European Parliament
The European Parliament is the European Union's only directly elected institution, comprising 720 members elected every five years to represent the approximately 450 million citizens of the 27 member states.[1][2] Established originally as the Common Assembly of the European Coal and Steel Community in 1952, it gained its current form through successive EU treaties, with direct universal suffrage introduced in 1979, marking a shift from appointed national parliament delegates to popularly chosen representatives.[3][4] As a co-legislator alongside the Council of the EU, the Parliament adopts European laws on most policy areas, amends legislative proposals from the European Commission, and holds veto power over significant decisions including the EU budget, international agreements, and enlargements.[5][6] It also exercises supervisory authority by approving or rejecting the Commission president and commissioners, questioning officials, and initiating motions of censure against the executive.[7] Plenary sessions occur primarily in Strasbourg, with committee work in Brussels and administrative functions in Luxembourg, a dispersed structure that has drawn criticism for inefficiency and high costs estimated in the hundreds of millions of euros annually.[8] The Parliament's influence has expanded markedly since the 1980s through treaties like Maastricht (1992) and Lisbon (2009), evolving from a consultative body to a key driver of EU integration, though persistent low voter turnout—averaging around 50% in recent elections—and perceptions of detachment from national priorities underscore ongoing debates about its democratic efficacy and alignment with citizen preferences.[9][3]Historical Development
Origins and Consultative Phase
The origins of the European Parliament lie in the Common Assembly of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), created by the Treaty of Paris signed on 18 April 1951 by Belgium, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands.[10] The treaty, which entered into force on 23 July 1952, established supranational institutions to manage coal and steel production, including the Common Assembly as a 78-member consultative body whose delegates were selected by the national parliaments of the founding states—18 each from France, Germany, and Italy; 10 each from Belgium and the Netherlands; and 4 from Luxembourg.[11] [12] The Assembly held its inaugural session on 10 September 1952 in Strasbourg, electing Paul-Henri Spaak, a Belgian politician, as its first president.[13] [14] Under the ECSC Treaty, the Assembly's functions were advisory, limited to debating the annual general report of the High Authority (the ECSC's executive), delivering non-binding opinions on its proposals, and exercising oversight through public hearings and the power to censure and dismiss the High Authority via a two-thirds majority vote—a mechanism invoked only once, unsuccessfully, in 1958.[15] [16] This structure emphasized scrutiny rather than co-decision, aligning with the treaty's focus on executive-led integration to prevent national rivalries in heavy industry while avoiding a strong parliamentary check that might fragment consensus among governments.[17] The Treaties of Rome, signed on 25 March 1957 and effective from 1 January 1958, extended the Assembly's consultative remit to the newly formed European Economic Community (EEC) and European Atomic Energy Community (Euratom), with its first session in this broadened role occurring on 19 March 1958.[10] [18] On 30 March 1962, the body adopted the name European Parliament by resolution, a symbolic shift toward implying greater authority amid ongoing debates about democratic deficits, though its competencies remained unchanged. Throughout this phase, which persisted until direct elections in 1979, Parliament members were nominated by and drawn from national legislatures, often retaining dual mandates that tied their loyalty primarily to domestic politics.[19] Its influence derived from the EEC Treaty's consultation procedure (Article 37), requiring the Council to seek opinions on Commission-initiated legislative drafts before adoption, alongside rights to question officials, adopt resolutions, and form political groups from 1953 onward—but without veto power, amendment rights in binding legislation, or initiative authority, rendering it marginal in a process dominated by intergovernmental bargaining in the Council.[20] [21] This arrangement reflected causal priorities of postwar reconstruction, where economic coordination advanced via executive discretion to bypass veto-prone national assemblies wary of sovereignty loss.[16]Introduction of Direct Elections
Prior to the introduction of direct elections, members of the European Parliament—originally known as the Common Assembly—were appointed by the national parliaments of member states, as stipulated in the Treaty of Rome (1957), which limited their role to a consultative assembly without direct democratic legitimacy.[22] Efforts to establish direct universal suffrage emerged in the 1960s, with the Parliament adopting a draft convention in 1960 and renewing proposals in 1969 under Article 138(3) of the EEC Treaty, which mandated the Parliament to initiate provisions for such elections; however, national governments resisted due to sovereignty concerns and varying electoral systems. The push intensified after the 1973 enlargement to include Denmark, Ireland, and the United Kingdom, prompting the 1974 Paris European Council summit to endorse direct elections in principle as a means to enhance the Community's democratic character amid growing supranational ambitions.[23] The breakthrough came with the Council Decision of 20 September 1976 adopting the "Act concerning the election of the representatives of the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage," which required elections to be free, secret, and based on universal adult suffrage, while allowing member states flexibility in procedures such as proportional representation or majority systems to accommodate national traditions.[24] This uniform electoral framework, effective from 1 July 1978, applied to the nine member states at the time and set a five-year term for the Parliament, marking a causal shift from indirect nomination to voter accountability, though implementation required ratification by all states, delaying the first vote.[25] The inaugural direct elections occurred between 7 and 10 June 1979, electing 410 members across the nine countries with an average turnout of approximately 61.99%, reflecting initial public engagement despite uneven national participation—highest in Belgium at 91.3% due to compulsory voting and lowest in the UK at 32.7%.[26] These elections, conducted under disparate national rules as permitted by the 1976 Act, resulted in a center-right majority led by the European People's Party, and the first plenary session convened on 17 July 1979 in Strasbourg, where Simone Veil, a French centrist, was elected the Parliament's first directly elected president, serving until 1982.[27] The shift bolstered the Parliament's claims to enhanced oversight and budgetary roles, though empirical evidence of immediate causal impact on policy-making remained limited, as national influences persisted in a still-intergovernmental European framework.[23]Expansion of Competencies Post-Maastricht
The Treaty of Amsterdam, signed on 2 October 1997 and entering into force on 1 May 1999, extended the co-decision procedure—introduced by the Maastricht Treaty for 15 legislative areas—to 23 additional fields, including certain social policy measures, consumer protection, and environmental standards, thereby increasing Parliament's role as co-legislator with the Council in approximately 40% of EU legislation.[28][29] The treaty also streamlined the procedure by generally limiting it to two readings and abolishing the cooperation procedure in areas where it previously applied, enhancing procedural efficiency while elevating Parliament's veto power in conciliation outcomes.[28] The Treaty of Nice, signed on 26 February 2001 and effective from 1 February 2003, introduced modest refinements to Parliament's competencies, primarily through adjustments to voting weights in the Council that indirectly supported co-decision by aligning enlargement preparations with existing legislative balances, though it did not materially expand the procedure's scope. These changes focused more on institutional capacity for incoming members than on deepening Parliament's authority, preserving the post-Amsterdam framework amid preparations for the 2004 enlargement.[30] The Lisbon Treaty, signed on 13 December 2007 and entering into force on 1 December 2009, represented the pivotal expansion, rebranding co-decision as the ordinary legislative procedure and applying it across nearly 95% of EU legislative acts, encompassing previously Council-dominated domains such as agriculture, fisheries, regional policy, and criminal justice cooperation.[31][32] This parity positioned Parliament as an equal co-legislator with the Council, with the procedure requiring absolute majorities in both for adoption, and extended Parliament's assent to international agreements with significant budgetary or legislative implications.[31][33] Beyond legislation, Lisbon augmented budgetary authority by eliminating the distinction between compulsory and non-compulsory expenditure, granting Parliament co-decision on the multiannual financial framework and annual budgets, subject to qualified majority in Council.[33] Supervisory powers strengthened, including Parliament's nomination of a Commission President candidate for European Council consideration—factoring in EP election results—and mandatory hearings for Commissioner-designates, alongside the pre-existing censure mechanism.[31] These reforms, building incrementally on prior treaties, transformed Parliament from a consultative body into a core pillar of EU decision-making, though critics note persistent Council dominance in foreign policy via intergovernmental methods.[34]Contemporary Evolution and 2024 Elections
The ninth legislative term of the European Parliament, spanning 2019 to 2024, saw the institution navigate major crises including the COVID-19 pandemic and Russia's invasion of Ukraine, while advancing legislative output under the ordinary legislative procedure with 415 adopted acts averaging 15 months from proposal to first-reading agreement.[35] Parliament established committees of inquiry into animal transport conditions (ANIT) and spyware surveillance (PEGA), alongside special committees addressing foreign interference (INGE/ING2), COVID-19 implications (COVI), artificial intelligence (AIDA), and cancer prevention (BECA).[35] Key legislative impacts included shaping the Digital Services Act to regulate online platforms and the IRIS2 Regulation for secure satellite communications, reflecting Parliament's co-legislative role amid geopolitical tensions.[36] In response to executive actions, Parliament invoked Article 7 TEU procedures against Hungary in 2018, with the Court of Justice of the EU upholding related rule-of-law conditions on EU funds in 2021, though enforcement challenges persisted due to Council veto dynamics.[35] Proposals for treaty amendments emerged in November 2023, advocating Parliament's right of legislative initiative, expanded competences in public health and defense, and qualified majority voting in foreign policy to enhance efficiency, though these required unanimous ratification and faced skepticism over further centralization.[35] Procedural reforms in April 2024 introduced special scrutiny hearings for commissioners on pressing issues and Rule 58 for evaluating budgetary impacts of proposals, aiming to bolster oversight without treaty changes.[35] The 2024 European Parliament elections, held from 6 to 9 June across EU member states, resulted in a rightward shift, with conservative and nationalist groups gaining seats at the expense of centrist liberals and greens, driven by voter concerns over migration, economic pressures, and EU regulatory burdens.[37] [38] The European People's Party (EPP) emerged as the largest group with 188 seats, followed by the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) at 136, while Renew Europe fell to 77 and Greens/EFA to 53; right-leaning groups like Patriots for Europe (PfE) secured 84, European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) 78, and Europe of Sovereign Nations (ESN) 25, alongside 33 non-attached members.[39] This reconfiguration fragmented the far-right but strengthened overall conservative influence, potentially complicating the previous centrist majority's agenda on climate and integration, though pro-EU centrists retained a slim edge for von der Leyen's Commission re-approval.[40] [41]Institutional Powers
Legislative Procedures
The European Parliament exercises legislative authority through the ordinary legislative procedure, in which it adopts acts jointly and on equal terms with the Council of the European Union, following a proposal from the European Commission. This procedure, codified in Article 294 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), applies to the majority of EU policy areas, including the internal market, agriculture, fisheries, and cohesion policy. It commences with the Commission's submission of a proposal to both institutions, followed by up to three readings in each body; amendments are negotiated, and if no agreement is reached after the second reading, a conciliation committee comprising equal numbers of Parliament and Council representatives seeks a joint text, which must be approved by both without amendments.[42][43][44] In the first reading, Parliament's responsible committee drafts a report with amendments, which the plenary may adopt by a simple majority; the Council then responds, potentially adopting the proposal, amending it by qualified majority, or rejecting it. If Parliament approves the Council's position in the second reading without changes, the act is adopted; otherwise, trilogues—informal negotiations between the Commission, Parliament, and Council—often resolve differences early to avoid formal conciliation. The procedure concludes with a third reading if needed, but since the Lisbon Treaty entered into force on 1 December 2009, over 80% of ordinary legislative acts have been finalized at the first reading stage due to these interinstitutional agreements.[45][46] Special legislative procedures supplement the ordinary process in residual areas. Under the consultation procedure, outlined in Article 289(2) TFEU, the Commission proposes legislation, Parliament delivers a non-binding opinion via its committees and plenary, and the Council adopts the act by unanimity or qualified majority depending on the domain, such as certain tax harmonization rules or measures under Articles 113 or 115 TFEU; Parliament's input influences outcomes but lacks veto power, with historical data showing amendments incorporated in about 30-40% of cases pre-Lisbon, though its role has diminished as ordinary procedure expanded.[47][48] The consent procedure grants Parliament absolute veto authority without amendment rights, required for acts like international agreements under Article 218(6)(a)(i) TFEU, accession treaties per Article 49 TEU, and the EU's own resources decisions under Article 311 TFEU; approval demands an absolute majority of Parliament's component members. Notable applications include Parliament's consent to the Withdrawal Agreement with the United Kingdom on 29 January 2020 and to Croatia's accession treaty on 22 December 2011, underscoring its gatekeeping role in high-stakes integrations and external pacts.[49][48]Budgetary Authority
The European Parliament shares budgetary authority with the Council of the European Union, jointly adopting the EU's annual budget on the basis of a draft submitted by the European Commission each spring.[50][51] This process follows the ordinary legislative procedure, allowing both institutions to amend the proposal through readings and conciliation if needed, with the Parliament holding the final decision on non-compulsory expenditure—such as funding for research, cohesion policy, and external actions—while amendments to compulsory expenditure (primarily agricultural and structural commitments) are limited by the maximum rate of increase set in the multiannual financial framework (MFF).[50][51] The Parliament can reject the entire budget by absolute majority, a power formalized in 1975 under the Own Resources Decision, though it has exercised this only in targeted disputes rather than full rejections, as seen in 1979 when it withheld assent over agricultural spending, prompting revisions.[52][53] The Parliament also provides consent to the MFF, the EU's seven-year spending ceiling adopted unanimously by the Council as a regulation, ensuring alignment with long-term priorities like the €1.074 trillion commitment appropriations for 2021–2027, which represent about 1% of EU GNI.[54][55] For the post-2027 period, the Commission proposed an MFF of nearly €2 trillion in current prices on July 16, 2025, emphasizing defense and green transition funding, but Parliament negotiations have pushed for exceeding 1% of GDP to address fiscal gaps from Brexit and COVID-19 recovery.[56][57] The Committee on Budgets leads these efforts, scrutinizing revenue sources including own resources like VAT-based contributions and plastic waste levies introduced in 2021.[58] In budgetary oversight, the Parliament grants or refuses discharge to the Commission annually, evaluating execution reports from the Court of Auditors for legality and efficiency, as in the 2023 discharge covering €170 billion in payments where it highlighted persistent errors in cohesion funds at 3.5–5%.[59][60] This supervisory role enforces accountability, with historical leverage demonstrated in 1998 when fraud allegations delayed discharge and contributed to the Santer Commission's resignation.[52] Post-Lisbon Treaty (2009), equal co-decision extended Parliament's influence over all expenditure categories, shifting dynamics from Council dominance and enabling amendments that increased funding for migration and Ukraine aid in recent budgets.[50][61]Oversight of the European Commission
The European Parliament holds significant oversight over the European Commission through its role in the appointment process, requiring an absolute majority vote to elect the Commission President following nomination by the European Council, which takes into account European Parliament election results.[62] This process, formalized under Article 17(7) of the Treaty on European Union, ensures parliamentary legitimacy, as demonstrated in July 2024 when Ursula von der Leyen was re-elected as President with 401 votes in favor out of 720 MEPs.[63] Commissioners-designate, proposed by member states, undergo individual hearings before parliamentary committees to assess their suitability, expertise, and independence; the Parliament then votes on the entire College of Commissioners, which must secure an absolute majority for approval before formal appointment by the European Council.[64] In November 2024, the Parliament approved von der Leyen's proposed Commission by 374 votes to 108, reflecting a right-leaning composition influenced by the 2024 election outcomes, though several nominees faced scrutiny over potential conflicts or policy alignments.[63] Ongoing scrutiny mechanisms enable the Parliament to monitor Commission activities, including weekly oral question sessions in plenary, written questions requiring responses within three weeks, and committee-specific interrogations on policy implementation.[65] These tools, expanded through interinstitutional agreements like the 2016 Framework Agreement on Arrangements for Cooperation, allow MEPs to probe executive decisions, budgetary execution, and compliance with EU law, fostering accountability without formal veto powers over individual acts.[66] For instance, parliamentary committees regularly summon Commissioners for reports on areas such as trade or competition policy, with non-compliance potentially escalating to plenary debates. The Parliament's ultimate sanction is the motion of censure under Article 234 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, which can force the Commission's collective resignation if passed by a two-thirds majority of votes cast and representing an absolute majority of all component members.[67] No such motion has ever succeeded since direct elections began in 1979, but the threat prompted the 1999 resignation of the Santer Commission amid allegations of fraud and nepotism, after a censure debate exposed systemic irregularities without a vote.[67] Recent attempts, including motions against von der Leyen's Commission in July 2025 over vaccine contract transparency—backed by far-right and left-wing fringes but rejected 360-175—underscore the instrument's role in political pressure rather than routine dismissal, often serving as a proxy for broader ideological contests.[68] This power, while rarely invoked successfully, reinforces the Commission's dependence on parliamentary confidence, distinct from national parliamentary systems where individual ministers can be ousted.[69]Additional Supervisory Functions
The European Parliament exercises additional supervisory functions through the establishment of temporary committees of inquiry, oversight of the European Ombudsman, and structured dialogues with independent bodies such as the European Central Bank (ECB). These mechanisms enable scrutiny of potential maladministration or contraventions of EU law beyond the direct oversight of the Commission, extending to member states' implementation of EU policies and the operations of other EU entities.[7] Under Article 226 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), Parliament may set up a committee of inquiry upon request from at least one-quarter of its members to investigate alleged contraventions or maladministration in the implementation of EU law, without prejudice to national authorities' powers. Such committees operate for a maximum of 12 months, possess powers akin to those of parliamentary committees—including summoning witnesses and demanding documents—and produce reports with recommendations that may lead to further legislative or political action. Historical examples include the 1997 committee on the bovine spongiform encephalopathy (BSE) crisis, which examined regulatory failures in food safety across member states, and the 1996-1997 committee on the Community transit system, addressing fraud in customs procedures.[70][71][72] Parliament appoints the European Ombudsman for the duration of its legislative term, renewable once, following a secret ballot requiring an absolute majority; the current Ombudsman, Teresa Anjinho, assumed office on 27 February 2025. Established under Article 228 TFEU, the Ombudsman investigates complaints from EU citizens or residents regarding maladministration by EU institutions, bodies, offices, or agencies—such as procedural delays, lack of transparency, or unfair treatment—and conducts own-initiative inquiries into systemic issues. The Ombudsman submits an annual report to Parliament on inquiry outcomes, prompting potential parliamentary responses like resolutions, referrals to committees of inquiry, or calls for institutional reforms to address identified shortcomings.[73][74][75] In the monetary policy domain, Parliament conducts regular scrutiny of the ECB via the "monetary dialogue," where the Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs (ECON) holds quarterly hearings with the ECB President to assess policy decisions, inflation targets, and financial stability measures. This practice, formalized since the 1999 launch of the euro and intensified post-2008 financial crisis, allows MEPs to question ECB actions despite the bank's formal independence under Article 130 TFEU, with sessions covering topics like interest rate adjustments and quantitative easing programs; for instance, the March 2025 dialogue addressed euro-area monetary policy amid persistent inflationary pressures.[76][77][78]Membership Structure
Allocation of Seats and Representation
The allocation of seats in the European Parliament follows the principle of degressive proportionality, as stipulated in Article 14(2) of the Treaty on European Union, whereby representation is proportional to population size but with a decreasing ratio of seats to inhabitants as population increases, ensuring smaller member states receive greater per capita representation than larger ones.[79] This system guarantees a minimum of six seats per member state while capping any single state at 96 seats, with the overall total limited to no more than 751, though the current composition stands at 720 seats for the 2024-2029 term following adjustments approved by the European Council in September 2023.[79][80] The method aims to balance demographic disparities across the 27 member states, but results in significant inequalities: for instance, a citizen in Malta (six seats for 0.5 million people) has approximately 20 times the voting weight in the Parliament compared to a citizen in Germany (96 seats for 84 million people).[81] Seat numbers are determined prior to each election by the European Council acting unanimously on a proposal from the European Parliament, reflecting population changes and adhering to treaty limits without requiring treaty amendments for adjustments within the cap.[79] For the 2024-2029 legislature, 15 additional seats were distributed to 12 states experiencing relative population growth or to refine proportionality, increasing the total from 705.[80] The distribution favors federal balance over strict population parity, a compromise rooted in intergovernmental negotiations to accommodate diverse state sizes from Germany (largest) to Malta (smallest).[81]| Member State | Seats |
|---|---|
| Germany | 96 |
| France | 81 |
| Italy | 76 |
| Spain | 61 |
| Poland | 53 |
| Romania | 33 |
| Netherlands | 31 |
| Belgium | 22 |
| Czechia | 21 |
| Greece | 21 |
| Hungary | 21 |
| Portugal | 21 |
| Sweden | 21 |
| Austria | 20 |
| Bulgaria | 17 |
| Denmark | 15 |
| Finland | 15 |
| Slovakia | 15 |
| Ireland | 14 |
| Croatia | 12 |
| Lithuania | 11 |
| Estonia | 7 |
| Latvia | 9 |
| Slovenia | 9 |
| Cyprus | 6 |
| Luxembourg | 6 |
| Malta | 6 |
Political Groups and Voting Blocs
Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) organize into political groups based on shared political affinities rather than national origins, enabling coordinated influence over legislative processes.[84] To form a group, at least 23 MEPs elected from a minimum of seven member states—representing one-quarter of the EU's total—are required, a threshold established in the Parliament's rules of procedure.[84] [85] Groups may form at any time during the five-year parliamentary term, though new ones typically emerge shortly after elections; MEPs cannot belong to more than one group simultaneously.[84] Political groups wield significant institutional advantages, including proportional allocation of committee seats, speaking time in plenary sessions, office space, staff resources, and financial support from the Parliament's budget.[84] Each group elects a chair or co-chairs and a bureau to manage internal affairs, set positions on legislation through discussion, and scrutinize committee reports before plenary votes.[84] While group positions guide amendments and voting recommendations, MEPs are not bound by them, though empirical analyses show high intra-group voting cohesion, often exceeding 90% on key issues, reflecting ideological alignment and strategic incentives.[86] These groups function as primary voting blocs, facilitating majority-building for passing legislation under procedures like the ordinary legislative process, where absolute majorities of 361 out of 720 MEPs are often needed.[84] Ad hoc alliances across groups occur for specific votes, such as the 2024-2029 term's initial support for centrist coalitions on Commission appointments, but persistent fragmentation—exemplified by rising seats for non-mainstream groups—has complicated stable majorities compared to prior terms.[87] Following the June 6-9, 2024, elections, which elected 720 MEPs, eight political groups were constituted by July 2024, alongside 33 non-attached members.[39] The largest remains the European People's Party (EPP), a center-right group of Christian democratic and conservative parties with 188 seats, followed by the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) holding 136 seats as social democrats.[39] [88] Renew Europe, comprising liberal and centrist parties, secured 77 seats; the Greens/European Free Alliance (Greens/EFA), focused on environmentalism and regionalism, holds 53.[39] On the right, the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group, emphasizing national conservatism and EU reform, has 78 seats, while the newly formed Patriots for Europe (PfE), uniting sovereignist and right-wing parties including those led by Viktor Orbán and Marine Le Pen, claims 84 seats, surpassing the prior Identity and Democracy bloc.[39] The Left, representing radical left and communist parties, has 46 seats; Europe of Sovereign Nations (ESN), a smaller eurosceptic group including Germany's AfD, totals 25.[39]| Political Group | Seats | Ideological Orientation |
|---|---|---|
| EPP | 188 | Center-right, Christian democratic/conservative |
| S&D | 136 | Center-left, social democratic |
| PfE | 84 | Right-wing sovereignist |
| ECR | 78 | Conservative, EU reformist |
| Renew Europe | 77 | Liberal, centrist |
| Greens/EFA | 53 | Green, regionalist/left |
| The Left | 46 | Radical left |
| ESN | 25 | Eurosceptic sovereignist |
| Non-attached (NI) | 33 | Independents |
Member Qualifications, Salaries, and Expenses
Eligibility to serve as a Member of the European Parliament (MEP) requires citizenship of an EU member state, attainment of the minimum age stipulated by that state's law—typically 18 years but 21 in nine member states including Bulgaria, Cyprus, and Czechia—and possession of active electoral rights without deprivation under national law.[90] Candidates must also satisfy any further conditions imposed by the member state for eligibility to its national parliament, such as residency requirements or absence of certain criminal convictions.[91] The 1976 Act on the Election of European Parliament Representatives by Direct Universal Suffrage harmonizes these basics across the EU, ensuring passive electoral rights align with national standards while prohibiting discrimination based on nationality within the EU.[92] Incompatibilities bar MEPs from holding national parliamentary seats or executive positions like minister or secretary of state, enforcing a full-time commitment to the European Parliament; dual mandates were phased out by 2009 under the Members' Statute to prevent divided loyalties and resource conflicts.[93] Additional prohibitions include roles in regional assemblies or as paid advocates for EU institutions, with the Parliament's Rules of Procedure and national laws providing mechanisms for verification and resignation if conflicts arise.[94] MEP salaries are standardized under the 2005 Statute for Members, set at 38.5% of a Court of Justice of the European Union judge's basic salary, yielding €10,927.44 gross monthly as of April 1, 2025, with €8,517.01 net after EU taxes and compulsory insurance deductions; this amount is funded from the Parliament's budget and exempt from national income taxes in principle, though some member states impose supplementary levies.[95] Pensions accrue at 3.5% of the final salary per full year of service (plus pro-rata for partial years), payable from age 63 and capped at 70% of salary, with contributions from both the EU budget and individual deductions.[95] Expenses are covered through flat-rate allowances rather than itemized reimbursements to simplify administration. The general expenditure allowance provides €4,950 monthly for costs like constituency office rental, IT equipment, and communication, reduced by half for low attendance at plenary sessions without justification.[96] A daily subsistence allowance of €350 compensates for accommodation and meals during official duties, halved for excessive absences from roll-call votes or non-EU travel.[96] Travel to Brussels or Strasbourg sessions is reimbursed at business-class airfares, first-class rail, or €0.58 per kilometer (up to 720 km), plus fixed supplements; official trips abroad are budgeted separately, while personal constituency travel caps at €5,500 annually.[96] Medical expenses receive two-thirds reimbursement under EU staff rules, and an end-of-mandate allowance equals one month's salary per year served (maximum two years).[96]| Allowance Type | Amount (as of 2024/2025) | Purpose |
|---|---|---|
| General Expenditure | €4,950/month | Office, IT, communications in member state |
| Daily Subsistence | €350/day | Accommodation, meals for official duties |
| Travel Reimbursement | Varies (e.g., business class, €0.58/km) | Sessions and official travel |
Electoral Framework
Mechanics of Elections
The elections to the European Parliament are mandated by Article 14(3) of the Treaty on European Union to be conducted by direct universal suffrage in free and secret ballots, with members serving five-year terms.[97] This framework was first implemented through the Council Act of 20 September 1976, enabling the inaugural direct elections in June 1979 across the then-nine member states.[97] Subsequent polls occur in a synchronized period spanning Thursday to the following Sunday, typically in early June to align national schedules while respecting varying public holidays; the 2024 elections, for example, ran from 6 to 9 June.[97] Eligibility extends to all EU citizens aged 18 or older on election day who are resident in an EU member state, allowing them to vote and stand as candidates in their country of residence rather than nationality, as established by Council Directive 93/109/EC.[97] Candidate age minima are set by national law, commonly 18 or 21 years, and dual candidacy across states is prohibited to prevent conflicts.[97] Member states handle voter registration, campaigning rules, and financing under their domestic procedures, though EU-level transparency requirements apply to European political parties.[97] The voting system requires proportional representation in each member state to reflect vote shares in seat allocation, using either closed or open party lists or the single transferable vote, with preferential voting optional in list systems.[97] National variations include constituency design—ranging from nationwide single constituencies to regional subdivisions—and electoral thresholds, such as France's 5% national minimum or Germany's 5% effective threshold, to curb excessive fragmentation while complying with EU proportionality mandates.[97] [98] No uniform EU electoral law exists, despite repeated proposals, leaving implementation to member state legislation subject to EU principles.[97] Seat distribution among states follows degressive proportionality under Article 14(2) TEU, granting smaller member states disproportionately more seats per capita to balance influence against population disparities, with each state allocated at least six seats and no more than 96.[97] The European Council determines precise quotas via qualified majority, as adjusted post-enlargements; for the 2024–2029 term, this yields 720 total seats, up from 705 previously to account for demographic shifts without exceeding treaty caps.[97] [99] Within states, seats are apportioned proportionally post-election based on validated votes, with ties resolved nationally.[97]Voter Turnout Trends
Voter turnout in elections to the European Parliament, held every five years since direct elections began in 1979, has generally lagged behind national parliamentary elections across member states, reflecting perceptions of the Parliament as a secondary arena with limited direct policy influence. Overall turnout declined progressively from the inaugural vote until reaching a nadir in 2014, before partially rebounding in subsequent cycles amid heightened EU salience from issues like migration, Brexit, and geopolitical tensions.[100]| Election Year | Overall EU Turnout (%) |
|---|---|
| 1979 | 61.99 |
| 1984 | 58.98 |
| 1989 | 58.41 |
| 1994 | 56.67 |
| 1999 | 49.51 |
| 2004 | 45.47 |
| 2009 | 42.97 |
| 2014 | 42.61 |
| 2019 | 50.66 |
| 2024 | 50.74 |
Outcomes and Shifts in the 2024 Elections
The 2024 European Parliament elections occurred between 6 and 9 June 2024 across the European Union's 27 member states, electing 720 members of the European Parliament (MEPs).[102] The results showed stability for the center-right European People's Party (EPP), which secured 188 seats and remained the largest political group.[82] The center-left Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) obtained 136 seats, while the liberal Renew Europe group fell to 77 seats.[82] The Greens/European Free Alliance declined to 53 seats, the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) rose to 78 seats, and The Left maintained 46 seats.[82] A notable development was the formation of the Patriots for Europe (PfE) group, comprising 84 MEPs primarily from former Identity and Democracy (ID) affiliates, Hungarian Fidesz, and other nationalist parties, signaling fragmentation and realignment on the right.[82] Non-attached members totaled 33 seats.[82] The combined pro-European centrist groups (EPP, S&D, Renew) held 401 seats, sufficient for a slim absolute majority but narrower than in prior terms due to losses among S&D, Renew, and Greens.[103][82]| Political Group | Seats (2024-2029) |
|---|---|
| EPP | 188 |
| S&D | 136 |
| Renew Europe | 77 |
| Greens/EFA | 53 |
| ECR | 78 |
| Patriots for Europe | 84 |
| The Left | 46 |
| Non-Inscrits | 33 |
| Total | 720 |
Organizational Operations
Presidency and Internal Governance
The President of the European Parliament is elected by Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) for a non-renewable term of two and a half years, with elections held at the constitutive sitting following European elections and midway through each parliamentary term.[107] The election requires an absolute majority of votes cast; if no candidate achieves this in the first two ballots, the candidate receiving the most votes in the third ballot is elected.[108] The President represents the Parliament in external relations with other EU institutions and bodies, oversees plenary debates and the application of the Rules of Procedure, and signs the EU budget alongside the President of the Council and legislative acts adopted under the ordinary legislative procedure.[107] The President's duties include determining the agenda for plenary sessions in coordination with other bodies, referring legislative proposals to committees, and announcing the outcomes of votes; they also represent Parliament at European Council meetings, where they may intervene on matters concerning the Parliament's prerogatives.[107] In exercising these functions, the President maintains political neutrality, though candidates are typically nominated by the largest political groups through informal intergroup agreements to ensure broad support.[107] Internal governance is primarily managed through the Bureau and the Conference of Presidents. The Bureau comprises the President, 14 Vice-Presidents, and five Quaestors, all elected by Parliament for two-and-a-half-year terms renewable once; it is responsible for drawing up Parliament's agenda, adopting the estimates for the preliminary draft budget, and overseeing administrative, financial, and organizational arrangements, including staff matters.[109] The Quaestors, elected by secret ballot after the President and Vice-Presidents, focus specifically on the administrative and financial entitlements of MEPs and their working conditions, providing advisory input to the Bureau without voting rights on most decisions.[109] The Conference of Presidents, consisting of the President and the chairs of the political groups (with one non-voting representative from non-attached Members), coordinates the organization of Parliament's work, including the drawing-up of the plenary agenda, legislative planning, and proposals on committee composition and competences.[109][110] It meets twice monthly in non-public sessions to discuss relations with other institutions, national parliaments, and third countries, and to allocate responsibilities among delegations; decisions are typically adopted by consensus to reflect the Parliament's multipartisan nature.[109][111] These bodies ensure efficient decision-making while balancing the influence of political groups, though the Conference's role in agenda-setting can prioritize consensus-driven priorities over minority initiatives.[109]Committees, Delegations, and Intergroups
The European Parliament's standing committees, numbering 20 with four associated sub-committees as of July 2024, handle preparatory legislative work, policy scrutiny, and oversight across domains such as foreign affairs, budgets, and public health.[112] These bodies, whose compositions were approved by MEPs on 17 July 2024 following the 2024 elections, typically comprise 25 to 80 members each, apportioned proportionally among political groups, with chairs allocated by group agreement.[112] For instance, the Committee on Security and Defence (SEDE) and the Committee on Public Health (ENVI sub-aspect) each have 43 members, while a special committee on the European Democracy Shield was established with 33 members to address foreign interference risks.[113] Committees operate through rapporteurs who draft reports and amendments, influencing plenary votes, though their decisions require full assembly ratification; adjustments to sub-committees, such as those for SEDE and public health, were adopted on 18 December 2024 to adapt to emerging priorities.[114] Parliamentary delegations, totaling 48 standing interparliamentary bodies in the 2024-2029 term—four more than the prior legislature—facilitate dialogue with parliaments in non-EU countries, regions, and organizations to advance EU foreign policy objectives and multilateral cooperation.[115] [116] Their bureaus, comprising chairs and vice-chairs from diverse political groups, were elected between 30 September and 16 October 2024, with the Conference of Delegation Chairs led by Andreas Schwab from January 2025 onward.[116] Delegations conduct visits, exchanges, and joint parliamentary committees, as exemplified by a seven-member trade delegation to New Delhi in October 2025 discussing EU-India relations, thereby enabling MEPs to monitor and influence external agreements without formal decision-making authority.[117] Intergroups consist of 28 informal groupings authorized in December 2024 for the 10th parliamentary term, allowing MEPs from varied political affiliations to exchange views on cross-cutting topics such as anti-corruption, investment attraction, and traditional minorities.[118] Under Rule 35 of the Parliament's Rules of Procedure, adopted 12 July 2024, intergroups lack official status, cannot represent Parliament's positions, and receive no dedicated resources or secretariat support from the institution; they must secure voluntary staffing and funding while adhering to transparency rules on activities.[119] Authorization requires a minimum number of MEPs from at least three political groups, with prohibitions on lobbying or partisan advocacy, ensuring they serve solely as platforms for non-binding discussions amid criticisms that some prior intergroups blurred lines with interest representation.[120]Proceedings, Voting, and Multilingual Support
Plenary sessions constitute the primary forum for proceedings in the European Parliament, where Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) debate and vote on legislative proposals, following preparatory work in committees and delegations. These sessions typically occur for four days each month, primarily in Strasbourg, with additional mini-sessions or extraordinary meetings held in Brussels as needed. The agenda is determined by the Conference of Presidents, comprising the Parliament President and group leaders, ensuring structured debates on reports, resolutions, and oral questions to the Council and Commission.[121] [122] Voting in the Parliament occurs predominantly during plenary sessions within the hemicycle, utilizing an electronic system where MEPs insert identification cards to register votes in real-time, displayed on screens for transparency. Votes are generally conducted by show of hands or electronic roll-call, with the latter required for politically sensitive matters or upon request, ensuring accountability. For adopting legislative acts under the ordinary legislative procedure, an absolute majority of component members—defined as more than half of all MEPs, including those absent—is necessary, while simple majorities suffice for non-legislative resolutions. Censure motions against the Commission demand a two-thirds majority of votes cast, representing an absolute majority of component members.[123] Multilingual support underpins all proceedings to uphold linguistic equality, with interpretation provided simultaneously into all 24 official EU languages during plenary debates and committee meetings, employing a relay system through pivot languages like English, French, or German to manage complexity. The Parliament maintains one of the world's largest interpreting services, facilitating MEPs' use of their preferred official language without restriction. Documents, including legislative texts and amendments, are translated into all 24 languages, with the translation service processing millions of pages annually to ensure accessibility and legal authenticity across linguistic versions.[124] [125] [126]Physical and Administrative Arrangements
Seat Locations and Logistics
The European Parliament maintains three distinct workplaces across Strasbourg, Brussels, and Luxembourg, as established by the Edinburgh European Council decision of 11-12 December 1992 and codified in Article 341 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. Strasbourg, France, serves as the official seat, hosting the majority of plenary sessions where the full assembly of 720 Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) convenes to debate and vote on legislation. Twelve plenary sessions occur annually in Strasbourg, typically one per month excluding August, which is substituted by a shorter session in Brussels.[127] Brussels, Belgium, functions as the primary venue for parliamentary committees, political group meetings, and additional part-sessions, accommodating the bulk of preparatory legislative work. The city's facilities, including the Paul-Henri Spaak building, support around 20-25 committee meetings per month and enable ongoing interactions closer to other EU institutions like the Commission and Council. Luxembourg houses the administrative Secretariat, handling budgeting, human resources, and translation services for the Parliament's 24 official languages, with over 2,000 staff based there.[128] Logistics for this multi-seat arrangement involve significant monthly relocations, dubbed the "travelling circus," where MEPs, aides, and documents shuttle between Brussels and Strasbourg for plenary weeks. This process incurs annual costs estimated at €114 million, covering transport for thousands of personnel, freight of over 7,000 documents, and temporary setups in Strasbourg's Louise Weiss building. Environmentally, the operation generates approximately 20,000 additional tonnes of CO2 emissions yearly from travel alone, primarily via road and air between the sites.[129][130]Debates on Seat Relocation and Efficiency
The European Parliament conducts its plenary sessions primarily in Strasbourg, France, for twelve four-day periods annually, while committee meetings and additional sessions occur in Brussels, Belgium.[131] This arrangement, formalized by the 1992 Edinburgh Agreement and embedded in EU treaties, necessitates monthly relocation of over 700 members of the European Parliament (MEPs), thousands of staff, and administrative resources, often termed the "travelling circus."[132] [133] Debates on consolidating operations to a single seat, typically proposed for Brussels, center on efficiency and cost. The European Court of Auditors estimated in 2014 that the Strasbourg operations incur at least €114 million annually in direct relocation expenses, including transport, temporary accommodations, and duplicated infrastructure maintenance.[129] [134] Relocating all activities to Brussels could yield recurring savings exceeding 10% beyond initial projections, potentially totaling €2.5 billion over 50 years when accounting for reduced administrative overhead.[135] [133] Proponents argue this dispersal causes operational inefficiencies, such as lost working days for setup and transit—equivalent to several weeks annually per MEP—and elevated carbon emissions from travel, estimated at 20,000 tonnes yearly in earlier assessments.[136] [137] Opposition, led by France and Germany, invokes legal and symbolic rationales. Treaty amendments require unanimous member state approval, which France has consistently withheld, viewing Strasbourg as a post-World War II emblem of Franco-German reconciliation and a counter to centralization in Brussels.[131] [138] Advocates for retention claim it combats Euroscepticism by distributing EU presence beyond national capitals and sustains regional economies, though critics note these benefits accrue disproportionately to French interests without offsetting broader EU-wide inefficiencies.[132] [139] The Parliament has repeatedly urged relocation via non-binding resolutions, including post-Brexit pushes, but progress stalls at the intergovernmental level.[140] In 2023, MEP travel costs to Strasbourg alone reached €20.7 million, underscoring persistent fiscal strain amid unchanged logistics.[141] Empirical analyses prioritize causal factors like political compromise over operational merit, revealing the setup as a legacy of diplomatic inertia rather than deliberate design.[142]Financial Dimensions
Annual Budget and Operational Costs
The European Parliament's annual budget constitutes approximately 1% of the total EU general budget and one-fifth of the administrative expenditures across all EU institutions. For 2024, this amounted to roughly €1.89 billion, drawn entirely from the EU's general budget, which is funded primarily through member state contributions based on gross national income, customs duties, and other own resources. The budget is proposed annually by the Parliament's Secretary-General in February, preliminarily adopted by the Bureau, scrutinized by the Committee on Budgets, and voted on by MEPs in April and December plenary sessions, with final approval requiring alignment with the Council of the EU.[143][143][143] Expenditures are categorized into administrative, staff-related, and operational areas, with staff costs forming the largest share at 34% for salaries and related expenses, followed by 20% allocated to members' allowances, travel, and general expenditure reimbursements. Other key allocations include 11% for buildings and infrastructure maintenance across multiple sites, 8% for information technology systems, 8% for contract agents and linguistic services to support multilingual operations in 24 official languages, 7% for communications and public information activities, 6% for political groups, parties, and foundations, and 3% each for general administration and other staff-related costs.[143][143]| Category | Percentage of Budget | Approximate Annual Amount (2024, € billion) |
|---|---|---|
| Staff expenses | 34% | 0.64 |
| Members' allowances and travel | 20% | 0.38 |
| Buildings and infrastructure | 11% | 0.21 |
| IT systems | 8% | 0.15 |
| Contract agents/linguistic services | 8% | 0.15 |
| Communications | 7% | 0.13 |
| Political groups/parties/foundations | 6% | 0.11 |
| Administration and other staff costs | 6% | 0.11 |