite approvals for medium-term funding requests justified by operational necessities.^[21]^[87] Human resource shortages compound these fiscal hurdles, with the Strategic Plan identifying personnel deficits and high turnover as direct impediments to continuity and efficiency. Threats to SPAK staff, including physical attacks and verbal intimidation targeting prosecutors, judges, and their families, have elevated security risks and contributed to staff attrition. In response, the agency allocated 649 million Albanian lek in November 2024 for a comprehensive "defense umbrella" to bolster protections, underscoring how such perils disrupt operational stability without fully mitigating turnover impacts.^[21]^[88]^[89] Case backlogs represent a core operational bottleneck exacerbated by resource scarcity. The Strategic Plan describes the accumulation of deferred cases as a major challenge driven by overwhelming workloads and insufficient staffing, with targets set to alleviate delays by 2027 through capacity enhancements. Limited human resources have resulted in protracted investigations and prosecutions, as high caseloads—starting from 588 proceedings and 746 investigated persons in 2020—continue to strain the system without proportional personnel growth.^[21]^[9] Internal integrity mechanisms, including scheduled audits and robust anti-corruption protocols outlined in the Strategic Plan, aim to preempt and resolve any graft risks within the agency. These measures focus on accountability to safeguard credibility, though public reports emphasize proactive prevention over disclosed incidents of internal misconduct.^[21]

International Context and Support

Models from Croatia and Romania

The Special Structure against Corruption and Organized Crime (SPAK) in Albania was explicitly modeled on Croatia's Office for the Suppression of Corruption and Organized Crime (USKOK) and Romania's National Anticorruption Directorate (DNA), incorporating elements of their operational frameworks while adapting to Albania's post-communist judicial challenges and EU accession requirements. Established in 2019 as part of broader judicial reforms, SPAK adopted DNA's top-down prosecutorial strategy, which emphasized aggressive investigations into high-level corruption, leading to comparable boosts in conviction rates for senior officials—SPAK secured over 50 convictions of former ministers, deputies, and judges by 2024, mirroring DNA's earlier successes in targeting political elites during its peak from 2013 to 2017.^[3]^[90]^[5] Unlike USKOK, which relies on integrated but less rigorous internal vetting within Croatia's state attorney's office, SPAK benefits from Albania's independent vetting mechanism for prosecutors and judges, implemented via the High Judicial Council and external evaluators since 2017, ensuring higher scrutiny of personnel integrity and reducing risks of internal capture—USKOK has faced persistent criticisms for uneven application in politically sensitive cases despite its effectiveness in asset seizures.^[3]^[91] SPAK's hybrid approach, blending DNA's prosecutorial autonomy with USKOK's focus on organized crime linkages, has enabled faster case processing; assessments indicate SPAK resolves investigations and trials in 12-24 months on average for priority cases, outperforming DNA's later slowdowns and USKOK's procedural delays in complex networks.^[92]^[34] A key lesson integrated into SPAK's design stems from DNA's post-2018 erosion, when political interference by the Social Democratic Party government led to the dismissal of chief prosecutor Laura Codruța Kövesi in July 2018, followed by legislative changes diluting investigative powers and a drop in high-profile indictments—DNA's conviction rate fell from over 70% pre-2018 to below 50% by 2020 amid scandals and prosecutor exodus.^[93]^[94]^[95] Albania countered this by embedding constitutional safeguards, such as fixed five-year terms for SPAK leadership non-renewable by parliament and direct reporting to the president, preserving independence amid domestic political pressures.^[3] This adaptation has sustained SPAK's operational momentum, as evidenced by sustained public trust levels above 70% in 2024 surveys, contrasting with declining confidence in DNA post-politicization.^[4]

EU, OSCE, and U.S. Involvement

The European Union has provided substantial financial and technical assistance to Albania's justice reform efforts, including the establishment and operations of the Special Structure against Corruption and Organized Crime (SPAK), as part of broader conditionality linked to EU accession progress. Since 2016, the EU has allocated approximately €79 million specifically for justice reform implementation, encompassing training programs, infrastructure development, and vetting processes for judicial personnel, with disbursements tied to verifiable compliance in areas such as high-level corruption prosecutions and judicial independence. This support, channeled through instruments like the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance (IPA), emphasizes performance benchmarks, including SPAK's role in addressing systemic corruption, though EU monitoring has highlighted persistent challenges in enforcement despite incremental advancements.^[96] The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) has focused on capacity-building initiatives for SPAK, particularly in specialized areas like electoral integrity. In April 2025, the OSCE Presence in Albania donated IT equipment and facilitated expert training to enhance SPAK's newly formed Task Force on electoral crimes, aimed at preventing and investigating vote-buying, illicit financing, and organized crime influences in elections. These programs build on ongoing OSCE efforts to strengthen prosecutorial skills in handling complex cases involving political-criminal nexus, with activities coordinated to align with Albania's electoral calendar, such as preparations for the May 2025 parliamentary elections.^[46]^[97] The United States, through the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs (INL), has offered targeted support for SPAK's investigative capabilities since its inception in 2019. INL assistance included funding and expertise for SPAK's creation, training for the National Bureau of Investigation in advanced techniques like digital forensics, and donations of equipment such as workstations for cybercrime analysis. In January 2025, a group of Albanian investigators from SPAK and related bodies completed a U.S.-facilitated study tour focused on transnational organized crime probes. However, U.S. funding faced temporary suspensions in early 2025 amid concerns over institutional independence, prompting SPAK to reaffirm its reliance on domestic resources while maintaining operational continuity.^[98]^[99] Joint monitoring by these entities has affirmed SPAK's tangible outputs, such as increased case referrals and asset seizures, while critiquing gaps in broader systemic impact and over-dependence on external aid. The European Commission's 2024 Albania Report noted SPAK's progress in high-profile prosecutions as a key positive development, contributing to Albania's five-point improvement in the Corruption Perceptions Index, yet urged sustained reforms to mitigate risks of political interference. OSCE and U.S. assessments similarly praise specialized task forces but stress the need for enduring domestic ownership to avoid aid-driven distortions in enforcement priorities.^[34]^[33]

Comparative Effectiveness Assessments

SPAK's asset recovery performance, measured by seized and confiscated values per investigated case, has exceeded that of Romania's National Anticorruption Directorate (DNA) from 2020 to 2024, with SPAK achieving approximately 65.5 million euros in such recoveries in 2024 alone amid a focused caseload of high-profile corruption probes.^[5]^[100] In contrast, Romania's DNA, operating in a larger economy with higher case volumes, reported lower per-case yields despite substantial aggregate confiscations, reflecting SPAK's emphasis on rapid asset freezes in judicial and political scandals.^[3] Assessments of organized crime disruption indicate SPAK trails Croatia's Office for the Suppression of Corruption and Organised Crime (USKOK), which has secured conviction rates exceeding 90% in corruption-linked network cases and dismantled extensive transnational operations through sustained prosecutions.^[3]^[91] USKOK's broader jurisdictional scope and integration with specialized courts have enabled greater systemic disruption, including in cross-border trafficking, compared to SPAK's more nascent efforts, which prioritized domestic elite corruption over expansive crime group takedowns in the same period. Independent evaluations, such as those from the U4 Anti-Corruption Resource Centre, assign SPAK higher marks for long-term sustainability owing to its constitutional entrenchment, which shields it from executive interference more effectively than Romania's DNA, where political reshuffles have periodically undermined prosecutorial independence.^[3] This structural resilience supports SPAK's operational continuity, though comparators emphasize that Albania's smaller population and economy inflate per-capita metrics, potentially overstating impact relative to peers handling proportionally larger threats.^[3] Such caveats underscore the need for scaled adjustments in cross-national benchmarks.

Strategic Outlook

2024-2027 Strategic Plan Priorities

The 2024-2027 Strategic Plan for the Special Structure against Corruption and Organized Crime (SPAK), approved by leadership order No. 818 on September 3, 2024, prioritizes intensified investigations into high-level corruption, organized crime, money laundering, electoral crimes, and terrorism.^[101]^[21] This forward-looking framework emphasizes proactive expansions in probing financial flows linked to illicit activities, including money laundering schemes tied to criminal networks, and terrorism-related offenses to disrupt underlying support structures.^[5]^[21] Electoral integrity receives dedicated focus through strategies to prevent and investigate vote manipulation, asset misuse in campaigns, and related corrupt practices, aligning with preparations for national elections.^[102]^[5] Capacity building targets include upgrading technological infrastructure by integrating advanced investigative software and tools to enhance evidence collection, analysis, and cybersecurity, thereby addressing operational bottlenecks in complex cases.^[21] The plan anticipates scaling human resources and training programs to handle expanded probes, with an emphasis on specialized skills for financial forensics and cross-border cooperation.^[5] These measures aim to double investigative throughput without compromising procedural integrity. Performance metrics center on efficiency benchmarks, such as accelerating case progression from initiation to adjudication, to foster deterrence and public trust, though specific resolution rates remain tied to evolving risk assessments rather than fixed quotas.^[5] Overall, the strategy positions SPAK to adapt to emerging threats like hybrid financial crimes while supporting Albania's judicial reforms.^[21]

Electoral Crime and Emerging Threats

In anticipation of the May 11, 2025, parliamentary elections, SPAK implemented a dedicated strategy to investigate and prevent electoral crimes, including vote-buying, intimidation of voters, and misuse of public funds for campaigning.^[102]^[103] This involved forming specialized task forces in coordination with the Central Election Commission and the Prosecutor General's Office to monitor high-risk areas and disqualify candidates linked to corruption.^[104] Building on prior efforts, such as investigations during the 2021 elections that exposed organized crime's influence on candidate selection and led to enhanced scrutiny by international observers, these measures aimed to disrupt patterns of clan-mediated coercion and financial inducements at polling stations.^[105]^[106] SPAK has increasingly addressed emerging threats from cyber-enabled corruption, targeting networks exploiting encrypted platforms like SKY ECC for coordinating money laundering and investment fraud schemes originating in Albania.^[107]^[108] These operations revealed connections to broader cybercrime, including computer fraud and boiler-room scams defrauding European victims of millions, often intertwined with political influence peddling.^[60] Complementing this, efforts against clan-based organized crime have focused on dismantling family-led groups, such as the Copja clan in drug trafficking and contract killings, and the Pashja brothers' network importing cocaine from South America, which extend influence into electoral processes through local intimidation.^[109]^[110]^[35] Preventive initiatives, including expanded public reporting hotlines and online denunciation platforms, have bolstered proactive responses, with SPAK reporting substantial increases in investigated cases—up to 80% in some categories—stemming from citizen tips during 2024.^[28] These mechanisms prioritize anonymity and rapid verification to counter emerging hybrid threats, such as digital misinformation campaigns amplifying clan pressures during election cycles, ensuring sustained pressure on impunity in high-stakes political contests.^[21]

Long-Term Sustainability Questions

The long-term viability of SPAK faces risks of erosion following potential EU accession, a pattern observed in prior Eastern European enlargements where initial reform momentum waned. In countries like Slovakia and Latvia, anti-corruption indicators stagnated or regressed post-accession, with corruption perception scores declining after 2004 due to reduced external pressure and domestic political incentives shifting toward short-term gains over sustained enforcement.^[111] Albania's trajectory could mirror this if accession, anticipated by 2030, leads to complacency, as EU monitoring diminishes and national elites prioritize economic integration over institutional safeguards, potentially allowing informal networks to undermine SPAK's independence.^[112] Public tolerance for petty corruption persists, complicating institutional efforts and signaling the need for broader societal transformation. Surveys and reports from 2025 indicate that while high-profile prosecutions garner support, low-level graft—such as bribery in public services—remains normalized, with Freedom House noting it as a "major problem" amid uneven enforcement and cultural acceptance rooted in post-communist legacies.^[113] The European Commission's 2025 Rule of Law Report highlights implementation gaps in awareness campaigns, underscoring that without addressing these attitudes, SPAK's deterrence may falter against entrenched practices.^[36] To mitigate capture by future governments, experts recommend embedding legislative firewalls, including constitutional protections for SPAK's budget and prosecutorial autonomy, insulated from parliamentary overrides. The EU has urged Albania to avoid measures like amnesties that could dilute accountability, drawing from Romanian and Croatian models where specialized bodies endured via statutory independence and veto-proof funding mechanisms.^[114] Transparency International advocates for multi-stakeholder oversight boards with civil society input to enforce these, preventing politicization observed in backsliding cases elsewhere in the region.^[13] Such reforms would require cross-party consensus to outlast electoral cycles, ensuring SPAK's operational continuity amid Albania's volatile politics.^[3]

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Among those indicted is Socialist Party MP Klotilda Bushka, head of the parliamentary legal affairs committee, who is accused of interfering ...
[79]
Albania's Latest Scandal Puts Rama's Legacy on the Line - Bloomberg
Mar 1, 2025 · SPAK chief Altin Dumani rejected claims of political motivation, saying those acting in accord with the constitution “have nothing to fear.” ...Missing: selectivity | Show results with:selectivity
[80]
2022 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Albania
The GDP reported that as of November, pretrial detainees accounted for 52 percent of the total prison population. e. Denial of Fair Public Trial. Although the ...
[81]
Albania: High number of pre-trial detainees, access to healthcare ...
Apr 23, 2024 · “The high number of pre-trial detainees is concerning. Steps must be taken without delay to reduce the prison population in Albania, as a means ...
[82]
2021 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices: Albania
The country endorsed the Terezin Declaration in 2009 and the Guidelines and Best Practices in 2010. It does not have any restitution or compensation laws ...
[83]
Strasbourg ruling throws cold water on SPAK's pre-trial detention ...
Feb 25, 2025 · The Strasbourg-based court found that Albania had violated the European Convention on Human Rights in its detention of Thoma Gëllçi.
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Erion Veliaj June 24, 2025 - Kasowitz
Jun 24, 2025 · Finally, during pre-trial detention hearings, the court repeatedly maintained that, in denying the offences, Mr Veliaj has “failed to show ...
[85]
[PDF] Albania: Actors of Protection - Ecoi.net
Dec 2, 2022 · witness protection programme had worked satisfactorily, with 24 witness protection operations performed in 2021, compared to 19 in 202047.
[86]
[PDF] Measuring Effectiveness, Monitoring Progress and Enhancing ...
Organised crime cases. ▫ Geographical area of operation. In 2023, the Special Court of First Instance for Corruption and Organized Crime in Albania issued ...
[87]
Albania: The State Of Corruption - Democratic Erosion Consortium
Nov 22, 2020 · The state of Albania has struggled with corruption for a majority of its modern history. The corruption in Albania has gotten to the point ...
[88]
SPAK requests an additional 2.5 million euros from the state budget
Jul 29, 2025 · The request for additional funds in the personnel expenses item in the amount of 221.5 million lek is needed for the staff of magistrates, ...
[89]
Albania: Nations in Transit 2024 Country Report | Freedom House
This negative response has underscored the reality that SPAK cannot combat corruption at the highest levels on its own, and that it is critical for Albanian ...
[90]
Threats to be attacked? SPAK gives 649 million ALL to build the ...
Nov 10, 2024 · Threats to be attacked? SPAK gives 649 million ALL to build the defense "umbrella". Politiko 2024-11- ...Missing: staff | Show results with:staff
[91]
https://www.u4.no/blog/the-moment-of-reckoning-for-croatias-anti-corruption-system
[92]
The moment of reckoning for Croatia's anti-corruption system. Can ...
Nov 1, 2022 · Despite these checks and balances, corruption in Croatia has remained a problem. In early 2022, USKOK made history by ordering the arrest of ...Missing: vetting | Show results with:vetting
[93]
[PDF] Albania's Special Courts against Corruption and Organised Crime
The criminal court system in Albania is structured in three tiers. Prior to the establishment of the SPAK Courts, the judiciary processed each corruption case.Missing: 2024 | Show results with:2024
[94]
Romania: Nations in Transit 2018 Country Report | Freedom House
Several scandals erupted around the National Anticorruption Directorate (DNA), and several prosecutors left the unit or were laid off. The chief prosecutor was ...
[95]
Romania's anti-corruption protests wither away | Gallery - Al Jazeera
Jul 12, 2018 · On Monday, President Klaus Iohannis signed a decree to sack the head of the National Anticorruption Directorate (DNA), Laura Codruta Kovesi.
[96]
Weakening of the Anti-corruption System in Romania - PISM
The National Anticorruption Directorate (DNA), headed since 2013 by Laura Codruţa Kövesi under Iohannis's political protection, was said to be the centre of the ...
[97]
How the EU support of 79 million Euros for the justice reform ... - ACQJ
The EU has allocated 79.06 million euros for the implementation of the reform in justice from 2016 until now.
[98]
OSCE Boosts SPAK Task Force on Electoral Crime Fight
Apr 9, 2025 · As part of its efforts to support the Special Structure Against Corruption and Organized Crime (SPAK), on 9 April 2025, the OSCE Presence in ...
[99]
Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs
INL supported the creation of the Albanian Special Anti-Corruption Body (SPAK). The specialized anti-corruption and organized crime entity – which consists of a ...
[100]
First Group of Albanian National Bureau of Investigation and Special ...
Jan 20, 2025 · Sixteen individuals from the Albanian National Bureau of Investigation (NBI) and the Special Anti-corruption Structure (SPAK) completed the study tour.
[101]
"65.5 million euros of confiscated and seized assets" - SPAK Report ...
Apr 2, 2025 · Around 65.5 million euros is the value of assets confiscated and sequestered by SPAK during 2024. According to the annual report of this ...Missing: recovery 2020-2024
[102]
[PDF] Annex I Guidance Note for the provision of information by States ...
Jun 17, 2025 · SPAK has a strategic plan for 2024-2027, approved by the Prosecutor's. Office leadership order (No. 818, 3.9.2024), which can be freely ...
[103]
SPAK takes measures to implement a dedicated strategy against ...
Jan 29, 2025 · The Special Prosecutor's Office (SPAK) has outlined its plan to investigate and prevent electoral crimes for the May 11, 2025 elections.
[104]
SPAK implements strategy to investigate and prevent electoral ...
Jan 29, 2025 · SPAK has announced a comprehensive strategy to combat and prevent electoral crimes for Albania's 2025 parliamentary elections.Missing: specialized | Show results with:specialized
[105]
May 11th elections, Celibashi: The CEC-SPAK-Prosecutor General ...
Oct 7, 2025 · May 11th Elections, Celibashi: The CEC-SPAK-Prosecutor General Task Force was our initiative, we were not influenced by external factors.Missing: strategy | Show results with:strategy
[106]
https://ndiqparate.al/?p=24097&lang=en
[107]
THE INFLUENCE OF ORGANIZED CRIME ON ELECTORAL ...
May 7, 2025 · Between 2023 and 2025, the Special Prosecution Office Against Organized Crime and Corruption (SPAK) has taken significant action against ...
[108]
Violent Albanian criminal group linked to corruption disrupted via ...
Nov 26, 2024 · The European Multidisciplinary Platform Against Criminal Threats (EMPACT) tackles the most important threats posed by organised and serious ...Missing: turnover | Show results with:turnover
[109]
https://www.cna.al/english/kronika/hetimet-ne-belgjike-dhe-spak-klani-opja-si-u-ngrit-organizata-e-fuqishme-i410025
[110]
Investigations in Belgium and SPAK/ "Copja" Clan, how the powerful ...
Sep 29, 2024 · Members of the group are allegedly responsible for numerous contract killings, large-scale drug trafficking and laundering of illegal profits ...
[111]
The Pashja brothers from Elbasan ran the criminal organization
Jan 21, 2025 · Brothers Shkëlqim and Gerardo Pashja, from Elbasan, are the leaders of an Albanian criminal organization that trafficked cocaine from South America to Europe.<|separator|>
[112]
How the European Union Corrupted Eastern Europe | Cato Institute
May 26, 2014 · After the accession, not only did the progress come to a halt but some measures of corruption actually deteriorated. Slovakia, for example, ...Missing: complacency | Show results with:complacency
[113]
Full Report: Combatting High-level Corruption in Eastern Europe
Sep 12, 2024 · The study presents an analysis of the state of play in the fight against high-level corruption in Eastern Europe, with a focus on Eastern ...Missing: complacency | Show results with:complacency
[114]
Albania: Freedom in the World 2025 Country Report
Religious freedom and freedom of assembly are generally respected. Corruption and bribery remain major problems, though the government has worked to address ...
[115]
7_EN_autre_document_travail_s...
Oct 30, 2024 · Albania should abstain from any action, including amnesty legislation, which has a negative impact on SPAK's fight against corruption. The ...