EU 27
The EU-27 refers to the European Union comprising its 27 member states following the United Kingdom's formal withdrawal on January 31, 2020, and the end of the transitional period on December 31, 2020, which reduced the bloc from 28 to 27 sovereign nations primarily in continental Europe.[1][2] This configuration maintains the EU's core framework of economic integration through a single market enabling tariff-free trade and free movement of goods, services, capital, and people among members, alongside a customs union with a common external tariff and a monetary union for 20 states using the euro as their currency.[1][3] With a population of approximately 448 million people—representing about 5.5% of the global total—the EU-27 constitutes the world's third-largest economy by nominal GDP, generating around €17 trillion in output as of recent estimates, driven by industrial powerhouses like Germany and advanced service sectors across members.[4][1][5] Governed by supranational institutions including the European Commission (executive), Council of the EU (representing governments), European Parliament (directly elected), and European Court of Justice, the union coordinates policies on trade, competition, agriculture, fisheries, and regional development, while member states retain control over foreign policy, defense, and taxation.[1] Notable achievements include sustaining over 70 years of peace among historic rivals, fostering the largest internal market by volume with 14% of global goods trade, and implementing the euro, which has eliminated exchange rate risks for 340 million users and supported cross-border investment.[3][3] The EU-27 has faced defining challenges, including high public debt levels exceeding 100% of GDP in several members like Greece and Italy, an ageing population straining pensions and labor markets, and criticisms of bureaucratic overregulation and centralization that hinder competitiveness and impose compliance burdens on businesses.[1][6] These issues, compounded by slower economic growth relative to non-EU peers and internal divergences in productivity, underscore ongoing debates over the balance between integration benefits and national sovereignty, with empirical evidence showing regulatory density correlating with reduced dynamism in sectors like labor markets.[5][6][7]History
Origins and Early Enlargements
The European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) was established by the Treaty of Paris, signed on 18 April 1951 by the foreign ministers of Belgium, France, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany).[8] The treaty, which entered into force on 23 July 1952 after ratification, created a supranational authority to oversee a common market for coal and steel production among these six founding members, aiming to foster economic interdependence in key war-making resources.[9] This initiative stemmed from French Foreign Minister Robert Schuman's 9 May 1950 declaration, which proposed pooling Franco-German coal and steel industries under a high authority to render war between historic rivals "not merely unthinkable, but materially impossible," thereby promoting lasting peace through shared sovereignty in strategic sectors.[10] Building on the ECSC's framework, the Treaty of Rome, signed on 25 March 1957 by the same six states, established the European Economic Community (EEC) and the European Atomic Energy Community (Euratom), both entering into force on 1 January 1958.[11] The EEC Treaty outlined the creation of a customs union by eliminating internal tariffs and establishing a common external tariff, alongside provisions for free movement of goods, services, capital, and persons, with the goal of forming a broader common market to enhance economic efficiency and integration.[12] Euratom focused on coordinated development of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes, sharing institutional structures with the EEC and ECSC to pool research, investments, and supply safeguards.[13] The EEC experienced its first enlargement on 1 January 1973, when Denmark, Ireland, and the United Kingdom acceded after negotiations concluded in 1972, increasing membership to nine states amid debates over agricultural policy impacts and budgetary contributions.[14] Greece joined on 1 January 1981 as the tenth member, following its 1975 application and transition from military rule, introducing transitional arrangements for its less developed economy.[14] Portugal and Spain followed on 1 January 1986, marking the third enlargement and integrating two former dictatorships with structural fund support to address regional disparities.[14] The fourth enlargement occurred on 1 January 1995, with Austria, Finland, and Sweden joining after referendums approved accession, while Norway declined via referendum; this brought membership to 15 and extended the single market to Nordic neutrals without initial monetary union commitments.[14] These expansions proceeded gradually, balancing deeper integration with accommodations for new members' sovereignty sensitivities, such as opt-outs and phased implementations.[15]Expansion to 28 Members and Institutional Evolution
The 2004 enlargement, often termed the "Big Bang," saw ten Central and Eastern European and Mediterranean states accede to the European Union on May 1, 2004: Cyprus, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia.[16] This expansion increased the EU's membership from 15 to 25 states, incorporating nations with significantly lower per capita incomes—averaging about 40% of the EU-15 average—necessitating substantial pre-accession reforms in areas like rule of law and market liberalization to align with acquis communautaire standards.[17] The influx amplified governance complexities, as the Nice Treaty (2001) voting weights proved cumbersome for a larger Council, prompting calls for streamlined decision-making to prevent paralysis.[18] Subsequent accessions further expanded the union: Bulgaria and Romania joined on January 1, 2007, elevating membership to 27, despite ongoing concerns over judicial reforms and corruption in the new entrants, which led to post-accession safeguards like the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism.[19] Croatia acceded on July 1, 2013, marking the attainment of 28 members after negotiations concluded in 2011 and ratification by all states.[20] These enlargements, driven by post-Cold War stabilization goals, heightened fiscal pressures; net contributors like Germany saw annual EU budget contributions rise to over €20 billion by the mid-2010s, funding cohesion policies that directed hundreds of billions in structural funds to newer, poorer members—such as €329 billion to the 2004 EU-8 states alone from 2004 to 2022—to address regional disparities.[21] To adapt institutions for this scale, the Lisbon Treaty, entering into force on December 1, 2009, reformed Council qualified majority voting to a double majority system requiring support from 55% of member states (at least 15) representing 65% of the EU population, replacing the Nice Treaty's weighted system to enhance efficiency amid growing diversity.[22] It also bolstered the European Commission's executive capacity by formalizing the election of its president by the European Council with European Parliament consent, while capping commissioners at one per member state (with provisions for larger states in rotation), aiming to balance representation without diluting expertise.[22] These changes, ratified after the failed Constitutional Treaty, mitigated deadlock risks from the post-2004 heterogeneity but exposed underlying tensions, as veto-prone unanimity persisted in sensitive areas like taxation, straining cohesion in a union now spanning vast economic and cultural variances.[23]Brexit and the Formation of the EU-27
The United Kingdom's departure from the European Union, formalized as Brexit, stemmed from a national referendum held on 23 June 2016, where 51.89% of participants voted to leave, with turnout at 72.2%.[24] Key drivers included demands for restored sovereignty over domestic laws and borders, amid frustrations with EU-mandated freedom of movement that constrained immigration policy, supranational regulatory burdens imposed by Brussels institutions, and the UK's status as a net financial contributor, paying an average of approximately €10-13 billion annually after rebates and receipts in the years preceding the vote.[25] [26] Prime Minister David Cameron had called the advisory referendum following his party's internal divisions and public discontent, but the Leave campaign's emphasis on "taking back control" prevailed, particularly in regions outside London and Scotland where economic globalization and EU integration were viewed as eroding national autonomy.[27] Following the referendum, the UK government invoked Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union on 29 March 2017, initiating a two-year negotiation period for withdrawal terms that extended through multiple extensions amid domestic political turmoil, including two general elections and changes in prime ministerial leadership.[28] The UK formally exited the EU at 11:00 PM GMT on 31 January 2020, entering a transition period until 31 December 2020 during which it remained bound by EU rules while negotiating future relations.[29] The resulting Withdrawal Agreement, ratified by the European Parliament on 29 January 2020 and covering citizens' rights, financial settlements, and the Irish border, was paired with the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) finalized on 24 December 2020 and provisionally applied from 1 January 2021.[30] The TCA established a zero-tariff framework but introduced non-tariff barriers such as customs checks and regulatory divergence, contributing to an initial 13-15% reduction in UK-EU goods trade volumes according to gravity model analyses and post-implementation data.[31] [32] Brexit reduced the European Union from 28 to 27 member states, with the remaining EU-27 maintaining procedural unity throughout negotiations under chief negotiator Michel Barnier, who coordinated positions to prioritize level playing field commitments and protect sectoral interests.[33] However, internal divergences surfaced, notably over fishing rights—where coastal states like France and Denmark sought to preserve quota access in UK waters, leading to protracted disputes resolved only in the TCA's phased 25% reduction of EU catches over five years—and the potential relocation of financial services from London's City to EU hubs like Frankfurt and Paris, prompting competitive lobbying among member states.[34] The UK's pre-exit contribution of roughly 15% to the EU-28's total GDP amplified the economic void, yet no enlargement occurred to offset it, as accession processes for candidates like those in the Western Balkans remained stalled by reform preconditions and geopolitical priorities.[35] This contraction underscored the EU's reliance on collective bargaining leverage, though it exposed vulnerabilities in revenue streams and market cohesion without compensatory growth mechanisms.Member States
List of Current Members and Accession Details
The European Union (EU-27) comprises 27 sovereign member states that have acceded through successive enlargements, beginning with the six founding members effective from 1 January 1958 under the Treaty of Rome.[36] Subsequent waves added members on 1 January 1973 (Denmark and Ireland, following the UK's accession and later departure), 1 January 1981 (Greece), 1 January 1987 (Portugal and Spain), 1 January 1995 (Austria, Finland, and Sweden), 1 May 2004 (Cyprus, Czechia, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia), 1 January 2007 (Bulgaria and Romania), and 1 July 2013 (Croatia).[14] Not all members participate uniformly in key EU frameworks; 20 states form the eurozone, adopting the euro as their currency, while Denmark holds a formal opt-out from monetary union per the Maastricht Treaty protocol.[37] Twenty-five states participate in the Schengen Area for border-free travel, with Ireland maintaining an opt-out and Cyprus excluded de facto due to territorial issues but committed to future accession.[38] Denmark also retains partial opt-outs from EU justice and home affairs cooperation, though its defense opt-out was repealed via referendum in 2022.[39]| Member State | Accession Date | Eurozone | Schengen Area | Notable Opt-outs |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Austria | 1 January 1995 | Yes | Yes | None |
| Belgium | 1 January 1958 | Yes | Yes | None |
| Bulgaria | 1 January 2007 | No | Yes | None |
| Croatia | 1 July 2013 | Yes | Yes | None |
| Cyprus | 1 May 2004 | Yes | No | De facto Schengen exclusion due to division |
| Czechia | 1 May 2004 | No | Yes | None |
| Denmark | 1 January 1973 | No | Yes | Euro; partial justice/home affairs |
| Estonia | 1 May 2004 | Yes | Yes | None |
| Finland | 1 January 1995 | Yes | Yes | None |
| France | 1 January 1958 | Yes | Yes | None |
| Germany | 1 January 1958 | Yes | Yes | None |
| Greece | 1 January 1981 | Yes | Yes | None |
| Hungary | 1 May 2004 | No | Yes | None |
| Ireland | 1 January 1973 | Yes | No | Schengen; partial justice/home affairs |
| Italy | 1 January 1958 | Yes | Yes | None |
| Latvia | 1 May 2004 | Yes | Yes | None |
| Lithuania | 1 May 2004 | Yes | Yes | None |
| Luxembourg | 1 January 1958 | Yes | Yes | None |
| Malta | 1 May 2004 | Yes | Yes | None |
| Netherlands | 1 January 1958 | Yes | Yes | None |
| Poland | 1 May 2004 | No | Yes | None |
| Portugal | 1 January 1987 | Yes | Yes | None |
| Romania | 1 January 2007 | No | Yes | None |
| Slovakia | 1 May 2004 | Yes | Yes | None |
| Slovenia | 1 May 2004 | Yes | Yes | None |
| Spain | 1 January 1987 | Yes | Yes | None |
| Sweden | 1 January 1995 | No | Yes | None |
Demographic and Geographic Composition
The European Union comprising 27 member states covers a land area of approximately 4.23 million square kilometers, primarily in continental Europe but extending to island territories such as Cyprus in the eastern Mediterranean and Malta in the central Mediterranean. This geographic span ranges from the westernmost point in Ireland to the eastern edge of Cyprus, and from the northern Arctic Circle in Finland to southern Mediterranean shores, encompassing diverse terrains including the Alps, Pyrenees, and Baltic plains.[1] Such dispersion includes landlocked countries like Austria and Hungary, as well as heavily maritime-oriented states like Greece with its thousands of islands, which historically amplified vulnerabilities to external energy supplies; prior to 2022, Russia provided around 40% of the EU's natural gas imports, routed through pipelines traversing non-EU territories and exposing central and eastern members to supply disruptions.[41][42] Demographically, the EU-27 had a total population of 450.4 million as of January 1, 2025, marked by stark disparities across states that complicate uniform policy application.[43] Germany holds the largest share at 84.1 million inhabitants, accounting for nearly 19% of the total, while Malta has the smallest at around 560,000, highlighting a ratio exceeding 150:1 in population size.[44] France, Italy, and Spain follow as the next most populous, each over 47 million, whereas Cyprus and Luxembourg number under 1.3 million combined.[44] These imbalances, coupled with east-west divides—evident in GDP per capita (PPP) gaps, such as Luxembourg's approximately 128,000 international dollars versus Bulgaria's 13,000 in 2023—underscore persistent regional heterogeneity beyond mere geography.[45] The EU faces demographic aging, with a median age of 44.7 years across the union, driven by low fertility rates below the replacement level of 2.1 children per woman in nearly all member states.[4] The total fertility rate averaged 1.38 live births per woman in 2023, ranging from 1.06 in Malta to 1.81 in Bulgaria, with southern states like Italy at around 1.2 exemplifying sub-replacement trends that strain pension systems and labor markets.[46] Linguistically, the 24 official languages—spanning Bulgarian to Irish—reflect cultural diversity but impose significant translation costs and coordination hurdles in a multilingual bloc, where no single tongue dominates daily institutional use.[47] This empirical diversity in population distribution, aging profiles, and linguistic fragmentation challenges the EU's pursuit of cohesive integration amid varying national capacities.Governance and Institutions
Core Institutions and Their Roles
The European Commission serves as the executive branch of the EU-27, holding the exclusive right to propose legislation, enforce EU law across member states, and manage the EU budget, including the multiannual financial framework (MFF) that sets spending priorities over seven-year periods such as the 2021-2027 cycle totaling €1.074 trillion in commitments. Its 27 commissioners, one per member state, are nominated by national governments and approved by the European Parliament but remain unelected by EU citizens, granting the body significant supranational authority independent of direct democratic accountability; the Commission's administrative staff numbered approximately 32,000 in 2023, enabling extensive bureaucratic oversight.[48] Ursula von der Leyen has presided over the Commission since December 1, 2019, following her nomination by the European Council and endorsement by the Parliament.[49] The Council of the European Union, comprising ministers from the 27 member states who convene in configurations based on policy areas, shares legislative power with the Parliament by adopting or amending Commission proposals, while also coordinating economic policies and representing the EU in foreign affairs. This intergovernmental body reflects national interests but operates supranationally in areas like the single market, where decisions bind all members. The European Parliament, directly elected by EU citizens every five years with 705 members apportioned by population, co-legislates on most matters, approves the Commission president and commissioners, and consents to international agreements, yet its veto powers are constrained by the Commission's legislative monopoly and the need for Council concurrence, limiting it relative to national parliaments.[50] The European Council, consisting of the heads of state or government of the 27 member states plus the Commission president and Council president, defines the EU's overall political direction and priorities through summits but lacks formal legislative authority, serving instead to resolve crises and appoint key officials. The Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) ensures the uniform interpretation and application of EU law, asserting its supremacy over conflicting national laws and rulings, as established in foundational cases and reinforced in disputes such as those against Hungary over judicial independence and asylum procedures, where noncompliance has led to daily fines like €1 million imposed in June 2024 for violations of EU migration directives.[51] This judicial body, with one judge per member state appointed for renewable six-year terms, has expanded EU competences through preliminary rulings requested by national courts, often overriding domestic sovereignty in areas like media pluralism and rule of law enforcement.[52]Decision-Making Mechanisms and Voting Systems
In the Council of the European Union, qualified majority voting (QMV) serves as the default mechanism for most legislative acts under the ordinary legislative procedure, requiring the support of at least 55% of member states (a minimum of 15 out of 27) that collectively represent 65% of the total EU population.[53] This double threshold, codified in Article 16(4) of the Treaty on European Union following the Lisbon Treaty's entry into force on 1 December 2009 and full implementation after transitional provisions ended on 31 October 2014, incorporates a population-based weighting that amplifies the influence of larger states like Germany (approximately 18% of EU population) and France (12%), while coalitions of smaller states struggle to meet the criteria independently.[53] [54] The population component disadvantages smaller members in blocking minorities, as the Visegrád Group—comprising Czechia, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia, with a combined population of roughly 64 million (about 14% of the EU's 447 million)—represents fewer than 15% of states and falls short of the 35% population threshold needed to reliably obstruct QMV passage when opposed by larger actors. This structural tilt has manifested in overrides of smaller-state positions, such as the 2015 Council decision on mandatory migrant relocation quotas, where Visegrád countries voted against but were outmatched by the majority aligning with population-heavy states. Smaller states face inherent bargaining limitations under QMV, as their limited demographic weight reduces leverage in uploading national preferences, often compelling reliance on alliances that may not align with their interests.[55] Unanimity remains mandatory in designated sensitive domains, including taxation, harmonization of social security systems, operational aspects of common foreign and security policy (CFSP), and accession treaties, preserving individual veto rights to safeguard core sovereignty concerns.[56] These areas, enumerated in the treaties, enable single-state blocks, as seen when Hungary exercised its veto in the European Council on 14 December 2023 to halt a proposed €50 billion multiannual aid package for Ukraine, citing procedural irregularities despite broad support from the other 26 members.[57] [58] Such vetoes underscore unanimity's role in amplifying small-state agency where applied, though their narrow scope—covering under 10% of Council decisions post-Lisbon—contrasts with QMV's dominance in over 90% of policy areas, fostering perceptions of imbalance.[59] The incremental expansion of QMV since the Maastricht Treaty (1992), accelerating under Lisbon, has systematically curtailed veto opportunities, shifting from near-universal consensus in early EU iterations to majority rule in trade, environment, and justice matters. This evolution prioritizes efficiency for a heterogeneous union of disparate sizes but erodes the blocking power once afforded to outliers, correlating with heightened euroscepticism in national referendums—such as the 2005 rejections of the EU Constitutional Treaty in France and the Netherlands—where voters cited fears of supranational overreach unmitigated by national safeguards.[53] In causal terms, the dilution of unanimity incentivizes larger states to pursue agendas misaligned with smaller peripherals, as the population-weighted threshold ensures that coalitions excluding major economies rarely prevail, thereby intensifying sovereignty concerns among marginalized members.[60]Economic Framework
The Single Market and Trade Policies
The European Union's Single Market, operational since 1 January 1993 following the implementation of the internal market program outlined in the 1986 Single European Act, enshrines the four freedoms of movement for goods, services, capital, and persons across member states.[61] This framework eliminates internal tariffs and quotas while harmonizing regulations to approximate an unified economic space, enabling seamless cross-border exchanges without customs checks.[62] By 2023, intra-EU trade in goods accounted for approximately 60% of the bloc's total goods trade, with exports to other member states totaling €4,135 billion, underscoring the market's role in deepening economic interdependence.[63] Complementing the Single Market, the EU operates a customs union that imposes a common external tariff (CET) on imports from non-member countries, ensuring uniform protection for internal producers while preventing trade deflection through the lowest-tariff member state.[64] This structure has enhanced supply chain efficiency by allowing just-in-time manufacturing and integrated production networks, as firms leverage specialized inputs from across the 27 states without tariff distortions, thereby reducing costs and improving competitiveness in global markets.[65] For instance, automotive and electronics sectors benefit from fragmented value chains where components flow freely, contributing to operational resilience amid external shocks. Despite these gains, persistent non-tariff barriers (NTBs)—such as divergent national standards, licensing requirements, and administrative hurdles—continue to fragment the market, with IMF analysis estimating their ad valorem equivalent at around 44% for manufactured goods and over 100% for services.[66] Approximately 60% of identified barriers to cross-border services and labor mobility from two decades prior remain unaddressed, impeding full realization of the freedoms.[67] Regulatory harmonization efforts, while aimed at uniformity, have drawn criticism for imposing compliance burdens that disproportionately affect small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs); the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), enacted in 2018, exemplifies this, with studies documenting high implementation costs leading to market exits by smaller firms and reduced innovation in data-driven sectors.[68] Such measures, often justified by consumer protection rationales from EU institutions, risk stifling entrepreneurial agility, as evidenced by Europe's lagging performance in tech startups relative to less-regulated markets.[69]Monetary Union and Fiscal Coordination
The Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) of the European Union encompasses a monetary policy framework centered on the euro, adopted by 20 of the EU-27 member states as their common currency. The euro was introduced as an electronic currency on January 1, 1999, for 11 initial members, with physical notes and coins entering circulation on January 1, 2002.[70] The European Central Bank (ECB), established in 1998 and granted operational independence under the Maastricht Treaty, conducts monetary policy to maintain price stability, targeting inflation below but close to 2% over the medium term. This structure prioritizes monetary integration while leaving fiscal policy decentralized among national governments, creating inherent tensions in responding to asymmetric economic shocks.[71] Fiscal coordination relies primarily on the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP), adopted in 1997 to enforce the Maastricht convergence criteria, including a budget deficit limit of 3% of GDP and public debt not exceeding 60% of GDP. These rules aim to promote fiscal discipline and prevent free-riding in the absence of a centralized fiscal authority, but enforcement has proven inconsistent due to political pressures and repeated violations.[72] For instance, France and Italy exceeded the 3% deficit threshold in 2023, with France's deficit reaching 5.5% of GDP, prompting the European Commission to initiate excessive deficit procedures against multiple states including these two in 2024.[73] Such breaches highlight the pact's limitations, as penalties are rarely imposed fully, undermining credibility and allowing persistent divergences in national fiscal positions. The absence of automatic fiscal transfers or a full fiscal union—intended to avoid moral hazard and preserve national sovereignty—exposed structural vulnerabilities during the sovereign debt crisis beginning in 2009.[74] Greece's crisis epitomized these flaws: by May 2010, amid revelations of hidden deficits exceeding 12% of GDP, the EU and IMF provided a €110 billion bailout package conditional on austerity and structural reforms, marking the first such intervention in the eurozone.[75] Without mechanisms for intra-eurozone fiscal equalization or currency devaluation to address competitiveness gaps, weaker economies faced prolonged recessions, capital flight, and reliance on ad-hoc bailouts totaling over €280 billion for Greece alone across three programs, which primarily recapitalized banks and serviced existing debt rather than funding growth.[76] This episode underscored how monetary union amplifies imbalances in economies with divergent productivity and wage dynamics, as national fiscal policies cannot independently adjust to shocks, leading to contagion risks across the zone.[77] In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the EU temporarily suspended SGP enforcement in 2020 and launched NextGenerationEU, a €806.9 billion recovery instrument (in 2021 prices, comprising €385.8 billion in grants and €421.1 billion in loans) financed through joint borrowing by the European Commission.[78] Allocated via national recovery plans emphasizing digital and green transitions, this marked the largest stimulus in EU history and introduced limited fiscal mutualization, yet it remains exceptional and time-bound until 2026, reverting to decentralized fiscal rules without establishing permanent transfers.[79] Critics argue this ad-hoc approach reveals the EMU's incomplete design, where crisis responses lag due to the lack of a dedicated eurozone budget for stabilization, perpetuating vulnerability to future divergences without deeper integration.[71] Empirical evidence from the crises supports the view that optimum currency area theory's requirements—fiscal risk-sharing and labor mobility—remain unmet, sustaining debates over reform amid resistance to ceding national control.[74]Budgetary Mechanisms and Net Contributors/Recipients
The European Union's Multiannual Financial Framework for 2021-2027 establishes an overall budget of €1.216 trillion in current prices, excluding the separate €807 billion NextGenerationEU recovery instrument, to finance expenditures across policy areas including regional development and agriculture.[80] This framework operates through own resources such as customs duties, value-added tax contributions, and a plastic packaging levy, with member states' gross national income serving as the primary balancing mechanism for shortfalls.[81] Net budgetary positions reveal stark imbalances, with northern and western states consistently transferring funds to eastern and southern counterparts. In 2023, Germany recorded the largest net contribution at €19.8 billion, followed by France at €9.3 billion and the Netherlands at €6.3 billion, reflecting their higher economic output and GNI-based payments.[82] Conversely, Poland emerged as the top net recipient with €7.1 billion in inflows, primarily via cohesion and agricultural subsidies, while Romania received €5.9 billion.[82]| Net Contributors (2023, € billion) | Amount | Net Recipients (2023, € billion) | Amount |
|---|---|---|---|
| Germany | -19.8 | Poland | +7.1 |
| France | -9.3 | Romania | +5.9 |
| Netherlands | -6.3 | Hungary | +4.4 |
| Italy | -6.0 | Greece | +3.0 |