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Jebus

Jebus was an ancient city-state and fortified stronghold inhabited by the , located on the ridge corresponding to the southeastern sector of modern , known today as the . Archaeological findings, including carbon-dated structures and fortifications, indicate continuous settlement in the area from at least the Early , predating Israelite presence and supporting its role as a regional hub amid city-states. The city's strategic position, defended by sheer cliffs and a water system possibly exploited during sieges, rendered it impregnable to early Israelite attempts at conquest, as referenced in biblical accounts where Judahite forces failed to dislodge its occupants. Circa 1000 BCE, King of captured Jebus through a tactical assault involving the city's water shaft, renaming the stronghold and establishing it as his capital, thereby unifying Israelite tribes under a central and laying foundational significance for subsequent Judean and Israelite history. This event, detailed in 2 Samuel 5:6–9, involved Jebusite defenders' derisive claim that "the blind and the lame" could repel invaders—a phrase interpreted as either literal vulnerabilities or symbolic of cultic idols—marking a pivotal shift from autonomy to Israelite dominance, though debates persist among scholars regarding the conquest's violence versus potential negotiated integration of elements into David's administration. The , a of descended from Hamitic lineages per 10:16, persisted marginally post-conquest, with figures like selling threshing floors to , highlighting cultural continuity amid political upheaval.

Etymology and Name

Linguistic Origins

The name Jebus (Hebrew: יְבוּס, Yəḇûs) derives from the Hebrew root בּוּס (bûs), a meaning "to trample down" or "tread underfoot," which conveys the idea of a place that has been stamped or trodden, akin to a where is separated by foot or animal trampling. This aligns with ancient Near Eastern practices of on elevated, hard-packed surfaces, potentially reflecting the site's topography or function before its . Lexical analyses, such as those in , explicitly link Yəḇûs to a "trodden" or "threshing-place," emphasizing its descriptive rather than proper-name origin in Hebrew. As a pre-Israelite toponym associated with the , the name likely originated in Northwest linguistic traditions shared with languages like and Phoenician, though no direct attestations or cognates appear in extrabiblical texts such as Ugaritic tablets or Amorite inscriptions. Scholarly proposals for broader connections, including to Akkadian terms for or , remain speculative and unsupported by primary epigraphic evidence, with Jebus confined primarily to usage without independent archaeological or corroboration as a place name. This scarcity underscores the challenges in tracing beyond interpretive Hebrew derivations.

Relation to Jerusalem

The Hebrew Bible explicitly equates Jebus with Jerusalem, portraying it as the pre-conquest name of the city inhabited by the Jebusites. In Judges 19:10, a Levite traveling from Bethlehem reaches "Jebus (that is Jerusalem)" during his journey, underscoring the site's dual nomenclature in early Israelite accounts. Similarly, 1 Chronicles 11:4 states that "David and all Israel went to Jerusalem, which is Jebus," prior to the assault on its fortifications. These references position Jebus as the indigenous designation for the fortified settlement on the Ophel ridge, later integrated into the broader urban area known as Jerusalem. David's conquest around 1000 BCE marked the transition from Jebus to the "," a renaming that symbolized Israelite political dominance without implying physical relocation or discontinuity. Biblical narratives describe this shift immediately following the capture, with the site fortified and repurposed as the royal capital (2 Samuel 5:6-9). The change reflects causal dynamics of conquest, where victors impose to legitimize control, as evidenced by the absence of archaeological breaks in settlement layers at the . Mainstream scholarship affirms this identification through convergence of textual, topographical, and stratigraphic data, rejecting fringe proposals—such as those suggesting Jebus lay separately north of —as unsupported by extra-biblical evidence or surveys. These views, occasionally advanced in older or minimalist interpretations, fail to account for the unified I-II remains at the core Jerusalem tell, prioritizing instead unsubstantiated geographic speculation.

Biblical References

Mentions in the Hebrew Bible

The Hebrew Bible references Jebus primarily as a fortified Canaanite city inhabited by the Jebusites, often in the context of incomplete Israelite conquests during the tribal allotments following the exodus from Egypt. In the Table of Nations, Genesis 10:15-16 lists the Jebusites among the descendants of Canaan, son of Ham, framing them ethnically as part of the broader Canaanite lineage alongside groups such as the Sidonians, Hittites, and Amorites. This genealogical note establishes Jebusites as indigenous to the region without detailing their specific territorial holdings. Joshua 15:63 records that the tribe of Judah failed to dislodge the Jebusites from Jerusalem—explicitly identified as their city—resulting in coexistence: "As for the Jebusites the inhabitants of Jerusalem, the children of Judah could not drive them out: but the Jebusites dwell with the children of Judah at Jerusalem unto this day." A parallel account in Judges 1:21 attributes similar persistence to the tribe of Benjamin, noting the Jebusites' continued presence in Jerusalem despite allotments to Judah and Benjamin in the tribal divisions of Canaan. These verses portray Jebus as a resilient Canaanite enclave amid the broader narrative of partial Israelite settlement. Judges 19:10 mentions Jebus in a of travel, where the traveler dismisses staying in Jebus () due to its non- status, opting instead for among fellow : "But the man would not tarry that night in Jebus." This equates Jebus directly with and underscores its foreign character to early society. Later, 2 Samuel 5:6 describes defending the city against , taunting that "the blind and the lame" could repel invaders, highlighting its reputation as a stronghold. These textual instances collectively depict Jebus as a persistent holdout in the heart of emerging territory.

The Jebusite City in Judges and Samuel

In the , Jebus is depicted as a foreign city inhospitable to , exemplified in the account of a traveling from to with his concubine and servant. Approaching Jebus (identified as ) late in the day, the servant advises against staying there, stating it belongs to the and they would not be welcomed, prompting the group to proceed instead to the Israelite town of in Benjaminite territory. This narrative underscores Jebus's status as a non-Israelite enclave amid Israelite settlements, highlighting risks to travelers in its midst during a period of tribal fragmentation. The Book of 2 Samuel further portrays Jebus as a strongly fortified stronghold whose inhabitants exuded confidence in their defenses against Israelite incursion. When and his men advanced on the city, the Jebusites taunted, "You will not come in here, even the blind and the lame will turn you away," reflecting their belief in the impregnability of their position. This defiance emphasized Jebus's role as a persistent holdout, separate from emerging Israelite control despite proximity to Judahite and Benjaminite lands. These depictions align with the earlier note in that the tribes of and Benjamin failed to dislodge the from , allowing them to dwell alongside "to this day." The persistence of Jebusite control illustrates underlying disunity among Israelite tribes, who did not fully consolidate the central highlands against remnants, leaving the city as an independent entity until later conquest.

Conquest and Transition to Israelite Control

David's Capture of Jebus

Following his consolidation of power as king over the united tribes of around 1000 BCE, led his forces against Jebus, the fortified Jebusite city straddling the border between and . The , confident in their defenses, mocked the attackers, claiming that even "the blind and lame" could repel them. motivated his warriors by declaring that whoever first struck down the and entered the city via the tsinnor—a water shaft providing access to an underground water source—would be appointed commander of his army. Joab, David's nephew and a seasoned commander, seized the opportunity and led the assault through the shaft, successfully breaching the impregnability of Jebus's walls and securing the citadel of . This tactical exploitation of the city's water system vulnerability—likely a conduit linking the interior to the outside—proved decisive in overcoming the otherwise formidable fortifications. For his initiative, was rewarded with the supreme military command, a position he held throughout David's reign. Upon capture, renamed the stronghold the and established it as his royal residence and the capital of the kingdom, initiating expansions and fortifications radiating from the . This move neutralized a long-standing enclave, enabling administrative control over a strategically central, defensible site that unified disparate Israelite factions under David's rule without immediate displacement of the Jebusite population.

Archaeological Corroboration of the Conquest

Excavations in the have revealed extensive fortifications originating in the (c. 2000–1550 BCE), including massive walls and terrace systems near the , which were reinforced and utilized through the Late (c. 1550–1200 BCE) and into I (c. 1200–1000 BCE), corroborating the existence of a defended Jebusite stronghold at the time of David's conquest around 1000 BCE. A rock-cut , dated to the early and measuring up to 7 meters deep and 30 meters wide, further attests to advanced defensive engineering that separated the core settlement from the and areas, likely predating or contemporaneous with the biblical capture. The system, an underground water tunnel complex first explored in the 1860s and radiocarbon-dated to the Late Bronze Age, connects the to the interior fortress and has been identified by archaeologists as a probable match for the tsinnor (water shaft) referenced in 2 5:8, through which led David's forces to breach the defenses. This feature, traversable by handholds and steep inclines, would have provided a strategic vulnerability exploited during a , aligning with the biblical account of the ' overconfidence in their impregnable position. Stratigraphic sequences from multiple digs, including those by Yigal Shiloh and Ronny Reich, show occupational continuity from Late Bronze into IIA without widespread destruction layers or ash deposits precisely datable to c. 1000 BCE, suggesting the conquest involved a targeted assault or capitulation rather than city-wide devastation, with Jebusite structures subsequently incorporated into the expanded Israelite capital. Pottery and building phases indicate gradual integration, supporting a scenario of strategic takeover over catastrophic ruin.

Jebusites as Inhabitants

Ethnic and Cultural Identity

The Jebusites are depicted in the Hebrew Bible as a Canaanite tribe originating from the lineage of Canaan, the son of Ham, enumerated among the descendants in Genesis 10:15–16 alongside groups such as the Sidonians, Hittites, and Amorites. This Hamitic genealogy positions them within a broader ethnogenetic framework of Near Eastern peoples associated with pre-Israelite inhabitants of the Levant, though biblical texts treat these subgroups as distinct yet interconnected Canaanite entities sharing territorial and cultural overlaps. Archaeological and textual evidence from the Late Bronze Age indicates no pronounced linguistic or material distinctions separating the Jebusites from wider Canaanite populations; rulers of Urusalim (biblical Jebus/Jerusalem) in the Amarna letters, such as Abdi-Heba (c. 1350 BCE), employed Akkadian with embedded Canaanite morphological and lexical features, aligning with regional Semitic practices rather than a unique ethnic marker. Their societal structure emphasized urban settlement, as inferred from biblical accounts of Jebusite landholders like Araunah possessing prominent threshing floors integral to the fortified city's agrarian economy (2 Samuel 24:18–25). This urban orientation reflects Canaanite patterns of city-state organization, with Jebus functioning as a defensible highland stronghold amid alliances and rivalries with neighboring Amorite and Hittite-influenced groups.

Religious Practices and Worship

The Jebusites, identified in biblical texts as a tribe, adhered to practices common among peoples, involving a of deities linked to , , and natural forces. These rituals were depicted as incompatible with Israelite , with Deuteronomy 20:18 condemning worship—including that of groups like the —as abominable, potentially encompassing and other rites prohibited under Mosaic law. Direct evidence specific to Jebusite remains limited, inferred primarily from broader parallels rather than unique artifacts or inscriptions from Jebus itself. A key biblical reference to Jebusite worship appears in the account of (or Ornan) the Jebusite, whose on Mount Moriah purchased in 2 24:18-25 to erect an to after a . Threshing floors in ancient Near Eastern contexts, including ones, often doubled as elevated ritual sites for offerings and invocations, possibly to deities like or local manifestations of , given their exposure to winds and association with harvest abundance. Araunah's willingness to donate the site and oxen for sacrifice suggests it held prior religious significance, though the text does not specify dedication to a particular non-Yahwistic god. Archaeological surveys in the yield no confirmed Jebusite temples, idols, or votive objects, contrasting with richer finds from other centers like ; this paucity may indicate aniconic or landscape-integrated worship rather than monumental structures. Speculative links to fertility cults—drawing on the site's geological prominence and proximity to water sources like the —echo emphases on earth and storm gods but lack empirical corroboration beyond topographic inference, underscoring reliance on biblical typology over material traces. David's repurposing of the exemplifies the Israelite transition, subordinating pre-existing high places to exclusive veneration and highlighting causal displacement of polytheistic elements by monotheistic reform.

Archaeological Evidence

Pre-Israelite Settlements in the City of David

Excavations conducted by in the during the 1960s uncovered stratigraphic evidence of Late Bronze Age occupation, including scattered pottery sherds and building remains indicative of a modest village settlement rather than a fortified urban center. These findings point to limited but continuous habitation from the Middle Bronze Age onward, with no signs of widespread destruction at the transition to the , supporting a gradual expansion of settlement patterns. Subsequent digs by Yigal Shiloh between 1978 and 1985 exposed additional Late Bronze II layers (14th–13th centuries BCE), featuring domestic structures and pottery assemblages that reflect and networks. These strata demonstrate an evolution from a sparse Late Bronze village to a more structured early town, with stratigraphic continuity underscoring pre-Israelite roots in the site's core. Artefacts such as scarabs and imported pottery from these levels evidence external connections, including with , highlighting the site's integration into broader economic spheres prior to the BCE. reconstructions, drawn from the excavated area's size (approximately 10 acres) and density, estimate 500 to 2,000 residents, aligning with a defensible but non-imperial vulnerable to .

Fortifications and Structures Attributed to Jebusites

The , a massive terraced approximately 18 meters high and composed of large, irregularly shaped boulders, has been identified by some archaeologists as a pre-Israelite in the , potentially serving as a rampart base or terrace support dating to the late second millennium BCE. Excavations reveal it adjoins casemate walls and overlies earlier fill, with pottery evidence suggesting construction or use in the I period (circa 1200–1000 BCE), aligning with the era of Jebusite occupation before David's conquest around 1000 BCE. Scholars such as those analyzing Macalister's early 20th-century digs have termed it the "Northern Jebusite Bastion," linking its engineering to defensive reinforcement against assaults on Jerusalem's eastern slope. North of the , a monumental rock-cut , measuring at least 30 meters wide and 9 meters deep, has been uncovered in recent excavations, interpreted as a defensive barrier that isolated the from northern extensions, possibly enhancing Jebusite-era impregnability by channeling attackers into kill zones. This feature, quarried into bedrock during the (circa 1000 BCE or earlier), extends over 70 meters and was probed via salvage digs near the Givati Parking Lot, with stratigraphic layers indicating pre-Davidic origins predating Solomonic expansions. Its design exploited Jerusalem's topography, creating a near-impassable chasm that complemented ridge defenses. Water infrastructure tied to the , including channeled tunnels and shafts, enabled sustained access during sieges, a critical element of resilience as described in biblical accounts of the city's defenses. The engineered subterranean conduits from the spring—Jerusalem's sole reliable water source—allowing fortified retrieval without exposure, with features like (a vertical access of about 40 meters) facilitating covert supply amid encirclement. These systems, carved into limestone karst, date to the onward but were actively maintained into the Jebusite period, underscoring that deterred prolonged blockades.

Recent Excavations and Findings

Excavations directed by in Area G of the from 2005 to 2009 yielded over 70 iconic seals and bullae from contexts, including early phases potentially linked to Jebusite administrative practices through motifs like scarabs and sphinxes in strata predating widespread Israelite dominance. These artifacts, impressed on clay, indicate a level of bureaucratic sophistication in the pre-conquest city, though their exact ethnic attribution remains inferential absent direct inscriptions. In the Givati Parking Lot excavations along the southeastern ridge, ongoing since the early 2000s and detailed in a 2023 publication, archaeologists exposed a rock-hewn roughly 30 meters wide and up to 7 meters deep, radiocarbon-dated to the Early (circa 11th–10th centuries BCE). This feature, separating the from the proper, demonstrates engineered fortifications that would have enhanced defensibility, countering prior scholarly views of as modestly protected during the Late Bronze to Early Iron transition. No post-2000 digs have recovered artifacts explicitly naming "Jebus," underscoring the reliance on contextual , , and stratigraphic sequencing for inferring Jebusite continuity from Late Bronze precedents like Amarna-era references to Urusalim. These findings collectively bolster evidence for a fortified, administratively active settlement persisting into the period associated with Jebusite habitation.

Scholarly Debates and Controversies

Historicity of Biblical Accounts

The biblical narrative in 2 Samuel 5:6-9 depicts (later ) as a formidable stronghold, with its Jebusite defenders boasting that even "the blind and the lame" could repel attackers, underscoring the city's perceived impregnability due to natural topography and engineered defenses; ’s forces ultimately gained entry via the tsinnor, interpreted as a water shaft accessing the , enabling a swift internal breach without prolonged siege. This account aligns with archaeological indications of robust Late fortifications in the area, including walls and terracing that leveraged the site's steep eastern slopes and for defensibility, rendering frontal assaults impractical for contemporary I armies. Empirical support for the conquest's historicity emerges from settlement patterns showing occupational continuity into the early without evidence of catastrophic destruction layers, consistent with a targeted capture exploiting a specific vulnerability rather than wholesale annihilation; this contrasts with typical conquest sites exhibiting burn layers or mass abandonment. The tsinnor—likely correlating to vertical shafts like , dated to around 1000 BCE and providing covert access to the fortified spring—facilitates a causal explanation for rapid Israelite dominance, as control of water sources was critical in sieges, allowing infiltrators to open gates from within and minimize resistance. Arguments dismissing the event due to sparse direct artifacts fail to account for Jerusalem's archaeological biases, including stratigraphic erosion on hilltop tells, extensive stone recycling in later builds, and limited excavation scope amid modern urban overlay, which disproportionately preserve monumental rather than modest conquest traces; thus, absence of unambiguous "Davidic" inscriptions does not negate the narrative's core plausibility when weighed against topographic and hydraulic realities. Such critiques, often rooted in minimalist paradigms prioritizing textual skepticism over material correlations, undervalue how strategic engineering flaws—like unguarded internal shafts—could decisively shift control in pre-industrial warfare.

Minimalist vs. Maximalist Interpretations

In biblical scholarship, minimalist interpretations of Jebus emphasize the absence of extrabiblical textual references to the or the name Jebus itself, positing that these elements constitute late inventions by Israelite scribes to retroject a of and onto Jerusalem's . Scholars associated with the School, such as Niels Peter Lemche, frame early monarchic accounts—including the Jebusite stronghold in 2 Samuel 5—as ahistorical etiologies emerging no earlier than the BCE, reflective of Judahite identity formation amid and Babylonian threats rather than empirical events. This view aligns with broader minimalist skepticism toward pre-9th-century Israelite statehood, attributing Jebusite distinctiveness to fictional othering of predecessors without material distinction. Maximalist scholars counter that such dismissals undervalue convergent archaeological and textual data, affirming the biblical outline of Jebus as a polity conquered circa 1000 BCE by , marking a transition from pre-Israelite to Judahite control. Excavations in the reveal Middle Bronze II (ca. 1800–1550 BCE) fortifications and Late Bronze Age (ca. 1550–1200 BCE) settlements predating Israelite pottery styles, indicating a non-Israelite urban core with distinct cultural markers like collared-rim jars absent in early Judean assemblages. The (SSS), dated by some to the late 12th–early 11th century BCE, exemplifies Jebusite engineering continuity into the Iron I period, challenging claims of seamless Israelite origins for the site. Maximalists integrate these findings with biblical , viewing the texts as mnemonic anchors for verifiable transitions rather than wholesale fabrications. Etymological disputes further highlight the divide: minimalists occasionally decouple "Jebus" (from roots possibly denoting "trampling" or a hydraulic feature) from (Urusalim in , ca. 1350 BCE), proposing it as a misattributed or symbolic toponym unrelated to the city's core. Yet, this separation falters against geospatial alignments, such as the biblical "tsinnor" (water shaft) in the Jebus conquest narrative (2 Samuel 5:8), which matches the complex—an underground tunnel system engineered for defense, dated to the Middle and active into the , enabling access to the without exposing the surface. Such correspondences refute purely inventive origins, underscoring how minimalist prioritizations of textual silence over stratigraphic and hydrological evidence may reflect disciplinary biases favoring deconstructionist paradigms over interdisciplinary synthesis.

Claims of Continuity in Modern Narratives

Modern narratives, particularly in Palestinian nationalist discourse, have asserted direct ethnic continuity between ancient and contemporary to bolster claims of indigeneity in predating Israelite presence. President , for instance, stated in 2018 that descend from the Canaanite who inhabited before King David's conquest around 1000 BCE. Similar assertions trace back to in the , framing as heirs to Jebusite sovereignty to challenge Jewish historical ties to the city. These claims position —a subgroup of Canaanites controlling Jebus (pre-conquest )—as an unbroken lineage, often invoking biblical references to their resistance against 's forces circa 1400–1200 BCE (Joshua 15:63) without addressing post-conquest dynamics. However, no archaeological or textual evidence supports distinct Jebusite ethnic survival into modern populations; following David's capture of the city (2 Samuel 5:6–9), the Jebusites appear to have been assimilated into emerging Israelite society or displaced, ceasing to function as an independent group by the 10th century BCE. Excavations in the City of David reveal material continuity in settlement patterns from Late Bronze Age Canaanite layers to Iron Age Israelite structures, but without markers of preserved Jebusite identity, such as unique pottery styles or inscriptions post-conquest. Genetic analyses further undermine specific Jebusite-Palestinian linkage: ancient DNA from Bronze Age Levantines (Canaanites, including presumed Jebusites) shows that both modern Jewish and Levantine Arab populations, including Palestinians, derive substantial ancestry—over 50% for Jews and 81–87% for Palestinians and Lebanese—from these groups, reflecting regional admixture rather than isolated continuity. This shared Bronze Age Levantine heritage, confirmed in a 2020 study of 93 ancient skeletons, stems from Canaanite populations who intermixed with incoming Israelites, Egyptians, Mesopotamians, and later Arab conquerors after the 7th century CE, diluting any hypothetical Jebusite-specific lineage. Such narratives often prioritize over empirical data, selectively emphasizing Canaanite roots while overlooking Israelite-Canaanite intermarriage documented in biblical texts (e.g., Judges 1:21) and genetic evidence of bidirectional . Politicized appropriations ignore that , as , contributed to the broader from which emerged, with no peer-reviewed study isolating "Jebusite" DNA distinct from general Canaanite profiles. This approach contrasts with verifiable history, where Jerusalem's demographic shifts—via , Babylonian, , , Byzantine, , , and eras—involved successive migrations and conversions, rendering claims of exclusive Jebusite descent unverifiable and anachronistic.

Legacy and Historical Significance

Role in Early Israelite History

The capture of Jebus by King around 1004 BCE marked a turning point in Israelite political consolidation, transforming a stronghold into the nucleus of a centralized monarchy. By seizing control from the , David established a unbound by existing tribal inheritances, which had previously fragmented authority among the Israelite confederacy. This move circumvented entrenched loyalties that favored regional leaders, such as those in (Judah's territory), enabling David to forge a unified kingdom from disparate tribal elements. Jebus's strategic location on the border between and Benjamin provided a neutral ground that mitigated inter-tribal rivalries, particularly the tension between David's southern Judahite base and northern interests. Politically, controlling a fortified, non-Israelite city allowed to develop an independent power base, staffed with loyalists rather than tribal partisans, which was essential for enforcing monarchical authority over a geographically divided populace. This pragmatic selection bridged the Judah-Benjamin divide, as the city's position facilitated access and symbolized equitable rule, reducing the risk of by peripheral tribes. Evidence of Jebusite integration underscores the absorption strategy that sustained this unification, as seen in David's purchase of a from the Jebusite for an site, indicating continued Jebusite landownership and cooperative relations post-conquest. Such interactions reflect a policy of pragmatic incorporation rather than wholesale expulsion, allowing skilled or propertied non-Israelites to contribute to the emerging state apparatus. Theologically, Jebus's repurposing as Jerusalem signified a reorientation from Canaanite cultic influences to exclusive Yahweh worship, culminating in David's transport of the Ark of the Covenant there, which elevated the city as the divine dwelling place. This shift centralized religious authority under the monarchy, intertwining political legitimacy with Yahweh's favor and reinforcing the kingdom's cohesion against polytheistic residues.

Influence on Jerusalem's Development

The Jebusites engineered sophisticated water systems in their city of Jebus, including vertical shafts and tunnels accessing the , which ensured resilience during sieges and shaped the topographic constraints of later . These pre-Israelite infrastructures, such as the complex network beneath the , were retained post-conquest, directly informing Solomonic expansions that extended the city northward while preserving the spring's centrality for water supply and defense. Archaeological evidence from the site's strata indicates these systems influenced the placement of monumental structures, adapting to the steep ridge's natural contours rather than imposing radical alterations. The Jebusite , fortified with walls dating to the Middle Bronze Age, formed the defensible nucleus of , its terraced platforms and strategic elevation guiding Israelite builders in overlaying new constructions without dismantling the underlying framework. Solomonic developments, including and precincts, capitalized on this elevated core adjacent to the purchased Jebusite , integrating the acropolis into a unified royal and cultic complex that amplified the city's symbolic prominence. Etymologically, Jebus derives from the Hebrew root bws, connoting "trodden underfoot" or , which evoked the site's rocky, threshing-floor-like terrain and resonated in imagery as a of subduing fortified heights. This linguistic legacy reinforced Jerusalem's topographic identity as a place of divine assertion over strongholds. Longitudinally, continuous occupation layers from Late Jebusite settlements through early strata verified by established the site's permanence, laying the infrastructural and locational groundwork for Zion's theological conceptualization as an unassailable divine foothold amid demographic expansion.

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