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Alex Rackley

Alex Rackley (June 2, 1949 – May 20, 1969) was a 19-year-old American activist affiliated with the New York chapter of the Black Panther Party, a revolutionary Black nationalist organization.^[1]^[2] Rackley was abducted, tortured for two days, and executed by fellow Panthers Warren Kimbro, Lonnie McLucas, and George Sams Jr. in New Haven, Connecticut, following unfounded suspicions that he was a police informant.^[3]^[2] His body was discovered on May 21, 1969, along a riverbank in Middlefield, Connecticut, prompting the arrest of eight Black Panther members on charges including murder and conspiracy.^[2] The case escalated into the New Haven Black Panther trials, indicting nine individuals, among them national party chairman Bobby Seale and local leader Ericka Huggins, for their alleged roles in ordering or facilitating the killing during Seale's visit to the chapter.^[3] Kimbro, McLucas, and Sams received prison sentences, though later paroled; Seale and Huggins faced a prolonged trial marked by a four-month jury selection and eventual dismissal of charges due to a deadlocked jury after months of proceedings.^[3] The murder exposed internal distrust and violent enforcement tactics within the Black Panther Party amid heightened scrutiny from law enforcement, including FBI investigations into the group, but stemmed directly from the interrogators' decisions during Rackley's captivity, as evidenced in trial testimony and recordings.^[3]^[2] The trials garnered widespread protests and media coverage, influencing debates on racial justice, jury reform, and revolutionary politics in the late 1960s and early 1970s.^[3]

Early Life

Childhood and Education

Alex Rackley was born on June 2, 1949, in Jacksonville, Florida.^[4] He grew up in the Mixontown neighborhood, a working-class area near poultry processing plants and slaughterhouses, in a crowded three-bedroom house shared with extended family members.^[4] Rackley was the first of eight children born to his mother, Parlee, a cook who frequently worked long hours in Jacksonville and later in northern cities, often leaving her children in the care of grandparents Isaac and Rosalie.^[4] The children were fathered by various men, reflecting unstable family dynamics amid economic pressures that necessitated Parlee's extended absences and reliance on relatives for childcare.^[4] As a child, Rackley engaged in typical outdoor play such as stickball, football, and marbles, and maintained a close bond with his mother, once intervening to protect her from an abusive boyfriend.^[4] After completing junior high school, Rackley enrolled at Stanton Vocational High School in Jacksonville with aspirations to train as a tailor, but he dropped out due to disinterest in academics and limited reading proficiency.^[4] His early record shows no significant criminal involvement prior to minor arrests for vagrancy and gambling in 1968.^[4]

Initial Activism

Rackley came of age in the mid-1960s amid escalating urban unrest in northern cities, including the Harlem riot of 1964 and the Newark riot of 1967, events that exposed limitations in non-violent civil rights strategies and fueled interest in black nationalist alternatives among young African Americans. These disturbances, coupled with the influence of figures advocating self-defense like Malcolm X prior to his 1965 assassination, contributed to a broader shift away from integrationist approaches toward militant responses to systemic racism and police brutality. Details of Rackley's personal involvement in early protests or groups in the New Jersey or New York area remain sparsely documented, though his prior arrest record in Florida suggests encounters with law enforcement that paralleled the era's tensions between black communities and police.^[5] This period marked his transition to radical activism, as perceived failures of mainstream civil rights efforts amid persistent violence prompted many to embrace black nationalism, setting the stage for formal affiliation with militant organizations by late 1968.

Involvement in the Black Panther Party

Recruitment and New York Activities

Alex Rackley, born in Jacksonville, Florida, relocated to New York City in 1968 seeking better opportunities after becoming jobless and homeless upon joining his mother there.^[6] He formally entered the Black Panther Party's New York chapter that year through informal recruitment by friends from his Jacksonville network, aligning with the organization's rapid expansion into urban centers during this period.^[6] As a new member, Rackley resided in communal Panther apartments, immersing himself in chapter operations to establish commitment.^[6] Rackley's assigned duties centered on grassroots activities typical of rank-and-file members, including distributing copies of The Black Panther newspaper on street corners to disseminate party ideology and fund operations.^[6] He also leveraged his prior achievement of a black belt in karate—attained by age 17—to serve as an instructor at the Harlem office, training comrades in self-defense techniques as part of the party's emphasis on armed readiness against perceived threats.^[6] These roles underscored his operational contributions rather than leadership or ideological formulation, positioning him as an eager but peripheral figure in the chapter's daily functions.^[6] Rackley participated in mandatory political education classes to build theoretical knowledge, though he repeatedly failed exams assessing grasp of Marxist-Leninist principles and party doctrine.^[6] Interactions with chapter enforcers, such as national "Field Marshal" George Sams Jr., who visited New York operations, evidenced his efforts at loyalty; Sams disciplined him physically for minor deviations like braiding his hair, a practice deemed insufficiently revolutionary, yet Rackley persisted in party involvement.^[6] ^[7] No records indicate travel for inter-chapter business at this stage, with his activities confined to New York locales amid the chapter's focus on local survival programs and community patrols.^[6]

Relocation and Connecticut Connections

In early May 1969, Alex Rackley, a 19-year-old member of the Black Panther Party's New York chapter, was dispatched to New Haven, Connecticut, to support the nascent local chapter amid its efforts to expand community programs and counter perceived disorganization.^[8]^[9] The move aligned with the party's strategy to bolster regional branches facing logistical hurdles, including limited membership and resource constraints in a predominantly white, industrial city with growing radical activism.^[3] Upon arrival, Rackley established ties with key figures in the Connecticut chapter, notably Ericka Huggins, who had recently relocated from California to co-lead operations alongside Warren Kimbro.^[10] Huggins, then 21, oversaw breakfast programs and political education classes, while Rackley's involvement focused on tactical support from the national structure, reflecting the party's centralized push to unify disparate chapters.^[6] The New Haven group operated in a climate of acute awareness of federal surveillance, with members reporting frequent FBI tailing and infiltration attempts that fostered low-level distrust within ranks, though no specific allegations targeted Rackley at this juncture.^[11] Internal frictions arose from uneven discipline and ideological debates over alliances with white radicals, prompting national envoys like Rackley to intervene and enforce party protocols.^[6]

The Murder Incident

Rising Suspicions of Informancy

In May 1969, the Black Panther Party's New Haven chapter operated amid widespread internal paranoia fueled by confirmed FBI COINTELPRO operations, which included tactics to sow distrust through forged documents, anonymous letters, and agent provocateurs targeting BPP leadership and rank-and-file members.^[4]^[3] These efforts exacerbated existing tensions following the April 2, 1969, arrests of 21 New York Panthers on conspiracy charges related to alleged bombing plots, prompting fears of infiltration and betrayal within the party.^[4] J. Edgar Hoover's 1968 designation of the BPP as "the greatest threat to the internal security of the country" had intensified federal scrutiny, contributing to a climate where minor discrepancies in member behavior were interpreted as evidence of disloyalty.^[3] Suspicions specifically against Alex Rackley, a 19-year-old member transferred from the New York chapter, crystallized around May 17, 1969, when visiting Panther enforcer George Sams Jr. and Landon Williams arrived in New Haven and warned local leaders Warren Kimbro and Ericka Huggins to monitor him closely.^[4] Sams, acting on reports of Rackley's potential ties to informants—possibly conflating him with another suspected figure, Alex McKiever—accused Rackley of feigning illiteracy after observing him read Mao Zedong's writings upside down, interpreting this as deceptive behavior warranting "discipline."^[4] Earlier doubts about Rackley's loyalty had surfaced in a secretly recorded March 11, 1969, conversation among Panthers, linking him circumstantially to the New York arrests via perceived inconsistencies in his accounts of party activities.^[4] This led to Rackley's isolation and initial interrogations starting May 17, 1969, at a New Haven safe house, where Sams directed questioning to extract confessions of snitching, reflecting the party's escalating witch-hunt mentality amid real infiltration threats but disproportionate responses to unverified claims.^[4] Rackley was held captive and pressed on his knowledge of spies who allegedly aided the prior arrests, embodying the BPP's internal purges driven by fear rather than concrete evidence.^[12]

Abduction, Torture, and Execution

On May 18, 1969, Alex Rackley was abducted from a Black Panther safe house in New Haven, Connecticut, by fellow party members including George Sams Jr., who suspected him of being a police informant.^[13] He was bound, stripped, and transported to the basement of a nearby Panther residence for interrogation under orders relayed from national chairman Bobby Seale via intermediary Landon Williams.^[13] Over the following two days, Rackley endured severe physical torture as party members sought a confession. Methods included repeated beatings with fists and pistol butts, during which Ericka Huggins participated directly.^[11] Huggins also boiled water and forced it down Rackley's throat on Sams' orders, causing extensive burns and internal injuries, as detailed in trial testimony from cooperating witnesses Warren Kimbro and Sams.^[13] These acts, corroborated across multiple defendant pleas and state evidence, exemplified the party's internal purges amid paranoia over infiltration.^[11] On May 20, 1969, after Rackley repeatedly denied informant status under duress, Sams directed Kimbro and Lonnie McLucas to execute him.^[14] The group drove him to a wooded area near Middlefield, Connecticut, where Kimbro shot Rackley twice in the head at close range.^[14] His body was then weighted with stones and dumped into the Coginchaug River, where it was later recovered with visible signs of torture including burns and bruises.^[5]

Investigation and Immediate Aftermath

Body Discovery and Initial Probes

The body of Alex Rackley was discovered on May 21, 1969, along the bank of the Coginchaug River in Middlefield, Connecticut, by local police responding to reports of a suspicious vehicle nearby.^[2] ^[5] The 19-year-old's remains exhibited two gunshot wounds to the head, along with extensive burns and abrasions indicative of sustained physical abuse prior to execution.^[4] ^[9] An autopsy conducted shortly thereafter confirmed the cause of death as the gunshots, while documenting evidence of torture including second- and third-degree burns from scalding liquids poured on the body, blunt force trauma from beatings, and binding marks suggesting restraint over an extended period.^[4] ^[11] Forensic analysis of the wounds and tissue damage pointed to a sequence of events spanning at least 48 hours, aligning with witness accounts of prolonged interrogation sessions.^[9] Initial investigative breakthroughs stemmed from tips provided by Black Panther members who expressed remorse, notably Warren Kimbro, who confessed to authorities on May 22, 1969, detailing his role in transporting and shooting Rackley while implicating the New Haven chapter's headquarters at 36 Park Street as the site of the initial abduction and abuse.^[15] ^[16] Kimbro's statements, corroborated by physical evidence such as tire tracks matching vehicles linked to Panther operations and recovered .38-caliber casings consistent with weapons associated with the group, directed probes toward the organization's local infrastructure and personnel.^[17] ^[18] These leads, combined with a parallel confession from George Sams Jr., established causal ties between the torture site and Black Panther activities without reliance on broader external surveillance at that stage.^[12]^[9]

Raid on Panther Headquarters

On May 22, 1969, the day after Alex Rackley's body was discovered, New Haven police conducted a raid on the Black Panther Party's local headquarters at 365 Orchard Street.^[19] The operation, supported by federal agents amid heightened scrutiny of Panther activities in urban centers, targeted evidence related to Rackley's death and involved searching the premises for weapons and records.^[20] Eight Panther members were arrested during the raid, including Ericka Huggins, the chapter's co-founder whose husband had been killed earlier that year.^[5] Authorities seized multiple firearms, ammunition, and audio tapes recorded during Rackley's captivity the previous night, which captured voices interrogating and threatening him on suspicions of informancy.^[20] Additional documents and materials were confiscated, providing immediate links to the abduction and torture at the site.^[21] The raid relied on investigative leads from the murder probe, including surveillance of Panther movements and tips from sources within radical networks strained by internal distrust and external pressures in 1969's volatile climate of police-Panther confrontations.^[20] No resistance was reported, but the action underscored tactical coordination to secure perishable evidence like the tapes before potential destruction.^[19]

Legal Proceedings

Charges Against the New Haven Nine

In late May 1969, following the discovery of Alex Rackley's body, Connecticut authorities arrested and indicted eight initial suspects from the Black Panther Party's New Haven chapter on charges of first-degree murder, kidnapping, and conspiracy to commit those acts, stemming from Rackley's torture and execution on May 21.^[5] The group, soon expanded to nine members including chapter co-founder Ericka Huggins, faced allegations of participating in a premeditated plot under Connecticut General Statutes provisions for capital felony murder (Section 53-9, requiring intent and planning) and kidnapping (Section 53-87, involving unlawful confinement with intent to harm).^[3] Key figures among the nine included Warren Kimbro, Lonnie McLucas, and George Sams Jr., accused of direct involvement in the abduction and fatal shooting, with the conspiracy charge positing a collective agreement to eliminate Rackley as a suspected informant.^[4] Prosecutors extended the conspiracy allegations to national Black Panther Party leadership, indicting chairman Bobby Seale in November 1969 on charges of conspiracy to commit murder, asserting he had authorized Rackley's killing during a May 20 visit to the New Haven chapter for a Yale University event.^[2] Seale's inclusion aimed to demonstrate centralized party direction over local actions, based on claims of his direct orders in a basement meeting where Rackley was interrogated.^[3] Ericka Huggins, already among the nine, faced heightened scrutiny for her alleged role in the authorization process, including participation in taped interrogations.^[2] These additions reflected state prosecutors' strategy to portray the Black Panther Party as a hierarchical organization posing a coordinated threat, aligning with broader federal scrutiny under programs viewing the group as domestically subversive.^[22] The charges carried potential death penalties under Connecticut law for first-degree murder and kidnapping resulting in death, emphasizing the premeditated nature of the conspiracy from May 18 to 21, 1969, when suspicions of Rackley's informancy escalated into action.^[23] Indictments relied on physical evidence like bullet wounds matching party weapons, Rackley's confessions under duress, and initial admissions from defendants, though the emphasis on national ties underscored efforts to dismantle the party's structure beyond local culpability.^[7]

Trial Details, Testimonies, and Verdicts

The trials for the murder of Alex Rackley commenced in New Haven, Connecticut, in early 1970, involving nine Black Panther Party members charged with first-degree murder and conspiracy to murder, stemming from the events of May 1969. Warren Kimbro and George Sams, who had confessed to driving Rackley to the site of his execution and shooting him, pleaded guilty to second-degree murder in exchange for testimony against co-defendants; Kimbro received a sentence of execution that was later commuted to life imprisonment, while Sams, the prosecution's chief witness, was sentenced to five years after his testimony.^[3]^[7] Sams testified in April 1971 that Bobby Seale entered the room where Rackley was tied to a bed shortly after midnight on May 20, 1969, and explicitly ordered his killing, positioning himself as the sole direct witness linking Seale to the decision. He further implicated Ericka Huggins by claiming her voice was audible on a tape recording during Rackley's interrogation, though the tape's contents were disputed and partially inaudible. The defense countered Sams' account by presenting witnesses who testified to his personal animosity toward Seale, including efforts to "get even" amid internal party disputes, and noted a court-ordered psychiatric evaluation deeming him stable but not addressing deeper inconsistencies in his shifting narratives.^[13]^[12]^[24]^[25] Lonnie McLucas, tried separately in June 1970, was acquitted of murder but convicted of conspiracy to commit murder, receiving a sentence of 12 to 15 years that was later reduced; his testimony partially corroborated Sams and Kimbro on the drive to Middlefield but denied direct participation in the killing. The prosecution emphasized physical evidence of torture, including burns and bindings on Rackley's body, alongside confessions from Kimbro and Sams detailing the brutality, while the defense argued these acts reflected paranoia induced by FBI infiltration rather than a coordinated plot ordered by higher leaders.^[26]^[27] The joint trial of Seale and Huggins, beginning October 1970, relied heavily on Sams' uncorroborated claims of Seale's involvement, with no forensic or independent eyewitness evidence tying him directly to the execution; after seven months of proceedings marked by frequent disruptions and motions challenging the single-jury process, the jury reported irreconcilable deadlock on May 24, 1971, leading to a mistrial. Federal intervention followed, and charges against Seale were dropped in August 1971, while Huggins was acquitted in a subsequent proceeding, reflecting perceived failures in the prosecution's evidentiary foundation beyond Sams' testimony.^[28]^[3]^[29]

Black Panther Party's Internal Dynamics

Paranoia, Purges, and Intra-Party Violence

The Black Panther Party's internal culture in 1969–1971 devolved into widespread purges driven by acute paranoia over infiltration, resulting in dozens of members being expelled, detained, or executed on flimsy suspicions of disloyalty, often bypassing any rigorous evidentiary process.^[30]^[31] These actions, confirmed by central leadership directives, exemplified a self-destructive pattern where ideological imperatives for revolutionary purity—drawing from Maoist models of internal cleansing—prioritized preemptive vigilantism over measured inquiry, eroding organizational cohesion and fostering an atmosphere of mutual distrust.^[30] While FBI COINTELPRO operations did embed real informants in various chapters, contributing to genuine security threats, the party's responses amplified these risks through disproportionate, evidence-deficient reprisals that targeted perceived deviants regardless of proof, thereby accelerating factionalism and decline.^[32]^[33] Central figures like Huey Newton endorsed such measures, issuing calls to neutralize "counter-revolutionaries" and traitors, which empowered ad hoc security units to conduct brutal interrogations and eliminations, as seen in the 1969 national purge that ousted numerous cadres and the 1971 schism with Eldridge Cleaver, where mutual informant accusations prompted further expulsions and armed confrontations between factions.^[34]^[30] This purge dynamic manifested in multiple intra-party killings beyond isolated incidents, including the 1974 execution of bookkeeper Betty Van Patter—allegedly ordered after she uncovered financial improprieties in the Oakland chapter, which leadership misconstrued as potential informant activity—and reports of over a dozen similar internal murders tied to suspicion hunts across chapters.^[35]^[36] Such vigilantism, rooted in a cult-like enforcement of loyalty where ideological rigidity precluded dissent or error, not only decimated ranks but also alienated survivors, hastening the organization's implosion by the mid-1970s.^[32]^[30]

Leadership Responses and Denials

Bobby Seale, national chairman of the Black Panther Party at the time, publicly denied authorizing or participating in the order to execute Alex Rackley, attributing the torture and killing solely to George Sams, whom party members later described as a disruptive infiltrator acting without central leadership approval.^[37] Seale's defense during the 1970-1971 trial emphasized that Sams, who confessed and testified against him, was unreliable and motivated by self-preservation after turning state's evidence, framing the incident as an aberration divorced from official party policy.^[13] Huey Newton, the party's minister of defense, echoed this distancing in subsequent statements and writings, disavowing the New Haven chapter's actions as rogue vigilantism exacerbated by external pressures rather than reflective of disciplined revolutionary practice, while avoiding direct condemnation of the underlying paranoia that fueled informant hunts.^[38] Party propaganda, disseminated through newspapers and rallies, portrayed the Rackley killing as a COINTELPRO-orchestrated provocation designed to discredit the BPP, with defense attorney Charles Garry asserting intentions to prove Rackley himself was murdered by police agents infiltrating the group.^[37]^[6] Law enforcement investigations, including FBI interrogations of participants like Warren Kimbro and Lonnie McLucas, documented Sams' orchestration under the guise of party discipline, revealing a pattern of intra-party interrogations and executions tolerated in local chapters amid national leadership's emphasis on purging suspected informants, which contrasted sharply with memoirs from figures like Ericka Huggins that selectively highlighted Sams' instability while minimizing systemic brutality.^[39]^[6] This scapegoating of Sams underscored accountability gaps, as prior BPP tolerance for violent "security" measures against perceived threats enabled such episodes without prompt internal reckoning from Seale or Newton.^[9]

Legacy and Critical Analysis

Immediate Impact on the Party

The torture and murder of Alex Rackley in May 1969, followed by the high-profile trials of the New Haven Nine beginning in May 1970, intensified national media scrutiny on the Black Panther Party's internal practices, exposing details of intra-party brutality that alienated segments of its base in urban black communities. Eyewitness testimonies during the proceedings, including those detailing Rackley's hours-long ordeal involving beatings, scalding, and gunshots, portrayed the party not merely as defenders against police violence but as perpetrators of their own unchecked vigilantism, prompting disillusionment among rank-and-file members and potential recruits who viewed such actions as counterproductive to community survival.^[11]^[9] This negative publicity compounded operational strains, as the party diverted substantial resources toward legal defenses and mobilization efforts, such as the May Day 1970 rally in New Haven that drew over 12,000 supporters but required coordination across chapters at a time of escalating FBI counterintelligence operations under COINTELPRO. Local chapters, particularly in Connecticut and New York, faced immediate disruptions from arrests and informant defections—Warren Kimbro and George Sams Jr. both pleaded guilty to reduced murder charges in exchange for testimony, providing authorities with insights that fueled further raids and eroded operational security.^[2]^[40] Membership figures, which had peaked at approximately 5,000 in late 1968 to early 1969, showed early signs of contraction by February 1971, with Bobby Seale reporting around 3,000 active members amid rising factionalism and voluntary exits driven by fear of similar purges. Community programs, already under financial pressure, suffered as donors and volunteers withdrew support in response to the violence, while heightened law enforcement vigilance led to the temporary shuttering or relocation of several urban chapters to evade intensified surveillance post-trial.^[30]

Long-Term Assessments and Rejections of Romanticization

The murder of Alex Rackley in May 1969 serves as a microcosm of the Black Panther Party's (BPP) descent into internal authoritarianism, where paranoia-fueled purges replicated the coercive tactics the organization publicly decried in law enforcement. Historians have noted that such intra-party violence, including torture and executions of suspected informants, eroded the BPP's cohesion and alienated potential supporters, contributing directly to its fragmentation by the mid-1970s. Curtis J. Austin's analysis documents how pervasive internal conflicts—often violent—led to widespread defections, imprisonments, or deaths among members, with the Rackley incident exemplifying a pattern where ideological zeal justified brutality against perceived betrayers.^[41] This dynamic undermined the BPP's revolutionary aspirations, as enforcers like George Sams wielded unchecked power, fostering a cult-like structure that prioritized loyalty tests over principled organizing.^[42] Critics, including former radicals turned skeptics, have rejected romanticized depictions of the BPP as heroic resistors, emphasizing instead its criminal undertones and failure to transcend the violence it opposed. David Horowitz and Peter Collier, drawing from direct involvement in New Left circles, described the party as riddled with "destructive" tendencies, where the Rackley killing exposed a willingness to inflict terror on its own ranks without due process.^[43] Similarly, Hugh Pearson characterized the BPP as functioning like "an African-American Mafia," with routine extortion, infighting, and murders stemming from Huey Newton's authoritarian leadership rather than external pressures alone.^[44] These assessments counter narratives—often prevalent in left-leaning scholarship—that downplay such acts as mere "provocations" by state agents, arguing that empirical evidence of self-inflicted wounds, including the New Haven case, reveals inherent flaws in the party's Maoist-inspired hierarchy. Recent evaluations affirm that while FBI operations like COINTELPRO exacerbated tensions, they do not absolve the BPP's autonomous embrace of brutality, which hastened its unmaking. A 2021 analysis critiques contemporary media rehabilitations, such as films glorifying the Panthers, for sanitizing the Rackley torture—which involved beatings, scalding, and execution—as anomalous, ignoring how it mirrored Stalinist purges admired by leaders like Bobby Seale.^[42] This perspective, grounded in primary accounts and defectors' testimonies, privileges the causal role of internal authoritarianism over conspiratorial excuses, underscoring the BPP's legacy as a cautionary tale of radicalism devolving into self-destructive terror rather than sustainable empowerment.

References

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The Philadelphia FBI field office prepared and sent to Newton a fictitious Black Panther Party directive, supposedly prepared by the Philadelphia Black Panther ...
[39]
F.B.I. Agent Testifies Panther Told of Shooting Murder Victim
Jul 22, 1970 · FBI agent testifies that McLucas told interrogators on June '69 that on orders of Sams he fired shot into Rackley's body to make sure that ...
[40]
[PDF] COINTELPRO: The Untold American Story
Through their warrantless wiretaps of BPP offices and residences, the FBI became aware in May 1970 of dissatisfaction among New York BPP members, including. Bin ...
[41]
Violence in the Making and Unmaking of the Black Panther Party - jstor
Up Against the Wall: Violence in the Making and Unmaking of the Black Panther Party ... Rackley-left the party, was killed, or was imprisoned. Austin shows ...
[42]
The Strange Rehabilitation of the Black Panther Party - Quillette
Jul 13, 2021 · He said one victim was killed by his wife after a domestic fight and another—Alex Rackley—was, according to confessions, murdered by members of ...Missing: response | Show results with:response
[43]
https://www.newcriterion.com/article/david-horowitz-1939-2025/
[44]
https://www.amazon.com/Shadow-Panther-Newton-Price-America/dp/0201483416/