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Federal Land Development Authority

The Federal Land Development Authority (FELDA), or Lembaga Kemajuan Tanah Persekutuan in , is a Malaysian established on 1 July 1956 under the Land Development Ordinance 1956 to eradicate by clearing undeveloped lands, developing them into agricultural estates, and resettling landless smallholders—primarily ethnic s—into self-sustaining farming communities focused on cash crops like rubber and oil palm. FELDA's resettlement model provided each family unit with approximately 4 hectares of , initial for planting, , and , financed through loans repaid via crop revenues, enabling rapid scaling to over 400 settlements that house successive generations of more than 100,000 original settler families and manage vast estates contributing significantly to Malaysia's position as a leading global exporter. This state-led initiative achieved notable success in transforming impoverished rural populations into productive agricultural stakeholders, with showing substantial income gains and among participants compared to non-FELDA rural baselines, though long-term has been challenged by rising operational costs, market volatility, and the shift toward . In the , FELDA's commercial arm, Felda Global Ventures (FGV), underwent public listing amid promises of enhanced dividends, but the process drew scrutiny for alleged overvaluation, lapses, and subsequent accumulation exceeding RM40 billion, prompting bailouts and highlighting tensions between original poverty-alleviation goals and modern pressures.

History and Establishment

Founding and Early Objectives (1956–1960s)

The Federal Land Development Authority (FELDA) was established on July 1, 1956, as a federal statutory body under the Land Development Ordinance No. 20 of 1956, with an initial government capital allocation of RM10 million. This creation marked a key response to widespread rural poverty and landlessness in post-colonial Malaya, particularly among the Malay peasantry, by institutionalizing large-scale land opening and resettlement as a tool for economic upliftment. FELDA's core early objectives centered on eradicating through the development of underutilized forested s into productive agricultural holdings, primarily for cultivation such as rubber, while providing with , , and steady opportunities. The agency targeted landless rural families, with a focus on Malays to address ethnic economic disparities inherited from colonial resource extraction, aiming to boost national and export revenues without relying on foreign plantations. These goals aligned with broader pre-independence alleviation efforts, emphasizing supervised group farming to overcome individual smallholder limitations in capital and expertise. In its formative years through the 1960s, FELDA prioritized pioneering settlements in , launching its inaugural scheme at Lurah Bilut near , , in 1957, which involved clearing jungle for 300 settler families on 4-hectare plots each. By the mid-1960s, the authority had initiated over a dozen schemes, resettling thousands while establishing like roads, clinics, and schools to foster self-sustaining communities, though early challenges included disease outbreaks and labor-intensive clearing that delayed yields. Expansion remained rubber-centric, reflecting global market demands, but laid groundwork for later diversification amid fluctuating commodity prices.

Expansion and Scheme Implementation (1970s–1990s)

During the 1970s, FELDA's land development schemes expanded rapidly under the (NEP) introduced in 1971, which prioritized alleviation and economic restructuring by resettling landless families on developed plots. The Second Malaysia Plan (1971–1975) targeted 275,000 acres of new development, but FELDA surpassed this by achieving 406,878 acres through integrated schemes that included jungle clearing, infrastructure provision, and crop planting, primarily oil palm (61.3% of acreage) and rubber. By December 1976, cumulative developed land reached 813,000 acres, with 516,000 acres allocated to oil palm and 283,000 to rubber, reflecting a strategic pivot toward higher-yield perennial crops to boost settler incomes. Major projects like the Jengka Triangle—launched in 1967 and substantially advanced by 1975 with 13 schemes covering 100,000 acres and resettling 4,300 families—exemplified this phase, incorporating phased settlement, housing, schools, and subsistence support until crop maturity. Implementation processes standardized around allocating 4–6 hectares per settler family, providing initial wages, tools, and fertilizers while FELDA managed until individual plots became viable, typically after 3–5 years for rubber or 4 years for oil . From 1971 to 1980, FELDA resettled approximately 43,000 families across new and ongoing schemes, supported by government loans, financing, and loans from the , which were repaid ahead of schedule.14/3.pdf) The saw further acceleration, with large regional initiatives such as Keratong (55,000 acres) and Johor Tenggara (75,000 acres), emphasizing contracted development to speed and planting amid rising global demand. Oil palm dominance grew, comprising over 80% of new plantings by mid-decade, as rubber yields proved less competitive. By the early 1990s, FELDA had implemented 317 schemes totaling around 450,000–500,000 hectares, resettling 112,635 families—predominantly Malays—who achieved average household incomes exceeding national rural averages through export-oriented production. Expansion tapered as available diminished and priorities shifted to scheme maintenance, with no new settlements opened after 1990, marking the end of FELDA's core resettlement era. This period's success stemmed from centralized planning and crop specialization, though it relied heavily on subsidized credit and state oversight to mitigate risks like fluctuating commodity prices.

Corporatization and Restructuring (2000s–2010s)

In the early 2000s, FELDA faced pressures from maturing resettlement schemes, declining government funding, and the need to sustain operations amid volatile prices, prompting a shift toward to enhance commercial viability while preserving its social mandate. By this period, FELDA had expanded beyond core into unrelated sectors such as , , and property development, which strained its statutory framework and highlighted inefficiencies in its government-linked structure. These developments marked a departure from FELDA's original focus on , as the agency to adopt models for better and global competitiveness. A key milestone occurred in 2007 with the incorporation of Felda Global Ventures Holdings Sdn. Bhd. (FGV) as a wholly owned to consolidate FELDA's commercial plantation operations, overseas investments, and downstream activities, separating these from the authority's oversight functions. This entity was designed to professionalize , including processing and trading, allowing FELDA to approximately 350,000 hectares of to FGV for operational control while retaining ownership. The move aligned with broader Malaysian government efforts to corporatize state entities, aiming to inject capital and expertise into FELDA's expanding portfolio without diluting its resettlement role. The restructuring culminated in FGV's (IPO) on on June 28, 2012, which raised RM10.5 billion at RM4.55 per share, marking the world's second-largest IPO that year and valuing the company at over RM27 billion. Announced by in October 2011, the listing enabled FELDA to monetize assets, fund international expansion in , and reduce reliance on domestic schemes, with shares surging 20% on debut amid investor enthusiasm for its integrated model. Post-IPO, FELDA's structure bifurcated further, with FGV handling revenue-generating ventures—generating over RM1 billion annually from plantations prior to the listing—while the authority focused on settler welfare and scheme sustainability. This phase, however, exposed vulnerabilities, as FELDA's profitability began declining after 2012 due to debt accumulation and market fluctuations, setting the stage for later interventions.

Organizational Structure and Governance

Management and Administrative Framework

The Federal Land Development Authority (FELDA) functions as a under the Land Development Ordinance of 1956 (Act 474), with its management framework centered on a that provides oversight and strategic direction. The Board is chaired by a Chairman appointed by the responsible, who holds office at the Minister's pleasure; as of July 2025, Dato' Sri Ahmad Shabery bin Cheek serves in this role following his reappointment. Board membership includes representatives from federal and state governments, ensuring alignment with national and regional policies. Operational administration is headed by the Director-General, who acts as the chief executive responsible for implementing Board directives and managing daily affairs. Dr Suzana Idayu Wati Osman was appointed to this position on November 5, , becoming the first woman to hold the role, succeeding Amiruddin Abdul Satar. FELDA operates under the Prime Minister's Department, integrating its activities with broader federal land and initiatives. The administrative hierarchy features specialized divisions reporting to the Director-General, including departments for , , , , and settler management, which coordinate schemes, , and compliance with statutory mandates. This structure supports FELDA's core functions of rural resettlement and agricultural expansion, with headquarters located at Menara FELDA in . Recent governance enhancements, such as board updates, aim to address operational efficiencies amid evolving economic pressures.

Settler Scheme Oversight

The Federal Land Development Authority (FELDA) oversees settler schemes through a scheme-level administrative framework, where each is managed by an appointed scheme manager as stipulated under Section 36 of the Federal Land Development Authority Act 1965. This manager is responsible for supervising daily operations, ensuring adherence to agricultural standards, and coordinating provision, including roads, electricity, water supply, schools, and clinics upon settlers' entry into the . Financial oversight forms a core component, with settlers allocated individual plots of approximately 4 hectares under a loan repayment scheme covering land preparation, housing, and initial inputs for crops such as oil palm or rubber. Managers monitor installment payments deducted from crop revenues, managed via the scheme's (Koperasi Penyelesaian Felda, or KPF), which FELDA administers to handle dividends, savings, and shareholdings in affiliated entities like Felda Global Ventures (FGV). Upon full repayment, typically over 15-20 years, settlers receive freehold titles, transitioning oversight from direct management to supportive roles focused on and diversification. Agricultural and socioeconomic supervision includes extension services for best practices in replanting and harvesting, as well as programs for education loans and incentives up to level for ' children. In cases of non-compliance or underperformance, FELDA retains to intervene, such as resuming of surrendered plots, with indicating that in some schemes, up to 56.8% of retain self-management while others revert to FELDA control. Post-2010s , while FGV handles commercial plantations, FELDA maintains direct settler oversight through KPF administration, though critics argue this structure limits settler autonomy by vesting control with FELDA officers rather than fully empowering cooperatives.

Land Development and Operations

Resettlement Schemes and Processes

FELDA's resettlement schemes targeted landless rural poor in , primarily Malays, to cultivate cash crops and achieve self-sufficiency. From 1958 to 1990, the authority established 317 schemes across approximately 450,000 hectares, resettling 112,635 families, with most areas developed for oil palm and rubber production. The development process commenced with land acquisition from state governments, followed by forest clearing, soil preparation, and infrastructure construction including roads, water systems, electricity, schools, and clinics, financed through government grants and international loans from institutions like the . Initial crop planting was often undertaken by FELDA before settler arrival to ensure viability. Settler selection emphasized Malaysian citizens from impoverished rural backgrounds with no or minimal land ownership—typically less than two acres—and prioritized married men aged 18 to 35 who were physically capable of farming. Upon selection, each family received a 4-hectare agricultural plot and a 0.1-hectare house lot equipped with a two-bedroom wooden dwelling. Loans covered farm inputs, housing, and subsistence, repayable over 15 years via deductions from crop revenues managed collectively by FELDA. Successful repayment granted settlers freehold titles issued by the state, transferring land ownership while FELDA retained oversight through regional management units and settler cooperatives for marketing and services. Post-1990, FELDA ceased opening new schemes, redirecting efforts to replanting, maintenance, and economic diversification within existing settlements.

Regional Operations, Including Sarawak

FELDA's regional operations in are structured through decentralized management units that oversee clusters of resettlement schemes, facilitating efficient coordination of land clearing, planting, harvesting, and settler support services across states like , , and , where the majority of schemes are concentrated due to available land resources. These regions handle localized challenges, including for and rubber plantations, infrastructure maintenance such as roads and systems, and community programs for and healthcare, with administrative oversight from FELDA's central headquarters in . By 2020, such regional frameworks supported operations across approximately 850,000 hectares of developed land, primarily in eastern and southern . In , FELDA maintains a limited but established presence with three resettlement schemes integrated into the broader East Malaysian context, focusing on oil palm development similar to Peninsular models. In contrast, hosts only one FELDA at Kampung Sampadi in Lundu District, near , initiated for oil palm cultivation but structured differently from standard schemes, lacking the full-scale resettlement model typical elsewhere. This minimal footprint reflects FELDA's historical emphasis on , with East Malaysian land development largely delegated to state agencies; however, in February 2023, FELDA and the Sarawak government agreed to establish a joint action committee to explore development of FELDA-held lands in the state, potentially signaling future initiatives. Such efforts aim to align with Sarawak's native customary rights frameworks while prioritizing sustainable agricultural expansion.

Economic Activities and Diversification

Core Agricultural Focus: Palm Oil and Rubber

The Federal Land Development Authority (FELDA) established its core agricultural operations around rubber and oil palm cultivation to support smallholder resettlement schemes, prioritizing crops with export potential to drive rural economic development. Rubber dominated early initiatives from the 1950s to 1960s, leveraging Malaysia's pre-independence expertise in latex production for international markets, with settlers allocated plots averaging 4 hectares each for tapping and processing. However, persistent challenges including volatile global prices, competition from synthetic rubber, and lower land productivity—yielding approximately 1-1.5 tons of dry rubber per hectare annually—limited long-term viability. By the late , FELDA shifted emphasis to , recognizing its superior agronomic and economic attributes: yields of 3-5 tons of crude per under managed smallholder conditions, far exceeding rubber's output and enabling quicker returns within 3-4 years of planting. This transition aligned with national policy to capitalize on rising global demand for vegetable oils, as oil palm required less labor post-maturity while generating higher settler incomes—often doubling rubber earnings through fresh fruit bunch sales to centralized mills. By September 1985, FELDA had resettled 90,471 families across schemes where 59% of holdings were devoted to oil palm, 40.3% to rubber, and minimal other crops, reflecting the crop's ascendance in land allocation. FELDA's oil palm focus scaled national production, managing estates that by 2001 encompassed 18.7% of Malaysia's total planted oil palm area and contributed 20.6% of the country's crude output, underscoring its role in elevating Malaysia to the world's second-largest . Rubber persisted in select schemes for diversification and as a buffer against palm risks, but its share dwindled amid replanting incentives favoring oil palm hybrids with enhanced disease resistance and bunch yields up to 20-25 tons of fresh fruit per . These crops collectively underpinned FELDA's model of supervised farming, with technical support for fertilization, weeding, and harvesting to sustain yields above independent smallholder averages, though mature stands post-25 years necessitated replanting cycles. Economically, oil palm's integration into FELDA operations boosted export revenues, with the crop's high oil extraction rate (20-22% from bunches) and versatility for , oleochemicals, and biofuels driving household incomes to exceed thresholds in successful schemes. Rubber, while foundational, transitioned to or phased replanting with oil palm to mitigate income volatility from latex price dips below RM 2 per kg in the . This dual-crop strategy, enforced through FELDA's centralized procurement and subsidies, ensured scheme sustainability but highlighted oil palm's causal primacy in achieving scale: by the , it accounted for over two-thirds of FELDA's agricultural output value, cementing its status as the authority's economic engine.

Corporate Ventures and Broader Investments

In the , FELDA established the Felda Investment Corporation Sdn Bhd (FIC) as its dedicated arm for non-plantation s, aiming to generate sustainable returns through diversification into sectors such as property development and . FIC's explicitly excludes plantation-related activities, focusing instead on unrelated commercial opportunities to broaden FELDA's revenue streams beyond . FIC has pursued hospitality ventures by managing a portfolio of FELDA Residence properties across , including sites in , , , , and , which provide lodging and related services. Internationally, FIC acquired The Park City Grand Plaza Kensington in , a 198-unit serviced complex, for £98 million in 2013, marking one of FELDA's early forays into overseas real estate assets. Another notable acquisition was the Grand Borneo in on May 28, 2013, aimed at expanding regional holdings despite the property's prior operational losses. These investments were intended to leverage and urban demand, though they have contributed to FIC's accumulated exceeding RM1.7 billion as of 2024. In property development, FIC operates through subsidiaries like FIC Integrated , undertaking urban and commercial projects to capitalize on Malaysia's growing needs. Since the , FELDA has progressively formed private corporate entities for such non-agricultural diversification, including joint ventures in downstream and commercial activities, though many remain tied to supporting settler economies indirectly. Parallel to FIC's efforts, FELDA's flagship commercial subsidiary, (established in 2007 as Felda Global Ventures), has extended into , consumer products, and sugar refining, reducing commodity-specific risks while managing international downstream assets. However, FGV's core remains agribusiness-integrated, with non-palm ventures like sugar operations serving as supplementary diversification rather than standalone corporate pivots.

Achievements and Socioeconomic Impacts

Poverty Reduction and Settler Empowerment

The Federal Land Development Authority (FELDA) targeted eradication by resettling landless households on cleared and developed , primarily for oil palm and rubber cultivation. Established in , FELDA's schemes addressed land scarcity and among poor Malays, with 72% of participants being landless prior to settlement. By the early , the authority had resettled 112,635 families across 317 schemes encompassing roughly 450,000 hectares, allocating each family approximately 4 hectares of productive land, basic housing, and communal infrastructure such as roads, schools, and clinics. This structured approach shifted participants from subsistence farming or wage labor to commercial agriculture, generating steady income through crop sales and profit-sharing. Empirical outcomes demonstrate significant poverty alleviation, as settlers' average net monthly incomes rose above the national poverty line, often reaching 3 to 3.5 times rural poverty thresholds based on socio-economic surveys. For instance, early evaluations indicated incomes sufficient to cover amortization of development loans within 15-20 years, after which families gained freehold title to their plots. Collectively, these efforts lifted an estimated 1 million individuals, including settlers and descendants, out of poverty by providing diversified revenue streams from agribusiness dividends alongside crop yields. Independent assessments attribute this success to FELDA's centralized management of planting, harvesting, and marketing, which minimized risks for smallholders lacking capital or expertise. Settler empowerment extended beyond income gains, encompassing land tenure security and skill-building that promoted self-reliance. Participants received training in modern farming techniques, enabling transitions to and entrepreneurial activities post-amortization. Community facilities fostered social stability, with provisions for and healthcare contributing to intergenerational mobility; second-generation settlers often pursued or off-farm ventures using scheme dividends. This model transformed landless rural poor into stakeholders in a vertically integrated , reducing dependency on informal economies and enhancing household resilience against agricultural volatility. While later financial pressures challenged , initial phases evidenced causal links between resettlement, elevation, and reduced incidence among beneficiaries.

Contributions to National Economy

FELDA's primary economic contributions stem from its management of extensive oil palm and rubber , which underpin Malaysia's position as a leading global exporter of . Through its commercial operations, including subsidiary Berhad, FELDA produces approximately 2.62 million metric tons of crude palm oil (CPO) annually from a landbank exceeding 438,000 hectares in and , accounting for a notable share of the national output of around 19.2 million metric tons in 2024. This production supports Malaysia's sector, which generated RM107 billion in export earnings in 2022, bolstering and contributing roughly 2.7-3% to via agricultural value chains. In fiscal year 2024, FGV reported revenue of RM22.2 billion, driven predominantly by CPO and related products, reflecting FELDA's role in channeling rural agricultural output into international markets and downstream processing industries such as refining and oleochemicals. These revenues indirectly enhance national fiscal inflows through taxes, royalties, and supply chain multipliers, while FELDA's settler schemes—supporting over 112,000 families—generate sustained household incomes that stimulate local consumption and reduce urban-rural economic disparities. Beyond direct agricultural yields, FELDA's diversification into corporate ventures and investments has amplified its macroeconomic footprint by fostering technology adoption in plantations and linkages to non-agricultural sectors, thereby promoting long-term gains and against . This integrated approach has historically enabled FELDA to integrate smallholder into efficient supply chains, elevating Malaysia's competitive edge in global trade despite challenges like fluctuating yields and labor dynamics.

Controversies and Criticisms

Financial Scandals and Mismanagement

The Federal Land Development Authority (FELDA) has faced multiple allegations of financial mismanagement, particularly in its investment arm Bhd (formerly FELDA Global Ventures), culminating in significant asset impairments and crises. A White Paper detailed eight questionable investment transactions, including overpayments for overseas properties such as the Grand Plaza Serviced Apartments in , where FELDA allegedly overpaid approximately RM180 million for a RM538 million acquisition. These deals, scrutinized in a forensic , resulted in RM2.2 billion in asset impairments, representing about 50% of the initial investments, attributed to weak and oversight failures. Corruption investigations by the (MACC) intensified scrutiny, with raids on FGV's headquarters in June 2017 targeting officials for alleged and graft following the suspension of then-CEO Mohd Iskandar Musa. Former FELDA chairman Tan Sri was charged in December 2018 with one count of criminal breach of trust and nine counts of receiving RM3 million in bribes related to company contracts, leading to a 2021 conviction and six-year sentence. However, the Court of Appeal acquitted and discharged him in March 2024, citing insufficient evidence of dishonest intent. Separate probes revealed irregularities like the free transfer of RM270 million in FELDA-owned properties to another entity without board approval. FELDA's liquidity eroded dramatically, with cash reserves plummeting from RM2.5 billion in prior years to RM35 million by May 2018, exacerbated by FGV's post-2012 IPO performance where shares fell 70% from their debut value despite raising over $3 billion. Reckless diversification into non-core assets, including unprofitable ventures abroad, contributed to annual losses peaking at RM4.9 billion by 2017, while subsidiaries like Felda Technoplant faced operational mismanagement. More recent cases include a June 2024 MACC probe into a RM2 million syndicate involving FELDA land sales in and . FGV's investment arm reported RM1.7 billion in short-term debt and a RM77 million net loss as of December 2022, underscoring persistent lapses. These issues have prompted calls for , though some charges, such as those against former board member Noor Ehsanuddin Mohd Dahlan, were withdrawn without full public explanation.

Environmental, Labor, and Sustainability Challenges

FELDA's operations have been associated with significant , particularly through the clearing of natural forests for new plantations and expansions. In , subsidiaries under Felda Global Ventures (FGV), FELDA's commercial arm, developed s after the moratorium on such activities, releasing stored carbon and exacerbating haze risks. drainage for oil has also led to and reduced long-term agricultural viability, with studies estimating high carbon emissions from such conversions. Labor challenges in FELDA plantations primarily involve migrant workers from countries like , , and , who comprise a large portion of the . Investigations have documented forced labor, via recruitment fees exceeding $2,000 per worker, physical abuse, and passport confiscation, prompting the (RSPO) to suspend one FGV mill and four plantations in 2018 for rights violations. In 2020, U.S. Customs and Border Protection issued a order on FGV imports due to evidence of forced labor, including underage workers and inadequate wages below Malaysia's minimum. Settlers themselves face intergenerational labor burdens, with second- and third-generation families often tied to low-yield plots amid declining productivity and debt from scheme loans. Sustainability efforts, such as FGV's RSPO membership since 2006, have been undermined by repeated non-compliance, including withdrawal of 58 mills from certification in 2016 amid probes and ongoing supply chain grievances. palm oil reliance has caused soil nutrient depletion and pest vulnerabilities, reducing yields over time without diversification, while labor instability risks workforce shortages as younger Malaysians avoid plantation work. These factors threaten FELDA's model, with international buyers like suspending purchases from non-compliant suppliers, potentially eroding economic viability amid global demands for zero- commitments.

Settler Welfare and Intergenerational Issues

The majority of FELDA settlers, approximately 69%, are 61 to 79 years old, presenting significant challenges as the original participants and face declining physical for agricultural labor. This demographic shift has led to increased reliance on foreign workers, who comprised 85% of labor in 2015, reducing opportunities for local and exacerbating economic dependency among elderly whose incomes are tied to volatile dividends from FELDA Global Ventures shares post-2012 IPO. issues, including functional deficits and caregiving burdens, further strain family units, with many second-generation members having migrated to areas, leaving elderly parents isolated. Intergenerational issues compound concerns, as 96% of express disinterest in continuing work, driven by preferences for opportunities and perceptions of as unviable amid market volatility and risks. Land inheritance is restricted under the Group Settlement Areas Land Act 1960, which differs from the National Land Code, causing delays, heir disputes, and administrative complexities upon a settler's death, often resulting in land being managed by appointed administrators rather than transferred directly to . These barriers create for second- and third-generation families, potentially leading to underutilized plantations and failure to sustain the original poverty-alleviation model. Proposed reforms include adopting gifting mechanisms and revising agreements to facilitate equitable , alongside incentives for involvement through and diversification.

Recent Developments and Reforms

Delisting, Restructuring, and Policy Shifts (2020s)

In August 2025, FELDA successfully acquired 94.97% of 's shares through an unconditional voluntary takeover offer, surpassing the 90% threshold required to trigger mandatory delisting from Bursa Malaysia's Main Market. Trading in FGV shares was suspended on August 25, 2025, with official delisting effective August 28, 2025, after 12 years as a publicly listed entity stemming from its 2012 . This marked FELDA's second delisting attempt within five years, following a failed effort amid disputes and underperformance concerns, during which FGV's stock had declined approximately 70% from its IPO peak. The delisting enabled FGV's under FELDA's direct control, providing greater operational flexibility unencumbered by public market reporting and quarterly pressures, while reaffirming continuity in core plantation activities, settler commitments, and sustainability initiatives. Malaysian stated that the move freed FELDA to independently determine FGV's strategic direction, emphasizing its role as a national asset for long-term viability rather than short-term shareholder returns. FELDA described the privatization as the onset of a phase to bolster , optimize upstream operations, and enhance downstream value chains, including potential divestments of non-core assets acquired during prior expansions. Concurrently, policy shifts in the mid-2020s addressed intergenerational challenges and financial . In 2025, Anwar directed FELDA to submit a comprehensive reform plan within one month, focusing on to safeguard welfare amid declining yields and burdens from earlier mismanagement. By October 2025, Deputy Prime Minister announced reforms targeting second- and third-generation settlers, including enhanced programs, economic diversification beyond dependency, and improved quality-of-life measures such as and healthcare access in schemes. These initiatives aimed to adapt FELDA's model to demographic shifts, with incomes reportedly rising 68% to an average of RM4,200 monthly between 2015 and 2024, though critics noted persistent vulnerabilities in commodity price volatility and disputes.

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