Fact-checked by Grok 2 weeks ago

A Time for Choosing

"A Time for Choosing", also known simply as "The Speech", is a televised campaign address delivered by Ronald Reagan on October 27, 1964, endorsing the Republican presidential nominee Barry Goldwater against incumbent Democrat Lyndon B. Johnson.^[1] In the 29-minute presentation, Reagan warned of the perils of unchecked government expansion, including high taxation, mounting national debt, and welfare programs that foster dependency rather than self-reliance, framing these as steps toward socialism and erosion of individual freedoms.^[1] He advocated for limited government intervention, robust free-market incentives, and resolute opposition to communist aggression, declaring that the nation faced a fundamental choice between preserving constitutional liberties or surrendering to centralized control.^[1] The speech raised about one million dollars for Goldwater's faltering campaign through viewer pledges, a significant sum at the time.^[2]^[3] Despite Goldwater's landslide defeat, the address elevated Reagan's visibility as an eloquent conservative voice, catalyzing his transition from Hollywood actor and General Electric spokesman to full-time politician, culminating in his 1966 election as Governor of California and 1980 presidency.^[1]^[4] It became a foundational text for the modern American conservative movement, influencing subsequent Republican platforms emphasizing fiscal restraint, anti-statism, and moral clarity in foreign policy.^[1]

Historical Context

The 1964 U.S. Presidential Election

The 1964 United States presidential election occurred on November 3, 1964, pitting incumbent Democratic President Lyndon B. Johnson against Republican Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona.^[5] Johnson secured a landslide victory, receiving 61.1% of the popular vote (43,129,566 votes) and 486 electoral votes, while Goldwater garnered 38.5% (27,175,754 votes) and 52 electoral votes from six states.^[6] This outcome marked one of the most lopsided margins in American electoral history, reflecting Johnson's broad appeal following John F. Kennedy's assassination and Goldwater's polarizing stances on limited government and aggressive anti-communism.^[7] Johnson's campaign emphasized expansion of federal domestic programs under his proposed Great Society initiative, which aimed to combat poverty, promote civil rights, and increase welfare spending through measures like Medicare and expanded education aid.^[8] In contrast, Goldwater advocated for reducing government intervention in the economy, states' rights, and a hawkish foreign policy prioritizing victory over communism, as outlined in the Republican platform that aligned closely with his conservative principles.^[9] These positions highlighted a fundamental ideological divide: Johnson's vision of augmented federal authority to address social ills versus Goldwater's emphasis on individual liberty and fiscal restraint.^[10] Within the Republican Party, Goldwater's nomination exposed deep fissures between its conservative grassroots base and establishment moderates. Goldwater clinched the nomination at the Republican National Convention in San Francisco on July 15, 1964, after prevailing in key primaries through mobilized conservative support, despite opposition from figures like New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller who viewed his ideology as too extreme for national appeal.^[11] The platform's rightward shift, endorsing Goldwater's views on limited government and anti-communism, further alienated party moderates and contributed to defections, setting the stage for the campaign's challenges.^[9]

Barry Goldwater's Campaign and Platform

Barry Goldwater's ideological foundation for his 1964 presidential bid drew heavily from his 1960 book The Conscience of a Conservative, which articulated a commitment to limited government confined by the U.S. Constitution, individual liberty, free-market economics, states' rights, and fiscal discipline through balanced budgets and rejection of welfare-state collectivism.^[12]^[10] The work criticized federal encroachments into areas like education, labor unions, and agriculture subsidies as violations of federalism and incentives for dependency, advocating instead for decentralized solutions rooted in personal responsibility and local control.^[12] The campaign's slogan, "In Your Heart, You Know He's Right," encapsulated Goldwater's direct appeal to voters favoring anti-statist conservatism over the perceived excesses of Lyndon B. Johnson's Great Society programs. Domestically, Goldwater opposed expansive federal interventions, exemplified by his Senate vote against the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which he contended exceeded Congress's Commerce Clause authority by mandating private business compliance and eroding property rights and states' sovereignty, while affirming his support for equal legal protections without such centralized coercion.^[13]^[14] He had previously voted for the Civil Rights Acts of 1957 and 1960, which emphasized voting rights enforcement through judicial means rather than broad federal mandates.^[10] On foreign policy, Goldwater prioritized confronting Soviet communism aggressively to secure U.S. victory rather than mere containment or détente, criticizing administrations for weakness that emboldened expansionism in regions like Eastern Europe and Southeast Asia.^[15] He advocated bolstering military readiness, including nuclear deterrence, while proposing cuts to non-strategic foreign aid that he viewed as subsidizing unaligned nations at American taxpayers' expense without advancing anti-communist goals.^[16] Goldwater clinched the Republican nomination on July 15, 1964, at the party's convention in San Francisco, overcoming moderate opposition through grassroots mobilization and primary victories in states like California and Illinois.^[11]^[17] In his acceptance address the following day, he rejected charges of extremism leveled by Democrats, asserting that "extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice... and moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue," thereby positioning his platform as a rigorous application of constitutional principles against both domestic overreach and international threats.^[18]

Ronald Reagan's Pre-Speech Political Journey

Ronald Reagan, born in 1911 in Tampico, Illinois, initially aligned with the Democratic Party, supporting Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal policies during the Great Depression and campaigning for Democratic candidates into the early 1950s.^[19] As an actor in Hollywood, Reagan's political engagement deepened through his leadership in the Screen Actors Guild (SAG), where he served as president from 1947 to 1952 and again briefly in 1959–1960.^[20] In this capacity, he testified before the House Un-American Activities Committee in 1947, warning of communist infiltration attempts within the guild and the entertainment industry, which he viewed as efforts to subvert unions for ideological purposes rather than workers' interests.^[19] Reagan advocated for loyalty oaths among members and supported the industry's blacklist of individuals suspected of communist affiliations, actions driven by his firsthand observations of organized efforts to influence SAG elections and strikes.^[19] Reagan's gradual shift toward conservatism accelerated during his tenure as a spokesperson for General Electric from 1954 to 1962, where he hosted the weekly television program General Electric Theater and delivered over 300 speeches to employees at GE facilities across the United States.^[21] These addresses emphasized free-market principles, individual liberty, and the dangers of excessive government intervention, drawing from Reagan's encounters with bureaucratic inefficiencies and welfare programs that he believed fostered dependency rather than self-reliance.^[22] By the late 1950s, influenced by these experiences and interactions with business leaders, Reagan began critiquing the Democratic Party's drift toward larger federal programs and accommodation of leftist elements, marking his intellectual departure from his earlier liberal anticommunism.^[19] His increasingly vocal opposition to big government led GE to end the relationship in 1962, as company executives deemed his rhetoric too politically charged.^[19] Following his GE departure, Reagan relocated to a ranch near Santa Barbara, California, in the early 1960s, purchasing property in 1951 but intensifying his focus on ranching and private life amid a waning film career.^[19] He expressed reluctance to pursue elective office, preferring to influence politics through commentary and endorsements, as evidenced by his private reservations about direct involvement despite growing conservative convictions.^[19] This stance changed with Barry Goldwater's 1964 Republican presidential nomination, which resonated with Reagan's anti-statist views; he formally endorsed Goldwater, registered as a Republican in 1962, and took a leading role in California support efforts, including as co-chair of Citizens for Goldwater-Miller to mobilize voters against perceived liberal overreach.^[22]

Content and Delivery of the Speech

Circumstances of Delivery

The speech was broadcast on October 27, 1964, one week before the presidential election, as a pre-recorded 29-and-a-half-minute television address aired nationally on NBC from Los Angeles.^[1]^[23] Unlike a live rally or convention address, it was structured as a standalone sponsored program, allowing Reagan to speak directly to viewers without an audience or formal event setting.^[24] The broadcast originated as a strategic initiative by Barry Goldwater's California campaign supporters, who sought to bolster fundraising and sway undecided voters as national polls showed Goldwater trailing President Lyndon B. Johnson by wide margins.^[25] Campaign affiliates, including automobile dealer Holmes Tuttle, secured private donations to purchase the half-hour prime-time slot, addressing the national campaign's funding shortages for such airtime.^[24] This effort capitalized on Reagan's background as a Hollywood actor and communicator to present conservative positions in an accessible, non-confrontational manner, distinct from Goldwater's more polarizing campaign rhetoric.^[23] Reagan, then a General Electric spokesman and host of the program General Electric Theater, had tested versions of the address at Republican fundraisers across states like New York, Illinois, and California earlier that year, refining it before agreeing to the national taping.^[23] Campaign officials approached him to record the speech after positive responses at these events, viewing his rapport with audiences as key to humanizing Goldwater's platform amid the election's final push.^[26]

Core Arguments and Themes

Reagan's speech frames the central issue as a binary choice between advancing toward greater individual freedom or descending into totalitarianism through unchecked government expansion. He declares, "There's only an up or down—[up] toward man's age-old dream, the ultimate in individual freedom consistent with law and order, or down to the ant heap of totalitarianism."^[1] This dichotomy underscores his critique of statism as inevitably coercive, contrasting voluntary cooperation under liberty with enforced equality via centralized authority.^[27] A primary argument targets the welfare state's growth as a pathway to socialism, citing $45 billion in annual federal welfare expenditures that fail to eradicate poverty, delivering merely $600 in direct aid per needy family while administrative costs absorb the balance.^[1] Reagan contends this system undermines self-reliance, transforming capable individuals into dependents, as exemplified by cases where welfare recipients lose motivation for work once aid exceeds potential earnings.^[27] He specifically critiques Social Security, projecting a $298 billion unfunded liability and characterizing contributions as taxes rather than insurance premiums, with funds diverted to other uses rather than invested for beneficiaries, advocating voluntary options and fiscal prudence to avert insolvency and restore personal agency.^[1] On foreign policy, Reagan rejects moral equivalence with communism, insisting on clear opposition to Soviet totalitarianism and dismissing détente or unilateral disarmament as paths to subjugation. He argues for "peace through strength," warning that accommodating communist expansion risks ending the Cold War only through acceptance of "a not undemocratic socialism," equating concessions with choosing slavery over survival.^[1] Domestically, he favors individual initiative over centralized planning, decrying $146 billion in foreign aid that fosters bureaucratic elites abroad—such as funding a $2 million yacht for Ethiopia's emperor—mirroring inefficiencies at home and advocating tax reductions to unleash private enterprise rather than perpetuate coercive redistribution.^[27]

Rhetorical Techniques and Structure

Reagan organized the speech into an introduction that challenged the prevailing view of political complexity, a body that methodically escalated from threats to individual liberty at home to existential dangers abroad, and a conclusion that framed the election as a pivotal moral decision. This progression created a logical escalation of stakes, guiding listeners from familiar personal impacts to broader geopolitical imperatives, thereby emphasizing the interconnectedness of domestic policy and global survival without relying on abstract theory.^[1] The rhetorical style favored narrative integration of illustrative stories with chains of logical inference, prioritizing evidence-based deductions over inflammatory rhetoric to underscore conservative principles of limited government and individual agency. Simple, declarative sentences permeated the address, rendering complex ideas accessible to a mass audience and directly rebutting claims by opponents that such matters exceeded ordinary comprehension.^[1]^[28] Repetition of key phrases, such as invocations of "freedom" and the imperative to choose, reinforced thematic unity and memorability, while stark contrasts—pitting "we" (the American people) against "they" (bureaucratic elites and adversaries)—cultivated a collective identity and heightened urgency. Reagan's delivery, informed by his prior career as a film actor, adopted a warm, conversational cadence that simulated direct dialogue, enhancing persuasion by evoking trust and relatability rather than distant authority.^[1]^[29]

Immediate Aftermath

Fundraising and Electoral Impact

The televised airing of "A Time for Choosing" on October 27, 1964, generated an immediate surge in donations to Barry Goldwater's presidential campaign and the Republican Party, with over $1 million in pledges received in the hours and days immediately following the broadcast.^[30] This figure represented a dramatic outperformance relative to the modest initial sponsorship costs of approximately $100,000 covered by Goldwater supporters to produce and air the program nationwide.^[31] The response highlighted the speech's resonance with conservative donors, who responded enthusiastically to Reagan's articulation of limited government and anti-communist themes, even as the late timing limited broader campaign adjustments. Despite the fundraising success, the speech did not reverse Goldwater's electoral fortunes in the November 3, 1964, presidential election, where he carried only six states—Arizona and five Deep South states (Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, and South Carolina)—securing 52 electoral votes to Lyndon B. Johnson's overwhelming 486.^[5] Goldwater received 27,175,754 popular votes, or 38.5% of the total, reflecting broad national rejection of his platform amid Johnson's landslide victory.^[6] Donations spiked to Republican candidates more generally, signaling pockets of heightened conservative enthusiasm, though overall down-ballot results saw net Republican losses in Congress, with Democrats gaining 38 House seats and two Senate seats.^[1] The episode empirically demonstrated the viability of direct appeals rooted in principled conservatism for activating financial support from grassroots bases, independent of prevailing electoral headwinds, as evidenced by the disproportionate donor response in a campaign otherwise starved for funds.^[1] This mobilization laid groundwork for assessing conservative organizational strength, revealing sustained donor interest despite Goldwater's defeat.

Contemporary Reception and Criticisms

Conservatives acclaimed the speech for its clear articulation of fusionist conservatism, integrating traditional values, free-market principles, and resolute anti-communism as a unified response to perceived threats from big government and Soviet aggression.^[32] Figures within the Goldwater campaign and broader right-wing circles viewed Reagan as a refreshing communicator who distilled complex ideological commitments into accessible terms, energizing supporters amid the candidate's underdog status.^[1] In contrast, Democratic operatives and mainstream media outlets dismissed the address as emblematic of Goldwater's "extremist" platform, portraying its warnings about communist expansion—grounded in events like the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis and Soviet interventions in Eastern Europe—as hawkish saber-rattling that risked nuclear escalation.^[30]^[33] Such critiques often equated principled opposition to welfare state growth and détente with retrograde isolationism or warmongering, overlooking causal links between unchecked statism and eroded individual liberties, as evidenced by rising federal spending under Johnson's Great Society initiatives that exceeded $1 billion annually by 1965.^[19] This framing aligned with broader campaign tactics, including the "Daisy" advertisement aired in September 1964, which implied Goldwater-backed positions advocated reckless confrontation.^[34] Public response reflected divided sentiments, with the speech resonating among ideologically committed voters but failing to shift broader opinion amid Johnson's commanding leads in late October polls, such as Gallup's 58% to 36% advantage on October 25.^[2] While some independents reportedly found its logic persuasive against paternalistic government overreach, the electorate's preference for stability and expanded social programs culminated in Johnson's 61.1% popular vote triumph on November 3, underscoring the speech's niche appeal over mass conversion.^[35] Mainstream portrayals, influenced by institutional biases favoring statist policies, tended to amplify fears of conservatism's anti-collectivist stance rather than engage its empirical critiques of fiscal irresponsibility, where federal deficits had ballooned to $5.9 billion by fiscal year 1964.^[36]

Legacy and Influence

Reagan's Rise to Prominence

The "A Time for Choosing" speech, broadcast nationally on October 27, 1964, marked a decisive shift in Ronald Reagan's public profile, transforming him from a Hollywood actor and General Electric spokesman into a recognized conservative leader. Prior to the address, Reagan had limited political involvement beyond local speaking engagements and endorsements, but the speech's articulate defense of limited government and anti-communism drew immediate acclaim from Republican circles, generating over $1 million in donations for Barry Goldwater's campaign within hours of airing.^[1] This surge in visibility and financial response underscored voter and donor receptivity to Reagan's unapologetic rhetoric, positioning him as a viable alternative to the Republican establishment's more moderate voices that had distanced themselves from Goldwater.^[1] The speech's momentum directly facilitated Reagan's entry into elective office. Influential California Republicans, impressed by his performance, urged him to challenge incumbent Democratic Governor Edmund "Pat" Brown in 1966, bypassing traditional party insiders who favored figures like former Los Angeles Mayor Norris Poulson.^[37] Reagan announced his candidacy on January 4, 1966, after securing the Republican nomination in the June primary with 65% of the vote against George Christopher. In the November 8 general election, he defeated Brown by 991,837 votes (52.4% to 45.1%), a wide margin reflecting empirical support for his clear articulation of fiscal restraint and law-and-order themes echoing the 1964 speech.^[38] He was inaugurated as California's 33rd governor on January 2, 1967. Reagan's post-speech trajectory validated his approach over establishment moderation, as demonstrated in his presidential campaigns. The 1964 address became a foundational element of his branding, with its themes and excerpts referenced in later efforts to emphasize principled conservatism; for instance, during the 1976 Republican primaries, Reagan mounted a strong challenge to incumbent President Gerald Ford, capturing over 90% of delegates in key Southern states and nearly securing the nomination despite Ford's institutional advantages.^[1] This momentum carried into 1980, where Reagan clinched the nomination on the first ballot and won the presidency with 50.7% of the popular vote against incumbent Jimmy Carter, evidencing sustained voter preference for the directness first showcased in "A Time for Choosing" over diluted party messaging.^[1]

Shaping the Modern Conservative Movement

Reagan's "A Time for Choosing," delivered on October 27, 1964, crystallized fusionist conservatism by integrating traditionalist commitments to moral order and limited government with libertarian emphases on individual liberty and free markets, providing a coherent alternative to the expansive welfare state and establishing these as enduring GOP tenets.^[39] This framework rejected portrayals of Goldwater-era conservatism as marginal extremism, instead demonstrating its broad appeal through Reagan's accessible rhetoric, which raised over $1 million in donations for the Republican campaign overnight and foreshadowed the party's ideological shift away from New Deal liberalism.^[40] The speech's critique of federal overreach directly informed opposition to welfare expansions, influencing the economic realignment that underpinned Nixon's 1968 Southern Strategy, which leveraged growing regional discontent with Democratic policies to secure five Deep South states for the GOP ticket.^[1] The address's advocacy for supply-side principles, echoing Goldwater's flat-tax advocacy and warnings against fiscal redistribution, laid groundwork for the 1980s Reagan Revolution's tax cuts, which reduced top marginal rates from 70% to 28% and correlated with GDP growth averaging 3.5% annually from 1983 to 1989, validating empirical claims of incentives-driven prosperity over Keynesian demand management.^[39] By framing government as a threat to self-reliance rather than a benevolent provider, it countered narratives equating conservatism with austerity, instead highlighting data on program inefficiencies, such as Medicare's projected $1 billion annual cost ballooning to over $12 billion by 1990 due to unchecked entitlements.^[40] Reagan's resolute anti-communism in the speech, decrying accommodation as enabling Soviet expansion, anticipated the USSR's 1991 dissolution, as subsequent policies rooted in "peace through strength"—including defense spending increases to 6.2% of GDP—exerted economic pressure that validated resolve over détente without direct military confrontation.^[41] This predictive vindication bolstered conservative institutions, with the speech's blueprint echoed in outlets like National Review and think tanks such as the Heritage Foundation (founded 1973), which advanced deregulation agendas and pro-defense postures, institutionalizing fusionism against regulatory statism.^[39]

Enduring Principles and Modern Resonances

Reagan's warnings in "A Time for Choosing" about the inexorable expansion of government eroding personal liberty remain central to debates over unchecked entitlements and regulatory proliferation. The speech highlighted how programs ostensibly aimed at compassion instead engender dependency, a principle echoed in analyses of 21st-century fiscal trajectories where mandatory spending on Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid constitutes over 60% of the federal budget and drives deficits.^[42] Congressional Budget Office projections indicate federal debt held by the public will reach 156% of GDP by 2055 under current policies, underscoring the speech's prescience on unsustainable government growth crowding out private initiative and future prosperity.^[43] In 2024 reflections on the speech's 60th anniversary, conservative commentators drew parallels to contemporary battles against progressive overreach, framing resistance to expansive state interventions in culture, education, and economy as extensions of Reagan's call for choosing freedom over collectivism.^[44] These include critiques of regulatory efforts targeting technology sectors, where antitrust actions and content moderation mandates risk supplanting market-driven innovation with bureaucratic control, mirroring the speech's caution against centralized planning that diminishes individual agency. Empirical outcomes from policies aligned with the speech's philosophy, such as the 1981 Economic Recovery Tax Act, correlated with annualized GDP growth exceeding 3% through the decade amid recovery from recession, contrasting with the static poverty rates post-Great Society despite trillions expended.^[45] The Great Society initiatives critiqued in the speech empirically validated concerns over causal failures in alleviating poverty through welfare expansion; out-of-wedlock births among black Americans surged from 25% in 1965 to over 70% by the 1990s, alongside persistent welfare rolls that entrenched intergenerational dependency rather than self-reliance.^[46] This legacy informs modern arguments for entitlement reforms to avert fiscal collapse, affirming the speech's first-principles emphasis on limited government as essential to preserving liberty against the encroachments of unchecked state power.^[47]

Criticisms and Counterarguments

Critics of Reagan's speech have characterized its warnings about communist expansion as fearmongering, exaggerating the Soviet threat to stoke unnecessary alarmism amid the Cold War.^[48] This view posits that depictions of communism as an encroaching force eroding individual liberties overstated risks, ignoring diplomatic avenues for coexistence.^[48] However, declassified intelligence and historical records substantiate the speech's realism, revealing extensive Soviet espionage, subversion, and military adventurism in the 1960s, including the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis where nuclear-armed missiles were deployed 90 miles from U.S. shores, confirming aggressive intent beyond mere rhetoric.^[49]^[50] The speech's critique of expansive welfare programs has drawn accusations of fostering inequality, with opponents arguing it dismissed social safety nets as pathways to dependency while shielding affluent interests from progressive taxation.^[51] Empirical data counters this by illustrating welfare traps, where benefit cliffs impose effective marginal tax rates over 100% on low earners, disincentivizing employment and perpetuating poverty cycles that hinder mobility, as quantified in state-level analyses of combined aid packages exceeding full-time minimum-wage earnings.^[52]^[53] Association with Barry Goldwater's campaign invited claims of racial dog-whistling, interpreting the speech's endorsement of limited federal power as coded support for states' rights opposition to civil rights enforcement.^[54] Goldwater's vote against the 1964 Civil Rights Act fueled this narrative, yet his record included affirmative votes for the 1957 and 1960 acts, with opposition rooted in constitutional objections to provisions infringing private property and states' prerogatives, not denial of equal liberty—a principle the speech advanced universally without racial specificity.^[13]^[55] Dismissals of the speech's limited-government ethos as archaic or divisive overlook its empirical validation through electoral outcomes, including Reagan's 1980 presidential triumph with 50.7% of the popular vote and 489 electoral votes against incumbent Jimmy Carter, reflecting broad voter endorsement of restrained federalism over unchecked expansion.^[56] This margin, the largest since 1932 for a challenger, underscored the ideas' resonance amid stagflation and perceived overreach, undermining assertions of fringe irrelevance.^[57]

References

[1]
A Time for Choosing Speech, October 27, 1964 | Ronald Reagan
"The Speech" is what Ronald Reagan called it. Today we call it, "A Time for Choosing," and it was a pivotal turning point in Reagan's Life.
[2]
60 years later, Ronald Reagan's 'A Time for Choosing' speech still ...
Oct 27, 2024 · The program was “A Time for Choosing,” but often referred to as simply “The Speech,” because its impact changed the trajectory of Reagan's life.Missing: career | Show results with:career
[3]
[PDF] From 'A Time for Choosing' Speech
“A Time for Choosing,” also known simply as “The Speech,” was presented by Hollywood actor and motivational speaker Ronald Reagan during the 1964 U.S. ...
[4]
A Time for Choosing? - Cato Institute
It was his 1964 speech “A Time for Choosing” in support of Barry Goldwater's presidential candidacy that is said to have launched Ronald Reagan's political ...
[5]
1964 Electoral College Results - National Archives
Dec 16, 2019 · President Lyndon B. Johnson [D] Main Opponent Barry M. Goldwater [R] Electoral Vote Winner: 486 Main Opponent: 52 Total/Majority: 538/270 ...
[6]
1964 | The American Presidency Project
Presidential, Vice Presidential. Democratic, election party winner, Lyndon B. Johnson, Hubert H. Humphrey, 486, 90.3%, 43,129,566, 61.1%. Republican, Barry ...
[7]
Presidential Election of 1964 - 270toWin.com
Results of the presidential election of 1964, won by Lyndon B. Johnson with 486 electoral votes.
[8]
Lyndon B. Johnson: Domestic Affairs - Miller Center
Johnson labeled his ambitious domestic agenda "The Great Society." The most dramatic parts of his program concerned bringing aid to underprivileged Americans, ...
[9]
1964 Platform Turns GOP Sharply to Right - CQ Press
The platform adopted July 14 by the Republican National Convention reflected to a remarkable degree the conviction of Sen. Barry Goldwater (R Ariz.) and his ...
[10]
Barry Goldwater of Arizona - Senate.gov
As senator, Goldwater proposed a new—some said radical—political agenda. "He preached the cause of modern conservatism," wrote one biographer, which emphasized ...<|separator|>
[11]
Republicans Nominate Goldwater-Miller 1964 Ticket As ... - CQ Press
The Republican Party veered sharply to the right in its 28th National Convention July 13-16 in San Francisco, choosing as its Presidential candidate the leader ...Missing: divisions | Show results with:divisions
[12]
https://press.princeton.edu/books/paperback/9780691131177/the-conscience-of-a-conservative
[13]
Barry Goldwater | U.S. Capitol - Visitor Center
He supported certain civil rights bills but in 1964 voted against the final version of the Civil Rights Act because he believed it intruded on the rights of ...
[14]
Flashback Friday: This Day In 1964, Goldwater Says No To Civil ...
Jun 18, 2010 · Goldwater specifically objects to the public accommodations and employment parts of the bill, calling them an usurption of power by the federal ...<|separator|>
[15]
Acceptance Speech at the Republican National Convention (1964)
Goldwater was also staunchly pro-military, believing that Communism and the Soviet Union posed a direct threat to the future of the United States. Although ...
[16]
Conscience of a Conservative Book Summary by Barry Goldwater
Rating 4.7 (173) Barry Goldwater argues that the goal of America's foreign policy should be to triumph against communism instead of simply living alongside it. He contends that ...
[17]
Republicans nominate Goldwater for president, July 15, 1964 - Politico
Jul 14, 2017 · On this day in 1964, Sen. Barry Goldwater of Arizona was nominated to run against Lyndon B. Johnson.Missing: divisions | Show results with:divisions
[18]
Address Accepting the Presidential Nomination at the Republican ...
Address Accepting the Presidential Nomination at the Republican National Convention in San Francisco. July 16, 1964. To my good friend and great Republican, ...
[19]
Ronald Reagan: Life Before the Presidency - Miller Center
After World War II, Reagan aligned with the dominant faction in the Democratic Party: anti-Communist liberals, whose ranks included President Harry Truman, ...
[20]
1950s | SAG-AFTRA
1959. Former SAG president Ronald Reagan (1947-1952), who has been back on the board of directors since the end of 1952, elected SAG President, succeeding ...
[21]
Ronald Reagan Presidential Foundation And GE Open "foundations ...
From 1954 through 1962, Ronald Reagan worked for GE as host of a weekly television series, General Electric Theater, and traveled as a GE spokesman to 139 GE ...
[22]
Ronald Reagan on economics and political parties, 1962
Reagan had spent much of his political career campaigning and voting for Democrats, but throughout the 1950s his increasingly conservative views turned him ...
[23]
Things Worth Remembering: 'A Time for Choosing' - The Free Press
Sep 22, 2024 · It was not until October 27, 1964 that Reagan delivered “A Time for Choosing” as a televised address, from Los Angeles. “Unlike most television ...
[24]
https://www.vanityfair.com/news/1998/07/ronnie-and-nancy199807
[25]
This Day in Presidential History (Reagan Speech for Goldwater ...
Oct 27, 2009 · * Two weeks before it was scheduled, the Goldwater campaign couldn't come up with funds to pay NBC for airtime. ... A Time for Choosing.” MikeT at ...Missing: cost | Show results with:cost
[26]
DAVID KEENE: When 'A Time for Choosing' changed the world
Oct 27, 2014 · DAVID KEENE: When 'A Time for Choosing' changed the world. Goldwater chose to let Reagan speak, and conservatism was unleashed. Ronald Reagan ...
[27]
Address on Behalf of Senator Barry Goldwater: "A Time for Choosing"
Ronald Reagan, 40th President of the United States: 1981 ‐ 1989, Address on Behalf of Senator Barry Goldwater: "A Time for Choosing", October 27, 1964.
[28]
“A Time for Choosing” by Ronald Reagan - Constituting America
Jun 20, 2013 · “A Time for Choosing” by Ronald Reagan. Daily Essay 2013, James C. Miller III 13. Guest Constitutional Scholar Essayists, 4. The Classics ...Missing: themes | Show results with:themes
[29]
[PDF] RONALD REAGAN AS A "THOUGHTFUL" SPEAKER
Chapter I sketches the background and circumstances which produced "A Time For Choosing," advances the rationale for the present inquiry, and outlines the ...
[30]
This 1964 Speech Made Ronald Reagan a Republican Star
Aug 28, 2024 · Known as “A Time for Choosing,” Reagan's speech avoided the most inflammatory rhetoric and policy ideas Goldwater previously touted. The far- ...Missing: funds | Show results with:funds
[31]
Funding Notes | National Review
Oct 23, 2008 · Together these California businessmen raised $100,000 to sponsor Reagan's “A Time for Choosing” speech. They also suggested a “trailer” be ...
[32]
Ronald Reagan's 'A Time for Choosing' Speech Made History
Nov 14, 2019 · It showed that Reagan was an independent thinker who knew what he wanted to say. It may be surprising that Reagan wrote “A Time for Choosing” ...
[33]
The Day Ronald Reagan Transformed Himself and American Politics
Oct 27, 2021 · Reagan's speech on behalf of Goldwater in 1964 was an 11th-hour attempt to breathe life into the campaign, which, in fact, it briefly did.
[34]
The Republican National Convention That Shocked the Country | TIME
Jul 17, 2024 · The 1964 convention shocked observers. Goldwater's supporters heaped abuse on the media and moderate Republicans who refused to endorse the nominee.
[35]
Defining Statement of Modern Conservatism - National Review
Nov 15, 2019 · The speech is a defining statement of modern conservatism. Reagan's core arguments in the speech about the deleterious effects of taxes, deficit spending, and ...
[36]
Ronald Reagan as a "thoughtful" speaker: the sources of evidence ...
The study is developed along the following lines: Chapter I sketches the background and circumstances which produced "A Time For Choosing," advances the ...
[37]
Barry Goldwater endorsement speech (1964) - CSMonitor.com
Feb 5, 2011 · His 1964 speech in support of Barry Goldwater caught the attention of influential California Republicans, who then urged him to run for governor.
[38]
REAGAN ELECTED BY A WIDE MARGIN; Governor Brown Fails to ...
Republican Ronald Reagan was elected Governor of California tonight, defeating Gov. Edmund G. Brown, a two-term Democrat.
[39]
The Conservative Consensus: Frank Meyer, Barry Goldwater, and ...
Jan 22, 2007 · The "pattern" Reagan was referring to was a fusionist blend of traditionalist and libertarian thought; the "truth" was ordered liberty. As ...
[40]
Reagan's Speech Defined Conservativism For 50 Years
Oct 23, 2014 · The Speech was for Goldwater, but it was also for Reagan and American conservatism. The night of Oct. 27, 1964, Reagan was breathtaking ...
[41]
Ronald Reagan and the Fall of Communism
Jan 27, 2010 · In my essay, I suggested that when Communist leaders in Eastern and Central Europe admitted they no longer believed in Communism, they dissolved ...
[42]
The Budget and Economic Outlook: 2025 to 2035
Jan 17, 2025 · In CBO's projections, economic growth cools from an estimated 2.3 percent in calendar year 2024 to 1.9 percent in 2025 and 1.8 percent in 2026 ...Deficits · Outlays and Revenues · Economic GrowthMissing: entitlements | Show results with:entitlements
[43]
The Long-Term Budget Outlook: 2025 to 2055
Mar 27, 2025 · In CBO's projections, federal debt held by the public rises in every year of the 2025–2055 period, reaches 156 percent of gross domestic product ...
[44]
Reagan's Iconic Speech Casts An Enduring Vision Of Freedom
Oct 28, 2024 · Ronald Reagan's 'A Time for Choosing' envisions a principled conservatism that triumphs over tyranny and undergirds a lasting freedom.
[45]
What we learned from Reagan's tax cuts - Brookings Institution
Dec 8, 2017 · The Reagan tax cut was huge. The top rate fell from 70 percent to 50 percent. The tax cut didn't pay for itself.
[46]
The Not-So-Great-Society | The Heritage Foundation
The War on Poverty programs of the second half of the 20th century failed to give children the chance to succeed in school and in life. These programs represent ...
[47]
The Forgotten Failures of the Great Society - Manhattan Institute
Jan 10, 2020 · In Great Society: A New History, she notes that “just as the 1960s forgot the failures of the 1930s, we today forget the failures of the 1960s.” ...
[48]
The Paranoid, Reactionary Dreams of Ronald Reagan - Jacobin
Mar 16, 2019 · Partisans of Reagan like to see the fall of Communism as a poetic bookend to their beloved politician's legacy. It's hard to deny that Reagan's ...<|separator|>
[49]
[PDF] Assessing the Soviet Threat: Early Cold War Years, 1946–50 - CIA
survey of CIA's early analysis of the Soviet threat. President Truman's ... Communist forces would not necessarily prevent such a defeat and a defeat.
[50]
Internal Workings of the Soviet Union - Revelations from the Russian ...
The Communist regime considered dissent in the Soviet Union a repudiation of the proletarian struggle and a violation of Marxism-Leninism, and thus a threat to ...
[51]
Poverty and Welfare | Cato Institute
Given the failure of more than 50 years of federal welfare policy to significantly reduce poverty or increase economic mobility, it should be apparent that the ...
[52]
New Study Finds More Evidence of Poverty Traps in the Welfare ...
Dec 30, 2014 · A new study from the Illinois Policy Institute analyzes the welfare benefits package available at different levels of earnings in that state.
[53]
Fixing the Broken Incentives in the U.S. Welfare System - FREOPP
White Paper // Social Mobility. Fixing the Broken Incentives in the U.S. Welfare System. Most policymakers do not want social welfare programs to reduce work.
[54]
Goldwater, Barry M.
When conservative Arizona Senator Barry M. Goldwater ran for president in 1964, Martin Luther King, Jr., expressed his opposition.Missing: platform | Show results with:platform
[55]
Why did Barry Goldwater vote in favor of the Civil Rights Act of 1957 ...
Dec 14, 2021 · Because he thought it was unconstitutional. He thought it tampered with private property and free speech.Why did Barry Goldwater oppose the 1964 Civil Rights Act? - QuoraWhy did Barry Goldwater vote against the Equal Rights Amendment?More results from www.quora.com
[56]
1980 | The American Presidency Project
Electoral Vote, Popular Vote. Presidential, Vice Presidential. Republican, election party winner, Ronald Reagan, George Bush, 489, 90.9%, 43,904,153, 50.7%.
[57]
Reagan Buries Carter in a Landslide - CQ Almanac Online Edition
Former California Gov. Ronald Reagan overwhelmed incumbent Jimmy Carter Nov. 4 to become the nation's 40th president.